
,1) II'; r; K(^i ^ I ;ki ,.k;o^a i"., O. :\) 



rmrii .iuiH- 4'." li'-l'-l: I 
Pic. I .lilt:. ■-'<'"' 17".'' I 



Au-.-,l .'.•!■ 



THK 



HISTORY 



OF 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 



BY JEREMY BELKNAP, D. D., 

MEMBER OF THE AJIERICAX PIIILOSOrniCAl! SOCIETY, OF THE AMERICAIT ACAD- 
EMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES, AND CORRESPONDING SECRETARY OF 
TlIE MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 



FROM 

A COPY OF THE ORIGINAL EDITION, 

HAVING THE AUTHOR'S LAST CORRECTIONS. 

TO WHICH ARE ADDED 



NOTES, 



CONTAINING VARIOUS CORRICTIONS AND ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE TEXT, 

AND ADDITIONAL FACTS AND NOTICES OF PERSONS AND 

EVENTS THEREIN MENTIONED. 



BY JOHN FARMER, V 

CORRESPONDING SECRETARY OF THE N. H. HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 



VOJL. I. 



DOVER : 
S. C. STEVENS AND ELA & WADLEIGH. 



1831. 



DISTRICT OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE— <o 7cit . 

District Clerk's Office. 
Be it remembered, That on the eighth day of February, A. D. 1831, and 
in the fifty-fifth year of the Independence of the United States of America, 
George W. Ei.a, George WADLEitiii, and Samuel C. Stevens, of the said 
District, have deposited in tliis office the title of a book, the right whereof 
they claim as proprietors in the words following, viz : 

" The History of New-Hampshire. By Jeremy Belknap, D. D., Member 
of the American Philosophical Society, of the American Academy of Arts 
and Sciences, and Corresponding Secretary of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society. From a copy of the original edition, having the author's last cor- 
rections. To which are added Notes, containing various corrections and il- 
lustrations of the text, and additional facts and notices of persons and events 
therein mentioned. By John Farmer, Corresponding Secretary of the N, H. 
Historical Society. Vol. I." 

In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled " An 
act for the encouragement of learning by secui-ing the copies of maps, charts 
and books to the authors and proj)rietors of such copies during the times there- 
in mentioned ;" and also to an act entitled " an act supplementary to an act 
entitled an act for the encouragement of learning by securing the copies of 
maps, charts and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during 
the times therein mentioned, and extending tlie benefits thereof to the arts 
of designing, engraving and etching historical and other prints." 

CHARLES W. CUTTER, 
Clerk of the District Court of the United States, 
for the District of J^cw-Hampshire. 
A true copy of Record. — Attest — 

CHARLES W. CUTTER, Clerk. 



ela and wadleigH, printers. 



/ 






EDITOR'S PREFACE. 



The first volume of the History of New-Hampshire was pub- 
lished at Philadelphia, in 1784, with the following title-page : 
" THE HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. Volume I. 
Comprehending the Events of one Complete Century 
FROM the Discovert of the River Pascataqua. Br Jere- 
my Belknap, A. M. Member of the American Philosophical 
Society held at Philadelphia for promoting useful knovv'ledge. 

Tempus edax rerum, tuque invidiosa vetn&tas, 
Omnia destruitis : vitiataque dentib'is asvi y J 

Paulatim lenta consumitis omnia morte. * ' 

Hsec perstant. Ovid. 

Philadelphia : Printed for the author by Robert Aitken, in 
Market Street, near the Coftee House. M. DCC. LXXXIV." 

The author was then the minister of Dover, and it being diffi- 
cult for him, at such a distance from the press, to superintend the 
publication of the work, it was entrusted to his friend, Ebenezer 
Hazard, Esquire, a gentleman well acquainted with the history 
and antiquities of our country, who faithfully executed the trust 
committed to him. 

The second volume of the work was published at Boston in the 
year 1791, after the author had removed from New-Hampshire, 
•and had been installed over the Congregational church in Federal 
Street. The title of this volume is as follows : " THE HISTO- 
RY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. Volume II. Comprehending 
THE Events of Seventy Five Years, from MDCCXV. to 
MDCCXC. Illustrated by a Map. By Jeremy Belknap, 
A. M, Member of the Philosophical Society in Philadelphia, and 



iv PREFACE. 

of tlie Academy of Arts and Sciences in Massachusetts. Printed 
at Boston for the Author, by Isaiah Thomas & Ebenezer T. An- 
drews, Faust's Statue, No. 45, Newbury Street. MDCCXCI." 
It is believed that there was a reprint of the first volume soon af- 
ter (he publication of the second. 

The work having been nearly all sold, a new edition was called 
for by the public in 1810, and Mr. Samuel Bragg, of Dover, com- 
menced the printing of it from a copy, into which had been tran- 
scribed the marginal notes and corrections made by the author at 
different times in a printed copy which he kept for this purpose. 
The printing had not proceeded far before the office of Mr, Bragg, 
with his printing materials and the corrected copy of the first vol- 
ume, which contained nearly all the corrections and additions 
made to the historical part of the work, was consumed by fire. A 
new edition however appeared in 1812, printed at Dover by John 
Mann and James K. Hemich, for 0. Crosby & J. Varney, but 
without the advantages of the corrected copy of the first volume, 
which had been used by Mr. Bragg, and which it was supposed 
could never be replaced. Some of the copies, and it is believed 
a considerable part of the impression, have a false title page, pur- 
porting that the work was published at Boston by Bradford & Read, 
and that it contains " large additions and improvements from the 
author's last manuscript," but it is not apprehended that either 
the original publishers or printers had any agency in such a gross 
imposition on the public. 

After the copy for the present edition had been prepared for the 
press, I received from John Belknap, Esquire, of Boston, son of 
the venerated author, a letter respecting the work, of which the 
following is an extract. " When I sold to Mr. Bragg and Mr. 
Varney the corrected copy, with the right to print an edition, 
with the corrections, two other copies had all the corrections trans- 
cribed into them, and remain in the family. My object in writ- 
ing, is to offer you an opportunity to avail yourself of these cor- 
rections, in case you proceed in the publication, which may be 
done, by exchanging one of these corrected copies, for a copy of 
your new edition." I lost no time in accepting the kind ofter of 
Mr. Belknap, and soon received the copy which had been corrected 
by the author, together with the original appendix which had been 
prepared by him, and in his hand writing. The corrections and 
additions of the liistorical part have been introduced into this vol- 



PREFACE. V 

urae ; and the appendix of original papers and public documeiits 
has been printed from the manuscript copy of the author. 

In the Notes which I have added to the work, endeavors have 
been made to correct the errors occasioned by the author's reli- 
ance on the authenticity of the Wheelwright deed of 1629 ; to 
supply some facts which had been omitted for want of information, 
and to give short biographical notices of some of the most promin- 
ent characters mentioned in the course of the history. The notes 
which I have added are included within brackets. 

At the head of the left hand page, is the running title of the 
former editions ; at the head of the right hand page, stands the 
name of the governor or chief magistrate for the time being. The 
authorities, which were placed on the side margin of the former 
editions, are here placed next after the text, at the bottom of the 
page. The references to them in the text may be sometimes mis- 
placed, as none had before been used, but they are believed to be 
generally correct. In spelling the names of persons, autographs 
have been followed, whenever they could be obtained. This has 
occasioned a difference in the orthography of the names of Andros, 
Chamberlain, Cutt, Endecott, Godfrey, Holyoke, Leveridge, 
Moodey, Wheelwright and Wiggiu, which were before printed, An- 
drosse, Chamberlayne, Cutts, Endicot, Godfrie, Holiock, Leverich, 
Moody, Whelewright and Wiggen. The name of Pickering was 
often, at an early period, written by those bearing it, Pickeriu. 
The name of Hinckes which occurs a number of times in the 
text should probably be Hinks. The spelling of the names of 
places has been altered in a number of instances ; and the orthog- 
raphy of common words and the punctuation have undergone 
some changes. The latter might have been still further improved. 
In all these alterations, great care has been taken to preserve the 
text unimpaired, and no changes affecting that have been allowed. 

A copious General Index, embracing every important subject 
and every name in the text, notes, and tables to the 418th page, 
has been prepared with considerable labor, but is necessarily omit- 
ted. It may, however, appear with the second volume. 

Concord^ 2 February, 1S31. 



CORRECTIONS. 

Pago 4, ichcrcforCf'in tlie Ctli line, should be xohcreof. 

74, Pcquawct, ill the lf?th line, siionld be Pcquuichct. 
100, in tiie 2d and Ud lines of second note, D December, 1C87, may he 

substituted for (ilioiit the year 1(!H!). 
110, after to, in tlie 20lli line, he should be inserted. 
IIG, insert tlie name of Jolin Cummings as one of the founders of the 

church in Dunstable. 
133, is, in the 11th line, should be his. 
144, the figures 13 against Groton, and under Wounded, shovUdi be placed 

under Capt'd. 
1C4, council, in the 14tli line, should be counsel. 
1G(), Gcn-mcn, in tlie 8th and 9th lines, should be Gcnllcmcn. 
285, St. Frances, in the 10th line, should be St. Francis. 
21)2, Shattack's in the JHli line, should be Skatluck's. 
336, Charlestavm, in the !Hh line, should be Charleston. 
355, neat, in the 40th line, should be 7ict. 
390, which, in the last line of the text, should be with. 

410, the year l(!8l, preceding Job Clements, should be i)laced before 
Robert Mason, and the year 1717, after Job Clements, Dover, should 
be 1()83. 

411, the year 1745, in the first note, should be 1715. 

412, Gumling, in tlie 7th line, sliould be Gamhiing. 

413, the year 1778, in the 2d line, should be 1776. 
416, the year IGO'J, in the 11th line, should be 1609. 

" the list of Treasurers requires the following corrections : 
1800, Thomas W Thompson, Concord, 1810. 
1810, Nathaniel Oilman, Exeter, 1814. 

1814' William Austin Kent, Concord, 1816. 
418, the list of Representatives in Congress requires the following ad- 
dition : ]S2r). Nehemiah Eastman, 2 years. 
" the year 1830, in the last line, should be 1823. 
422, the Ab5. 55 and 59, in the 20th line, should be 58, 59 and 62. 
464, vSier they, in the 41st line, the word freely sliould be inserted, and 
conferred, in the same line, should be confessed. 
" continuance, in the 45th line, sliould be contrivance. 
" admit, in tlic last line, sliould be attaint. 
480, sew, in the 34th line, should be sei-ve. 

It may he gratifying to some readers to know something further respecting 
the three men, wlio commenced the first settlement of New-Hampshire. — 
The following note is tlierefore added. 

Edwauu Hilton lived at Dover between fifteen and twenty j-ears, and 
then removed to Squainscot patent, or Exeter, and died about the year 1671, 
leaving sons. Edward, William, Samuel, and Charles, who administered on 
his estate, which was appraised at £2204. William Hilton removed fiom 
Dover, and his name is found at several places, particular!}' at Newbury, 
where five of his children were born. He was a representative at the Gener- 
al Court at Boston, at the March and May sessions in 1644. He finally re- 
moved to Charlestown, where he died 7 September, 1675. Of David Thomp- 
son I had concluded that nothing farther could be known than what is given 
in the text and notes, page 5, when unexpectedly the Rev. Joseph B. Felt, of 
Hamilton, Massachusetts, sent me from the Mass. Colony Records some ex- 
tracts, which enable me to state, that Thompson took possession of the island 
known by his name, situated within the present limits of the town of Dorches- 
ter, in the vear J62() ; that he died in 1628, or soon after that time, leaving an 
infant son, John, who, in 1618, claimed the island which belonged to his fath- 
er, as he had done before, and which was granted to him by the General 
Court of Massachusetts. Descendants of the Hiltons are numerous in the 
state of New-Ilami)siiire, and in Maine. Of a name so common as that of 
Thompson, it would be diilicult to identify any of the posterity of tlie first 
settler of Little-Harbor. 



PREFACE 

TO THE FIRST VOLUME. 



When a new publication appears, some prefatory account of the reasons 
whicli led to it, and the manner in wliich it has been conducted, is generally 
expected. 

The compiler of this history was early impelled by his natural curiosity to 
inquire into the original settlement, progress, and improvement of the coun- 
try which ga^e him birth. When he took up his residence in New-Hamp- 
shire, his inquiries were more particularl}^ directed to that part of it. Having 
met with some valuable manuscripts which were but little known, he began 
to extract and methodise the principal things in them ; and this employment 
was (to speak in the style of a celebrated modern author) his '• hobby horse." 

The work, crude as it was, being communicated to some gentlemen, to 
whose judgment he ptaid much deference, he was persuaded and encouraged 
to go on with his collection, until the thing became generally known, and a 
publication could not decently be refused. 

He owns himself particularly obliged to the public officers both in this and 
the neighboring state of Massachusetts, under the former as well as the pres- 
ent constitutions, for their obliging attention in favoring him with the use of 
the public records or extracts from them. He is under equal obligation to a 
number of private gentlemen, who have either admitted him to their own 
collections of original papers or procured such for him. In the course of his 
inquiry, he has frequently had reason to lament the loss of many valuable ma- 
terials by fire and other accidents : But what has pained him more severe- 
ly, is the inattention of some persons, in whose hands original papers have 
been deposited, and who have sutfered them to be wasted and destroyed as 
things of no value. The very great utility of a public repository for such 
papers under proper regulations, has appeared to him in the strongest light, 
and he is persuaded that it is an object worthy the attention of an enlighten- 
ed legislature. 

The late accurate and indefatigable Mr. Prince, of Boston, (under whose 
ministry the author was educated, and whose memory he shall always revere) 
began such a collection in his youth and continued it for above fifty years. 
By his will, he left it to the care of the Old Soutli Church, of which he was 
pastor, and it was deposited with a library of ancient books in an apartment 
of their meeting-iiouse. To thif< collection, the public are obliged for some 



viii PREFACE. 

material hints in llio present work, tlie author Jiaving hnd frequent access to 
that library belbro the coninienceinont of the late war. But the use which 
the British troops in 1775 made of that elegant building, having proved latal 
to tills noble collection of manuscripts ; the friends of science and of Ameri- 
ca must deplore the irretrievable loss. JIad we suffered it by the hands of 
Sarticc7is, the grief had been less poignant ! 

Historians have mentioned tiie affairs of New-Hampshire only in a loose and 
general manner. Neal and Douglass, though frequently erroneous, have giv- 
en some hints, which, by the help of original records and other manuscripts, 
have, in tiiis work, been carefully and largely pursued. Hutchinson has said 
many things, which the others have omitted. His knowledge of tiie antiqui- 
ties of the country was extensive and accurate, and tlie public are much 
obliged by the publication of his history ; but he knew more than he thought 
proper to relate. The few publications concerning New-Hampshire, are fu- 
gitive pieces dictated by party or interest. No regular historical deduction 
has ever appeared. The late Mr. Fitch, of Portsmoutii, made a beginning of 
this sort, about the year 17:28. From his papers, some tilings have been col- 
lected, which liave not been met with elsewhere. The authorities from whicii 
information is derived, are carefully noted in the margin. Where no written 
testimonies could be obtained, recourse has been had to the most authentic 
tradition, selected and compared with a scrupulous attention, and with proper 
allowance for the imperfection of jiuman memory. After all, the critical 
reader will doubtless find some chasms, which, in such a work, it would be 
improper to fill by tlie help of imagination and conjecture. 

The author makes no merit of his regard to truth. To have disguised or 
misrepresented facts, would have been abusing the reader. No person can 
take more pleasure in detecting mistakes, than the author in correcting them, 
if he should have opportunity. In tracing the progress of controversy, it is 
impossible not to take a side, tliough we are ever so remote from any personal 
interest in it. Censure or applause, will naturally follow the opinion we 
adopt. If the reader should happen to entertain different feelings from the 
writer, he has an equal right to indulge them ; but not at the expense of 
candor. 

The Masonian controversy lay so directly in the way, that it could not be 
avoided. The rancor shewn on both sides in the early stages of it, has now 
subsided. The present settlement is so materially connected with the gener- 
al peace and welfare of the people, that no wise man or friend to the coun- 
try, can, at this day wish to overthrow it. 

Mr. HcTBBARD, Dr. Mathf.r and Mr. Peniiallow, have published narra- 
tives of the several Indian wars. These have bee^i comi>ared with the pub- 
lic records, with ancient manuscripts, with Charlevoix's history of New- 
France, and with tlie verbal traditions of the immediate sufferers or their de- 
scendants. The particular incidents of these wars, may be tedious to stran- 
gers, but will be read with avidity by the posterity of those, whose misfor- 
tunes and bravery were so conspicuous. As the character of a people must 
be collected from such a minute series, it would have been improper to have 
been less particular. 

The writer has had it in view not barely to relate facts, but to delineate the 
characters, tlie passions, the interests and tempers of the persons who are the 
subjects of his narration, and to describe the most striking features of the 
times in which they lived. How far he has succeeded, or wherein he is de- 
fective, must be left, to the judgment of crery candid render, to which this 
work is most respectfully submitted. 

Dover, June 1, 1784. 



PREFACE 

TO THE SECOND VOLUME. 



When the first volume was printed, I had not seen the ' Political Annals' 
of the American Colonies, published in 1780, by George Chalmers, Esq. 
This gentleman, being in England, was favored with some advantages, of 
which I was destitute ; having access to the books and papers of the Lords of 
Trade and Plantations, from the first establishment of that Board. He seems 
to possess the diligence and patience which are necessary in a historian ; but 
either through inadvertence or want of candor, has made some misrepresen- 
tations respecting New-Hampshire, on which I shall take the liberty to re- 
mark.* 

In page 491, speaking of the first Council, of which President Cutt was 
at the head, he says, ' they refused to lake the accustomed oaths, as the Eng- 
' lish law required, because liberty of conscience was allowed them.' In the 
first volume of my history, page 01, I have said, ' tliey published the com- 
' mission and took the oaths ;' for which I cited the Council records ; and on 
recurring to them, I find the following entry, in the hand writing of Ellas 
Stileman, Secretary. 

' January 21,1679—80. 

' His Majesty's Commissioners, nomynated in said commission, tooke theii 
' respective oathes, as menconed in said commission.' 

That the oaths were really taken, is a fact beyond all dispute ; but if there 
is any ground for what Mr. Chalmers is pleased to call a refusal, it must have 
been respecting the form of swearing ; which was usuall}' done here by lift- 
ing the hand, and not by laying it on the bible, as was the form in England. 
Was it a forced construction of the clause respecting liberty of conscience, 
to suppose, that this indulgence was granted to them ? ' What other use 
could they have made of this liberty, than to act according to the dictates of 
their consciences .'' Is it then consistent with candor, to publish an asser- 
tion, so worded as to adnait the idea, that these gentlemen refused to obey an 

* [It appears from the History of the Rise and Progress of the United 
States of North America, till the British Revolution in 1088, by James Gra- 
ham, Esq., that Mr. Chalmers connnenced his acquaintance with colonial 
history in this country. Prior to the American revolution, he emigrated to 
the American colonies, and settled as a lawyer at Baltimore, but adliering to 
the royal cause, he returned to England, and was rewarded by an appomt- 
ment from the Board of Trade. The North American Review, No. LXX. 
(January, 1831.) p. 170, has pronounced a severe, but probably just sentence 
pp the character of the work above mentioned.] 

2 



X PREFACE. 

essential part of the duly prescribed by the commission, which they under- 
took to execute ? Or is it consistent with the character which lie gives of 
tlie Prt'sident, Cutt, p. 4!)i2, tiiat ' lie was allowed to have been an honest 
' man and a loyal s\ibject ?' The commission required them to take tlie oaths 
of allegiance and supremacy, and an oath of ofiice, wliich last is recited in 
the commission ; but not a word is said of the mode and form, in which the 
oaths should be taken ; neither was it said that they sliould be taken ' as the 
' English law required.' They were therefore lelt at their liberty, to take 
them in any form which was agreeable to their conscience, or their former 
usage. 

In the same page (401) he sa^'s ; ' An Assembly was soon called, which, by 
' means of the usual intrigues, was composed of persons, extremely favorable 
' to the projects of those who now engrossed power.' And in a note (patre 
507) ' the Council transmitted to the towns, a list of those who should be al- 
' lowed to vote.' 

With what propriety can it be said that these gentlemen engrossed power, 
when they were commissioned by the king; audit is acknowledged, that not 
only their appointment, but their entering on office, w£is contrary to their 
inclinations .•" 

That the persons chosen into the Assembly should be ' favorable' to the 
sentiments of the Council, or of ' the wise men of Boston,' was not the result 
of any intrigues ; but because the majority of the people were of the same 
mind. As to sending ' a list of those who should be allowed to vote ;' the 
true state of the matter was this. The commission prf>vided for the calling of 
an Assembly, within three months after the Council sliould be sworn, by sum- 
mons under seal, ' using and observing therein such rules and methods, as to 
' the persons who are to choose the deputies, and tiie time and place of meet- 
' ing, as they (the Council) shall judge most convenient.' The mode which 
they judged most convenient was, to order the select men of the four towns, 
to take a list of the names and estates of their respective inhabitants, accord- 
ing to their usual manner of making taxes, and send it to the Council. The 
Council then issued an oi'der, appointing the persons therein named, to meet in 
their resjiective towns, and elect by a major vote, three persons from each, to 
represent them in a general Assembly, on the IGth of March ; and in the 
order, there is this proviso, * Provided that wee do not intend that what is 
' now df^ne be presidential for the future, and that it shall extend noe farther, 
' than to the calling this first assembly.' 

Now ar the rules and methods of calling an assembly, and the persons who 
were to choose deputies, were left to the discretion of the Council ; what 
mflre proper method could they have taken, than to call for a list of the in- 
habitants and their estates, and by tliat means to determine, who were quali- 
fied in point of property and habitaucy to be electors ? And as the numbers 
were few, and the persons well known, was it not as proper to name thein at 
once, in the writs, ar, to establish qualifications, and appoint other persons to 
judge of those qualifications ; especially when there was no law in force by 
which they could be judged .-' It is observable that each voter was ordered to take 
the oath of allegiance, if he had not taken it before ; and in the list of names 
in the book, a mark is set against several persons, who did not take the oath ; 
and another against those who did not appear at the election. Has this the 
appearance of intrigue ? 

in page 492, he says, ' they were extremely slow in conforming to present 
' requisitions, and passed no laws during the first session.' Having again 
consulted the records, I find in the Journal of the Council this entry, ' At a 
• general Assembly held in Portsmouth, the l(Jth of March, IG79 — bO. Fres- 
' ent, &c. Sundry laws and ordinances made at this session are in anotlier 
' booke, for that purpose.' 

In that other book, a body of laws is recorded, in the sanie hand writing, 
viz. of Stileman the Secretary, which bears the following title ; ' The general 
' laws and liberties of the Province of New-Hampshire, made by the general 
' Assembly in Portsmouth, the IGth day of March, 1679 — 80, and approved by 
' the President and Council.' 

It appears from the books, that this Assembly held four sessions within the 
year, viz. on the 16th of March, the 7th of June, the 19th of October, and the 
7th of December. Ae there is not a particular date to each law, but the whole 



PREFACE. xi 

code bears the date of the first session in March ; it may fairly be inferred, 
that the business was begun in tiie first session, and continued througfh tlie 
other tliree ; and when completed, was immediate!)' sent to England ;. for Mr. 
Chahners himself tells us, that ' the laws which they transmitted, in conlbrm- 
' ity to their Constitution, had not the good fortune to please, and were disap- 
' proved of, by the Lords of the Committee of Plantations, m December, 1061.' 

From this statement it may be concluded, that they were not slower in ' es- 
' saying their legislative talents,' than the necessity of proceeding with due 
deliberation required ; and that there was no just cause for the reproach 
which he has cast upon them. 

In page 494, he gives this account of the character of the people of New- 
Hampshire. * When Crakfif.ld arrived, he found the Province containing 
' four thousand inhabitants, extremely poor from the devastation of the Indian 

* war. But when he spoke contemptuously of the country which he had been 
' sent lo rule, he seems not to have reflected, that all colonies had once known 
' the like pnucity of numbers, the same weakness, and the same poverty ; 
' animated only by a dissimilar spirit from that of New-Hampshire, which 
' now disdained that indrprndence on her neighbors, that other provinces had 
' contended for with enthusiasm. And other plantations, actuated by very 

* different maxims, had not complained, even in their weakest days, of their 

* inabilitv to defend their frontiers, against the attacks of a foe, that has never 
' proved dangerous, except to the effeminate, the factious, or the cvirtirdlij. 
' When New-Plymouth consisted only of two hundred persons, of all ages 

* and sexes, it repulsed its enemies and secured its borders, with a gallantry 
' worthy of its parent country ; because it stood alone, in the desert, without 
' hope of aid.' 

That the people of New-Hampshire ever deserved the character of effem- 
inate or eujvurdhj, can by no means be admitted. Innumerable facts evince the 
contrary beyond a doubt. Had this author ever resided among them, espe- 
cially in time of war, he would have thought quite otherwise of them. That 
the native savages have ' never proved & dangerous foe, to any but the effem- 

* inate, the factious and the cowardly,' is an assertion totally unfounded. — 
Their manner of attacking was always b}' surprise, and the bravest and best 
men may sometimes be deficient in vigilance, where no suspicion of danger 
exists. 

If the people of New-Hampshire ' disdained independence,' let it be con- 
sidered, that they had been, for about 40 years, connected with Massachusetts, 
to their mutual satisfaction ; and the proposed • independence' which ha means 
was but anotlier name for subjection to a landlord. Wiien independence, in 
its genuine meaning, became necessary, in 1776, they freely joined with their 
brethren in asserting it, and in bravely defending it. 

Without any disparagement to the first settlers of Plymouth, who, from the 
year 1G43, were protected by a confederacy of the- four New-England colo- 
nies, it may with truth be said, that the people of New-Hampshii-e were nev- 
er behind them, in vigorous exertions for tlieir own defence, wlien they were 
conducted by officers in whom they could place confidence ; but in Cranfield's 
time, there was no war with the Indians ; though he attempted to frighten 
them into an apprehension of danger, from the Indians, to serve his own pur- 
poses. 

The account which Mr. Chalmers gives of Cranfield's administration differs 
not very materially from mine, except in one instance. 

He represents ' the ministers as very attentive to him, because they deem- 
' ed him gained over to the Independents.' I have met with no evidence of 
this ; the deception, if any, must have been very short lived. 

Mr. Chalmers sa^'s nothing of the prosecution of Moodey, and of Cran- 
field's endeavors to ruin him, for his non-conformity to the Church of Eng- 
land ; but tells us that he ' deemed it unsafe, to remain any longer among the 
' ministers, who ruled an enthusiastic people, with the same sway as did the 
' popish clergy during the darkest ages ;' and that in his letters to England, 
he ' gave warning that while the clergy were allowed to preach, no true alle- 
' gi.ance would be found in those parts.' This ma}" be considered as a corrob- 
orating evidence of his bigotry and intolerance. Truth obliges me to add, 
that his opponents were not deficient in those unhappy qualities, which were 
too much in fashion among all parties in that age. 



xii PREFACE. 

Mr. Chalmers concludes his account of New-Hampshire in these words :-^ 
' Being excluded from the charter granted to Massachusetts, it has continued 
' to the present time, a different, thougli uicunsid crahl e settiement ; ||irregular 
' and factious in its economy, affording no precedents that may be of exem- 
* plary use to otiier colonies. '||* What justice there is in this remark, the 
reader will be able to determine, from the following portion of its history, 
which, after much unavoidable delay, is now submitted to his perusal. 

Boston, August 1, 1791. 

* [The words between parallels appear to be quoted by Chalmers. After 
" irregular," the words, " as we are assured," occur in Chalmers, but are 
omitted by Dr. Belknap.] 



CONTENTS. 



Chapter I.— Discovery of the country. Establishment of the council 
of Plymouth. Their grants to Mason and others. Beginning of the 
settlements at Portsmouth and Dover. Wheelwright's Indian purchase. 
Neal's adventures. Discouragements. Dissolution of the council. — 
Mason's death. Causes of the failure of his enterprise. Page 1 

CHAPTER II.— Troubles at Dover. Settlements of Exeter and Hampton. 
Story of Undf rhill. Desertion of {Mason's tenants. Combinations at 
Portsmouth and Dover. Union of New-Hampshire with Massachu- 
setts. 17 

CHAPTER ill. — Observations on the principles and conduct of the first 
planters of New-England. Cause of their removal. Their religious 
sentiments. Fortitude. Care of their posterity. Justice. Laws. — 
Principles of government. Theocratic prejudices. Intolerance and per- 
secutions. 34 

CHAPTER IV. — Mode of government under Massachusetts. Mason's ef- 
forts to recover the property of his ancestors. Transactions of the king's 
commissioners. Opposition to them. Internal transactions. Mason 
discouraged. 53 

CHAPTER V. — Remarks on the temper and manners of the Indians. The 
first general war with them, called Philip's war. 65 

CHAPTER VI. — Masons renewed efforts. Randolph's mission and trans- 
actions. Attempts for the trial of Masons title. New-Hampshire sep- 
arated from Massachusetts and made a royal province. Abstract of the 
commission. Remarks on it. 85 

CHAPTER VII. — The administration of the first council. Mason's arrival; 
Opposition to him. His departure. State of trade and navigation. 90 

CHAPTER Vin.— The administration of Cranfield. Violent measures.— 
Insurrections. Mason's suits. Prosecution of Moodey and Vaughan. 
Arbitrary measures. Complaints. Tumults. "Weare's agency in Eng- 
land. Cranfield's removal. Barefoote's administration. 96 

CHAPTER IX. — Administration of Dudley as president, and Andros as 
governor of New-England. Mason's further attempts. His disappoint- 
ment and death. Revolution. Sale to Allen. His commission for the 
government. 117 

CHAPTER X. — The war with the French and Indians, commonly called 
King William's war. 124 



xiv CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XI. — The rivil affairs of the province during the administra- 
tions of tJsiier, Partridge, Allen, the Earl of Bellomont and Dudley, 
comprehending the whule controversy with Allen and his heirs. 148 

CHAPTER XH. — The war with the French and Indians, called Queen 
Anne's war. Conclusion of Dudley's and Usher's administration. 166 

CHAPTER Xlll. — The administration of Governor Shute, and his lieuten- 
ants, Vaughan and Wentworth. 184 

CHAPTER XIV. — The fourth Indian war, commonly called the three years' 
war, or Lovewell's war. 197 

CHAPTER XV. — Wentworth's administration continued. Burnefs short 
administration. Belcher succeeds him. Wentworth's death and char- 
acter. 2J8 

CHAPTER XVI. — Dunbar's lieutenancy and enmity to Belcher. Efforts 
to settle the boundary lines. Divisions. Riot. Trade. Episcopal 
Church. Throat distemper. 226 

CHAPTER XVII. — State of parties. Controver.sy about lines. Commis- 
sioner's appointed. Their session and result. Appeals. Complaints. 237 

CHAPTER XVni. — Revival of Mason's claim. Accusations against Bel- 
cher, real and forged. Royal censure. Final establishment of the lines. 
Spanish war. Belcher's zeal and fidelity. His removal. Examination 
of his character. 251 

CHAPTER XIX. — The beginning of Benning Wentworth's administration. 
War opened in Nova-Scotia. Expedition to Cape-Breton ; its plan, con- 
duct and success, with a description of the island, and the city of Louis- 
burg. 2G2 

CHAPTER XX.— Projected expedition to Canada. Alarm of the French 
fleet. State of the frontiers. Peace. 281 

CHAPTER XXI. — Purchase of Mason's claim. Controversy about repre- 
sentation. Plan of extending the settlements. Jealousy and resentment 
of the savages. 2y6 

CHAPTER XXTl. — The last French and Indian war, which terminated in 
the conquest of Canada. Controversy concerning the lands westward 
of Connecticut river. 308 

CHAPTER XXIII. — Beginning of the controversy with Great Britain. — 
Stamp act. Resignation of Benning Wentworth. 326 

CHAPTER XXIV.— Administration of John Wentworth the second. New 
attempt to force a revenue from America. Establishment of Dartmouth 
college. Division of the province into counties. Deatii of Benning 
Wentworth. Complaint of Peter Livius against the governor. Its issue. 
Progress of the controversy with Great Britain. War. Dissolution of 
British government in New-Hampshire. 339 

CHAPTER XXV.— War with Britain. Change of* government. Tempo- 
rary constitution. Independence. Military exertions. Stark's expe- 
dition. Employment of troops during the war. 358 

CHAPTER XXVI. — Paper money. Confiscations. State constitution. — 
Controversy witli Vermont. 378 



CONTENTS. 



XV 



CHAPTER XXVI I. — Popular discontent. Efforts for paper currency. — 
Tender acts. Insurrection. Dignity and lenity of government. Fed^ 
era] constitution. «^9o 



APPENDIX. 



LIST OF PAPERS IN THE APPENDIX. 

Note. Those papers to which a star is prefixed were not published in the 
former editions. 



JVo. Titles. 

1. Copy of a deed from four Indian sagamores to 

Rev. John Wheelwright and otliers, 

2. Letter from Thomas Eyre to Ambrose Gibbins, 

3. Letter from the company of Laconiato Gibbins, 

4. Letter from Gibbins to the company, 

5. Letter from the same to the same, 

6. Letter from Neal and Wiggin to the company, re- 

lating to the division of lands at Pascataqua, 

7. Letter from SirFerdinando Gorges and Capt. John 

Mason to Waniertou and Gibbins, 

8. Letter from Mason to Gibbins, 

9. Letter in answer to the foregoing, 

10. Letter from George Vaughan to Gibbins, 

11. Letter from the same to the same, 

12. ^Combination for government at Exeter, with 

forms of oaths for rulers and people, 

13. ^Combination for government at Dover, 

14. ^Petition of the inhabitants of Portsmouth, 

15. *Declaration of John Allen, Nicholas Shapleigh and 

Thomas Lake, 

16. Report of a conmiittee of reference on the petition 

of Robert Mason, Edward Godfrey and others, 
to the king, 

17. *Commission granted by the general court of Mas- 

sachusetts, for settling disturbances occasioned 
by king's commissioners, 

18. *Address of the town of Dover to the general court 

of Massachusetts, 

19. *Address from Portsmouth to the same, 

20. *Rev. Samuel Dudley's certificate, 

21. * Address of the town of Portsmouth relating to 

Harvard college, 

22. Petition of Robert Mason to the king, 

23. Answer of Massachusetts to Mason and Gorges' 

complaint, 

24. Report of the lords' chief justices, and the king's 

confirmation thereof, 

25. Extract from that part of President Cutt's com- 

mission, in which the claim of Mason is recited, 
2G, *General laws and liberties of the province, 

27. Addiessofthe general court of New-Hampshire 

to the king, 

28. Address from the same to the same, 

29. Robert Mason's mandamus as counsellor, 

30. *The order of the council and general assembly for 

a tax, 

31. Answer to the claim of Mason, 

32. Elias Stileman's answer to Mason's claim, 

33. *Letter from Edward Randolph to the lords of trade 

and plantations, 



Dates. 



Paere. 



17 May, 


1629. 


422 


May, 


1G31. 


422 


5 Dec. 


1632. 


423 


24 June, 


1633. 


424 


13 July, 


1633. 


425 


13 Aug. 


1633. 


426 


5 May, 


1634. 


428 


5 May, 


1634. 


428 


6 Aug. 


1634. 


429 


20 Aug. 


1634. 


431 


10 April, 


1636. 


431 


4 Oct. 


1G39. 


439 


22 Oct. 


1640. 


433 


May, 


1653. 


433 



Nov. 1654. 435 





1661. 


43G 




1665. 


437 


10 Oct. 

9 Oct. 

10 Oct. 


1665. 
1665. 
1665. 


438 
439 
439 




1669. 
1675. 


439 
440 




1676. 


444 




1677. 


449 




1679. 
1680. 


459 
453 


29 Mar. 
11 June, 

30 Dec. 


1680. 
1680. 
1680. 


455 
456 
457 


Mar. 


1681. 
1682. 
1682. 


458 
459 
461 




J683. 


463 



XVI 



CONTENTS. 



34. 'Letter from Edward Gove to the court of sessions, Jan. 1683. 467 

35. Cranfields order for tlie administration of the sa- 

crament accoidin;f to tl»e liturgy, 10 Dec. 1683. 4C7 

36. Information against Joshua Moodey, 16fS3. 467 

37. Second information against the same, 6 Feb. 16H4. 468 

38. Warrant and mittimus against the same, 6 Feb. 1684. 461) 

39. Cranfield's order ibr raising money without an 

assembly, 14 Feb. 1684. 469 

40. Letter from tlio council to Governor Dungan, of 

New-York, 21 Mar. 1684. 470 

41. Address and petition of the inhabitants of Exeter, 

Hampton, Portsmouth and Dover against Cran- 

field, 1684. 471 

42. The deposition of Peter Coffin, relating to Cran- 

fields conduct towards Vaughan, 6 Feb. 1684. 474 

43. The warrant and mittimus to commit Vaughan to 

prison, 6 Feb. 1684. 475 

44. Vaughan's letter and journal in prison, Feb. 1684. 476 

45. Letter from Cranfield and his council to the lords 

of trade, 23 May, 1684. 487 

46. Letter from Cranfield to Sir Leoline Jenkins, 23 May, 1684. 488 

47. Nath'l Weare's first complaint against Cranfield, 1684. 488 

48. Reference of the same to the lords of trade, 11 July, 1684. 490 

49. Letter from the lords of trade to Cranfield, 23 July, 1684. 491 

50. *A brief of the affidavits, objections and replies in 

the case of Weare against Cranfield, before the 

lords of trade and plantations, 10 Mar. 1685. 492 

51. *A brief of Cranfield's commission, and of the evi- 

dence in support of the complaintand againstit, 1685. 496 

52. Report of the lords of trade against Cranfield, and 

the king's order, 8 April, 1685. 502 

53. *King's order for hearing Vaughan's appeal, 29 April, 1685. 503 

54. Letter of lords of trade to Cranfield, 29 April, 1685. 503 

55. Letter from tlie same to the same respecting 

Vaughan's appeal, 22 May, 1685. 505 

56. Petition of the inhabitants against Mason, 1685. 505 

57. Decision of King James IL against Vaughan, 19 Nov. 1686. 507 

58. Four letters from Ilogkins, sachem at f enacook, 

to the governor, 15 and 16 May, 1685. 508 

59. Capt. Francis Hooke's letter, advising of danger 

from the Indians, ]3 Aug. 1685. 509 

60. Report of pei-sons sent to inquire into the above, (No date.) 510 

61. Articles of peace with the Indians, inhabiting New- 

Hampshire and Maine, 8 Sept. 1685. 510 

i)2. Petition of William Ilouchins, for aid to obtain a 

cure of the king's evil, 7 Sept. 1687. 511 

j63. Letter from Secretary Addington to Major Waldron, 

warning him of danger from the Indians, 27 June, 1689. 513 



HISTORY 



OF 



NE^IV-HAMP8HIRE. 



CHAPTER I. 



Discovery oftlio country. Establishment of the Council of Plymouth. Tlieir 
grants to Mason and others. Beoinning of the setllemenl.-i at Portsmouth 
and Dover. Wheelwright's Indian purcliase. Noal's adventures. Dis- 
couragements. Dissolution of the Council. Mason's death. Causes of 
the failure of his enterprise. 

It is happy for America that its discovery and settlement by 
the Europeans happened at a time, when they were emerging 
from a long period of ignorance and darkness. The discovery 
of the magnetic needle, the invenlion of printing, the revival of 
literature and the reformation of religion, had caused a vast alter- 
ation in their views, and taught them the true use of their rational 
and activ'C powers. To this concurrence of favorable causes, wc 
are indebted for the precision with which wc are able to fix the 
beginning of this great American empire ; an advantage of which 
(he historians of other countries almost universally are deslilntc ; 
their first eras being either disguised by fiction and romance, or 
involved in impenetrable obscurity. 

Mankind do not easily relinquish ancient and established preju- 
dices or adopt new systems of conduct, vvithout some poweriul 
attractive. The prospect of immense wealth, from the mines of 
Mexico and Peru, fired the Spaniards to a rapid conquest of those 
regions and the destruction of their numerous inhabitants ; but 
the northern continent, presenting no such glittering charms, was 
neglected by the European princes for more than a century after 
its discovery.^ No effectual care was taken to seciu-e to them- 
selves the possession of so extensive a territory, or the advantage 
of a friendly traffic with its natives, or of the fishery on its coasts ; 
till private adventurers at a vast expense, with infinite hazard and 
persevering zeal, established settlements for themselves, and there- 
by enlarged die dominions of their sovereigns. 

(1) Prince's Annals. 



2 HISTORY OF NKW-HAMPSHIRE. [ICH- 

Of the voyngers who visited the northern coast of America, 
for the sake of its fins and fish, one of the most remarkahle was 
Captain John Smith, who ranged the shore from Penohscot to 
Cape Cod, and, in this route, chscovered the river Pascataqua ; 
which he found to he a safe harhor, with a rocky shore. He re- 
turned to England in one of his ships, and there puhlished a de- 
scription of tlie country, with a map of the sea-coast, which he 
presented to Prince Charles, who gave it the name of New- 
England.' The other ship, he left behind under the care of 
Thomas Hunt, who decoyed about twenty of the natives on board 
and sold them for slaves at Malaga. This perfidious action ex- 
cited a violent jealousy in the natives, and bitterly enraged them 
against succeeding adventurers. Two of those savages having 
found their way back as fiir as Newfoundland, then under the 
government of Captain John IMason, were restored to their native 
country by his friendly interposition, and reported the strong dis- 
approbation, which the English in general entertained of the mis- 
chievous plot, by which they had been carried off. By this means^ 
together with the prudent endeavors of Captain Thomas Dermer,* 
and afterward of the Plymouth settlers, tranquillity was re-estab- 
lished between the Indians and the adventurers, which was toler- 
ably preserved for many years.- However fond we may have 
been of accusing the Indians of treachery and infidelity, it must 
be confessed that the example was first set them by the Europe- 
ans. Had we always treated them with that justice and liumani- 
ty which our religion inculcates, and our true interest at all times 
required, we might have lived in as much harmony with them, as 
with any other people on the globe. 

The importance of the country now began to appear greater 
than before, and some measures were taken to promote its settle- 
ment. A patent had been granted by King James in 1606, lim- 
iting tiie dominion of Virginia, from the thirty-fourtli, to the forty- 
fourth degree of northern latitude ; which extent of territory had 
been divided into two parts, called North and South Virginia, 
The latter was assigned to certain noblemen, knights and gentle- 
men of London ; the former to others in Bristol, Exeter and 
Plymouth."^ Those wlio were interested in the northern colo- 
ny, finding that the patent did not secure them from the intrusions 
of others, petitioned for an enlargement and confirmation of their 
privileges. After some time, the king, by his sole authority, con- 

(1) Smith's Voyage. (2) Hubbard's printedNarrative of the troubles with 
the [Eastorn] Indians, p. U, 7. (;}) Gorges' Narrative. 

"• [This industrious and prudent gentleman haviut;; spent almost two years 
in searching the coast between New-England and Virginia, the fruit of whoso 
labor.-i and hazards many others afterwards reaped, was at the last, on his re- 
turn to \'ir(rinia, set upon by some malicious savages in some parts beyond 
Cape Cod, from whom he received fourteen or fifteen wounds, vipon which oc- 
casion, retiring to Virginia, he tliere ended his day?, about {lie year 1(121. — 
Hubbard, Hist. New-England, 40.] 



1620.] GRANTS AiND SETTLEMENTS. 3 

stituted a council, consisting of forty noblemen, knia;l)ts and gen- 
tlemen,* by the name of "The council established at Plymouth, 
*' in the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling and governing 
**of New-England, in America."^ They were a corporation 
with perpetual succession, by election of the majority ; and their 
territories extended from the fortieth tothe forty-eighth degree of 
northern latitude. This patent, or charter, is the foundation of 
all the grants that were made of the country of New-England. 
But either from the jarring interests of the members, or their in- 
distinct knowledge of the country, or their inattention to business, 
or some other cause which does not fully appear, their aflliirs were 
transacted in a confused manner from the beginning ; and the 
grants which they made were so inaccurately described, and in- 
terfered so much with each other, as to occasion difficulties and 
controversies, some of which are not yet ended. 

Two of the most active members of this council were Sir Fer- 
<linando Gorges and Captain John Mason. Gorges had been an 
officer in the navy of Queen Elizabeth, intimately connected with 
Sir Walter Raleigh, of whose adventurous spirit he had a large 
share.~ After the peace which King James made in 1604, he 
was appointed governor of the fort and island of Plymouth in De- 
vonshire. Whilst he resided there, Captain Weymouth, who had 
been employed by Lord Arundel in search of a northwest passage, 
but had fallen short of his course and put in at Pemaquid, brought 
from dience into the harbor of Plymouth, five natives of America, 
three of whom were eagerly seized by Gorges, and retained in 
his service for three years. Finding them of a tractable and com- 
municative disposition, and having won their affecUons by gentle 
treatment, he learned from them many particulars concerning their 

(1) Ms. copy in Superior Court files. [Hubbard, Hist. New-Eno-land, 80, 
217. Hazard, Coll. i. 103—118. Trumbull, Hist. Connecticut °Aupx.l— 
(2) Hume. > n J 

* [Lodovvick] Duke of Leno.x", Sir John Brookes, 
[George] Marquis of Buckingham, Sir Tliomas Gates, 

[James] Marquis of Hamilton, Sir Richard Hawkins, 

[WiUiam] Earl of Pembroke, Sir Richard Edgecombe, 

[Thomas] Earl of Arundel, Sir Allen Apsley. 

[William] Earl of Batli, Sir Warwick Heale, 

[Henry] Earl of Southampton, Sir Richard Catchmay, 

[William] Earl of Salisbury, Sir John Bourchier, 

[Robert] Earl of Warwick, Sir Nathaniel Rich, 

[John] Viscount Haddington, Sir Edward Giles, 

[Edward] Lord Zouclie, Sir Giles Mompesson, 

[Edmund] Lord Sheffield, Sir Thomas Wroth. Knights, 

[Edward] Lord Gorges, Matthew Sutcliffe, [dean of Exeter] 

Sir Edward Seymour, Robert Ileatli. [recorder of London] 

Sir Robert Mansell, Henry Bourchier, 

Sir Edward Zouche, John Drake, 

Sir Dudley Digges, Rawley Gilbert, 

Sir Thomas Roe, Cieorge Chudley, 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Thomas Haymon, 

Sir Francis Popham, John Argall, Esquires. 
[There is a copy of this Patent entire in Hazard's Collections, i. 103—118] 



4 JIISTORY OF NEW-IIAMrSlllRE. [1G20. 

coiinlry, its rivers, harbors, islands, fisheries and other produc- 
tions ; and tlie inmihers, force, dis})osition and government ol" tlie 
natives ; and iVoni this inlbrniation, he conceived sanguine hopes 
of indulging his genius, and making his fortune, by a thorough 
discovery of the country.^ For this purpose, he, in conjunc- 
tion with others, ventured several ships, wherefore some met witli 
peculiar misfortunes ; and others brought home accounts, which, 
though discouraging to some of his associates, made him deter- 
mine upon farther attempts,vvlicrein his resolution and perseverance 
were more conspicuous than any solid gain. These transactions 
were previous to the establishment of the council ; in soliciting 
which, Gorges was so extremely active, that he was appointed 
their president, and had a principal share in all their transactions. 
Mason was a merchant of London, but became a sea-officer, and, 
after the peace, governor of Newfoundland, where he acquired a 
knowledge of America, which led him, on his return to England, 
into a close attachment to those who were engaged in its discove- 
ry ; and upon some vacancy in the council, he was elected a mem- 
^^£,, ber and became their secretary; being also governor of 

" ' Portsmouth in Hampshire. He procured a grant froin the 
council, of all the land from the river of Naumkeag, now Salem, 
round Cape Anne, to the river IMerrimack ; and up each of those 
rivers to the farthest head thereof; then to cross over from the head 
of the one to tlie head of the other ; with all the islands lying w'ith- 
in three miles of the coast. This district was called Mariana. 
The next year, another grant was made to Gorges and IMason 
jointly, of all the lands between the rivers Merrimack and Saga- 
dehock, extending back to the great lakes and river of Canada, 
and this w-as called Laconia. 

Under the audiority of this grant. Gorges and Mason, in con- 
junction with several merchants of London, Bristol, Exeter, Ply- 
mouth, Shrewsbury and Dorchester, who styled themselves " the 
company of Laconia," attempted the establishment of a colony 
^^„ and fishery at the river Pascataqua ; and in the spring of the 

" ' following year, sent over David Thompson, a Scotchman, 
Edward and William Hilton, fishmongers of London,wilh a number 
of other people, in two divisions, furnished with all necessaries to 
carry on their design. One of these companies landed on the 
southern shore of the river, at its mouth, and called the place 
Little-Harbor. Here, they erected salt-works, and built an house 
which was afterwards called Mason-Hall ;* but the Hiltons set 

(1) Gorgps' Narrative. 

* [The site of tliis lifinse was on a iicnhisula, or point of land, now called 
Ocliorne's point, which is formed hy J.iltle-Ilarbor on tlie northeast, and a creek 
on the south, with a large tract ofsalt niarsli on the west. This place was se- 
lected with <rrent JMd;vment. The peninsula contain.s ahout five hundred acres 
of laud, on uliich is a comin;indino; eininence ; where are evident remains of 
an ancient fort, and situated so as to be a complete defence .against the incur- 
sions of a la. x^e enemy. The house was erected a few rods to the northward 



1623.1 GRANTS AND SETTLEMENTS. 6 

up their stages eiglit miles further up ihc river, towart! ihe north- 
west, on a neck of land which the Indians called ^Vinniclla]lannal, 
but they named Northani, and afterward Dover.' Thompson 
not being pleased with his situation, removed the next spring to 
an island in the bay of xMassachiisetts ;* this the General Court 
afterward confirmed to him, and it still bears his name." 

These settlements went on but slowly for several years, but the 
natives being peaceable anti several other small beginnings being 
made along tlie coast as far as Plymouth, a neighhorly intercourse 
was kept up among them, each iollowing their respective employ- 
ments of fishing, trading and planting, till the disorderly behaviour 
of one Morton, at Mount WolJastcn in the bay of JMassachu- , ^ ^^ 
setts, caused an alarm among the scattered settlements as 
far as Pascataqua. This man had, in defiance of the king's procla- 
mation, made a practice of selling arms and ammunition to liie In- 
dians, whom he employed in hunting and fowling for him ; so that 
the English, seeing the Indians armed in the woods, began to be in 
terror. They also apprehended danger of another kind ; for 
Morton's plantation was a receptacle for discontented servants, 
whose desertion weakened the settlements, and who, being there 
without law, were more formidable than the savages themselves. ^ 
The principal persons of Pascataqua therefore readily united with 
their neighbors, in making application to the colony of Plymouth, 
which was of more force than all the rest, to put a stop to this 
growing mischief; which they happily elTected by seizing Mor- 
ton and sending him prisoner to England. f 

(1) Hubbard, MS. [p. 214 of the printed copy.] ('2) Trince's Annals.— 
(3) Princes Annals. 

of the fort. The present possessors of tlie land point out the spot where it 
stood. They think they have discovered tiie foundation nf the chimney and 
the cellar walls. These were standiujj when Mr. Hubbard wrote in Kv'^O. — 
Three or four thousand acres of land were annexed to this building, with an 
intention of forming a manor there, according to the English custom. Ad- 
ams, Annals of Portsmouth, 10, 11.] 

* [It appears from Bradford, in Prince, i. Kit, that Thompson was living at 
Pascataquack in 1()2G, and probably .about that time, and not as in the text, in 
1624, removed to the Massachusetts Ba}', and took possession of "a very fruit- 
ful island and a very desirable neck of land, which is afterwards confirmed to 
him by the General Court of the Massachusetts Colony.'] 

t [The a])portionment of the cliarges of this united eifort of the earliest 
plantations to check the progress of Morton, as given by Governor Bradford 
in 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. See. iii. 03, may serve to show their relative importance 
at this time. 

'• Plimouth, £2 10 Natascot, £1 10 

Naumkeak, 1 10 Thomson, 15 

Pascataquack, 2 10 Blackston, 12 

Jeffrey and Burslem, 2 00 Edward Hilton, 100 



Total, £12 7 " 
This assessment alone enables us to correct the error in Dr. Holmes, (An- 
nals of America, i. 209) wiio says, under the year ]()31, '• Portsmouth began 
to be settled this year." 

The settlement of this place commenced in the spring of 1623 by David 
Thompson, and appears from several authorities, not to have been broken up, 



C HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1629. 

II 1G29. Sonic of the scattered jjlantcrs in the baj of Massa- 
chusetts, being tlesirous of making a settlement in the neighbor- 
hood of Pascataqiia, and following the examj)le of those at Ply- 
mouth, who had i)iirehased their lands of the Indians, which they 
conscientiously thought necessary to give them a just title, pro- 
cured a general meeting of Indians, at Squamscot falls, wiiere 
they obtained a deed iVom Passaconaway, sagamore of Penacook, 
llunnaawitt of Pawtucket, Wahangnoaawit of Squamscot, and 
Howls of Newichwannock : whei-ein they expressed their 'desire 
' to have the English come and settle among them as among their 

* countrymen in Massachusetts, whereby they hope to be strength- 

* ened against their enemies the Tarrateens; and accordingly 
' tvi(h the tiniversal consent of their subjects, for what they deem- 
' cd a valuable consideration in coats, shirts and kettles, sell to 
' John ^Vheelwright of the Massachusetts bay, late of England, 
' minister of the gospel, Augustine Story (or Storer) Thomas 
' Wight, William Wentworth, and Thomas Leavit, "all that part 
" of the main land boimded by the river Pascataqua and the 
" river Merrimack, to begin at Newichwannock falls in Pascata- 
" qua river aforesaid, and down said river to the sea; and along 
" the sea-shore to Merrimack river ; and up said river to the falls 
" at Pawtucket ; and from thence upon a northwest line, twenty 
" English miles into the woods ; and from thence u])on a straight 
" line northeast, till it meet with the main rivers that run down 
" to Pawtucket falls, and Newichwannock falls aforesaid ;* the 
" said rivers to be the bounds from the thwart or head line to the 
" aforesaid falls, and from thence the main channel of each river 
" to the sea to be the side bounds ; together with all the islands 
" within the said bounds ; as also the isles of shoals so called." 
The conditions of this grant were, ' that AVheelwright should 
' within ten years, begin a plantation at Squamscot falls ; that 

* other inhabitants should have the same privileges with him ; 
' that no plantation should exceed ten miles square ; that no lands 

although Tliompson liiniself removed within a few years to the Massachusetta 
colony. From Governor Bradford, in Prince, i. IGl, it is evident that he was 
at Pascataquack in l(i;2G; and from tlie preceding apportionment, it appears 
that this place was of sullicient consequence in 1G28, to pay a sum equal to 
that of Plymouth. Ajrain, from Prince, i. liKi, it seems that the inhabitants on 
Pascataqua river in ]()2!), entered into a combination for the erecting a gov- 
ernment among themselves, and from Adams, Annals of Portsmouth, 18, 
there were in 1()3], at least, 50 men employed by Mason, as stewards and ser- 
vants, besides ten Danes, who were occupied in sawing lumber and making 
fotash. Some persons may have doubts whether Thompson's settlement and 
ascataquack were the same, which will be removed by recurring to Edward 
Winslow's Good. JVeicrsfrom New- En <r} and , which informs us that David Tom- 
son, a Scotchman, began in the spring of Ki'ii? •• a plantation twenty- five 
leagues north-east from us [Plymoutii] near Smith's Isles, at a place called 
Pascataquack."] 

* The NW. line here described, will end within the township of Amherst ; 
and the NE. line from thence will cross the river Merrimack about Amuskeag 
falls, and passing through Chester, Nottingham, Barringlon, and Rochester, 
will strike Newichwannock river about ten miles above the Salmon falls. 



1629.1 GRANTS AND SETTI-EMENTS. 7 

* should be granted but in townships ; and that these should be 
' subject to the government of the Massachusetts colony, until 

* they should have a settled government among iheuiselves ; that 

* for each township there slujuld be paid an annual acknowledg- 

* mentof "one coatof trucking cloth/' to Pussaconaway the chief 
' sagamore, or his successors, and two bushels of Indian corn to 

* Wheelwright and his heirs. The Indians reserved to them- 
' selves free liberty of fishing, fowling, hunting and planting with- 
' in these limits. '^ The principal persons of Pascataqua and 
the province of Maine were witnesses to the subscribing of this 
instrument, and giving possession of die lands. ||* 

(1) MS. copy in Superior Court files. 

* [Tlie ])ortioii of the text above and on the preceding page, included witiiin 
parallels,and those portions thus distinguished which follow, niustbe rejected,a!i 
they are founded upon documents which are proved to be spurious. It is much to 
be regretted that any part of our history has thus become vitiated, but no blamu 
can be imputed to the careful and laborious autiior for relying on authorities, 
whichwere supposed tobe genuine when he wrote ,and which were so considered 
until within a few years. The Wheelwright deed of Iti'Jlt was supposed to be an 
authentic document until June, 1^20, wlien the Hon. James Savan-e, of Boston, 
in preparing Notes for the new edition of Governor Winthrop's Journal, or 
History of New-England, published in 18"J5 and JS2t), liad his sut-picion exci- 
ted in regard to the authenticity of this instrument. A critical and laborious 
scrutiny into all the circumstances of the case resulted in tjje conviction that 
it was a forgery. His ingenious and elaborate argument, by wliich the forge- 
ry of the deed is indisputably proved, and which is too long to be introduced 
here, may be found in the Appendix to the first volume of his edition of Win- 
throp, 405—424. 

If any person should remain skeptical on the subject after reading that ar- 
gument, let him read the testimony of Rev. Mr. Wheelwright and Edward 
Colcord, two of the original grantees, in an actual purchase of lands of the In- 
dians, nine years posterior to the pretended one. This testimony, which re- 
lates to the purchase made in 1G38, mentioned by Governor Winthrop, (Hist. 
N. E. i. 2!)0) and of which the original deeds are in possession of tlie editor, 
and have been published in the Coll. of the N. H. Hist. Soc. i. 147 — 149, was 
found among the records of the ancient county of Norfolk, kept at Salem. 
Teslimcny cf Rer. Julia H'hcchcright. 

" I John Wheelwright, pastor of the churcli of Salisbury, doe testify that 
when I, with otliers, first came to sit downe at Exeter, we purchased of tlie 
Indians, to whom (so far as we could learne) the right did belono-, a certain 
Tract of land about tliirty miles square, to run from Merrimack river. East- 
ward, and so up into the Country, of wch. lands we had a graunt in writing- 
signed by t]ie[m.] Joii.v Wueei-wright." 

'•April 15, IGGd." 

Edicard CohoriVs Testimony. 

" Mr. Edv/ard Colcord testifieth to all above written, and further saith that 
one northerly bound mentioned in our agreemt. with Wehalnionowet. the 
chiefe Saganiore was, the westerly part of Oyster River, called by the Indians 
Shankhassick,wch. is about fours miles northerly beyound Lampereele River." 

" We the abovesaid witnesses doe further testefy yt. tliey of the town of 
Exeter, did dispose and possesse divers parcels of land about Laniprel River 
by virtuee of sd. Indian Right before such time as it was actually taken in by 
the Jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, without interruption of Dover or any 
other." ^ 

To the ahore is also added the Testimony of Rer. Samuel Dudley. 

" Mr. Samuel Dudly doth testifie that he did see the agreemt. in writing 
betweene the towne of Exeter and the Sagamores for that land wch. is above 
mentioned, and the said Sagamores hands to the same." 

" Sworn before the Court ye. 14th : 2 mo : 1668. 

THOMAS BRADBURY, Rer. 



8 HISTORY OF NRW-ITAMPSIIIRE. [1G2D. 

By tliis (leodjtlio English iiihahitants with these limits obtained 
a right to the soil liom the original proprietors, more valuable in 
a moral view, than the grants of any European prince could con- 
vey. If we smile at the arrogance of a Roman Pontiff in assum- 
ing to divide the whole new world between the Spaniards and 
l*ortugnose, with what consistency can we admit the right of a 
king of England, to parcel out America to his subjects, when he 
had neither purchased nor conquered it, nor could pretend any 
other title, than that some of his subjects were the first Europeans 
who discovered it, whilst it was in possession of its native lords ? 
The only validity w^hich such grants could have In the eye of rea- 
son was, that the grantees had from their prince a permission to 
negotiate with the possessors for the purchase of the soil, and 
thereupon a power of jurisdiction subordinate to his crown. 

The same year. Captain Mason ))rocured a new patent, under 
the common seal of the council of Plymouth, for the land " from 
"the middle of Pascataqua river, and up the same to the farthest 
"Jicad thereof, and from thence northwestward, until sixty miles 
" from the mouth of the liarbor \vere finished ; also, through Mer- 
" rimack river, to the farthest head thereof, and so forward up into 
" the land westward, until sixty miles were finished ; and from 
" thence to cross over land to the end of the sixty miles account- 
"cd from Pascataqua river; together with all islands widiin five 
"leagues of the coast. "^ TJiis tract of land was called New- 
Hami'siiikk : it com])rehended the whole of Wheelwright's pur- 
chase ; and unless Mason's intention was to frustrate his tide, it is 
difficult to assign a reason for the procurement of this patent, as 
the same land, with much more, had been granted to Gorges and 
Mason jointly, seven years before. If there was an agreement 
between them to divide the jirovlnce of Laconia, and take out 
new patents from the council, in preference to the making a deed 
of ])artition ; it is not easy to conceive why the western bounda- 
ry shoukl be contracted to sixty miles from the sea, when the 
lakes and river Canada were supposed to be but ninety or an hun- 
dred miles from Pascataqua.- If this grant was intended as 
an e(piivalent for the patent of Marianna, which the council had 
the preceding year Included in their deed to the Massachusetts 
company, it is impossible to account for. the extension of New- 

-^ Hampshire to the river Merrimack, when the grant of 
Mir 1-^* ^fiissachusetts reached to " three miles north of that river 
and of every part " of it."* 

(I) MS. in files of Superior Court. (2) Gorges' History of America, p. 48. 

Tlie boundaries described in llie true deed, dated " the tliird daj' of Aprill, 
1(»I?H,'" are " witliin three miles on the .\ortherne side of ye river Mereinake 
e.vtendinjr thirty miles alonir by the river from the sea siik' and from the. sayd 
river side to I'isscataqua Patents thirty miles up into the counlrey North West, 
and soe from the flats of Piscataqua to Oyster river thirty miles square eury 
way."] 

'Mr. Hubbard in his MS. history snys, '' it hath been afllrnied by Mr. Josse- 



1630.1 GRANTS AND SETTLEMENTS. 9 

The west country adventurers were not less attentive to tlieir 
interest ; for in the ibllowing spring, they obtained a patent from 
the council, whereby " all that part of the river Pascataqua called 
"or known by the name of Hilton's Point, with the south side of 
''the said river, up to the falls of Squamscot, and three miles into 
" the niain land for breadth," was granted to Edward Hilton. 
This patent, sealed with the common seal of the council, and sub- 
scribed by the Earl of Warwick, sets forth, that Hilton and his 
associates had, at their own proper cost and charges, transported 
servants, built houses and planted corn at Hilton's Point, now Do- 
ver, and intended the further increase and advancement of the plan- 
tation.^ William Blackstone, William Jeffries and Thomas Lewis, 
or either of them, were impowered to give possession of the .^„, 
premises ; which was done by Lewis and the livery and seiz- 
in endorsed. Within these limits are contained the towns of Do- 
ver, Durham, and Stratham,with partof Newington and Greenland. 
It was commonly called Squamscot patent, but sometimes Bloody- 
point patent, from a quarrel between the agents of the two com- 
panies about a point of land in the river which was convenient for 
both; and, there being no government then established, the con- 
troversy would have ended in blood, if the contending parties had 
not been persuaded to refer the decision of it to their employers. 2 

The London adventurers also thought it prudent to have some 
security for the interest which they had advanced, and according- 
ly obtained a grant from the council, of " that part of the patent 
*'of Laconia,on which the buildings and salt-woiks were erected, 
"situate on both sides the harbor and river of Pascataqua to the 
" extent of five miles westward by the sea-coast, then to cross 
"over towards the other plantation in the hands of Edward Hil- 
*' ton."'* The grantees named in this patent* were, Sir Ferdi- 

(1) MS. copy in Proprietary Office. (2) Hubbard's MS. [p. 217 of the print- 
ed copy.] (3) Hutch, vol. 1, p. 310. 

lyn, who first came over into New-England on Capt. Mason's account, "tliat 
there was an agreement made between Mr. Matthew Cradock (the first Gov- 
ernor of the Massachusetts company) and Captain John Mason, that the 
bounds of the Massaclmsetts should reach to thrct miles nortlnrard of the Merri- 
fnack. and the remainder of the land betwi.\t that line and Pascataqua river, 
should be left for Captain Mason's patent." 

The commissioners sent by Charles II. in 1G64, report that " Mr. Mason 
had a patent for some land about Cape Anne before the Massachusetts had 
their first patent ; whereupon Captain Mason and Mr. Cradock agreed that 
the Massachusetts should have that land, which was granted to Capt. Mason 
about Cape Anne, and Capt. Mason should have that land which nashcyoiul 
Mcrrhnark and granted 1o the Massachusetts. This agreement was sent to Mr. 
Henry Jocelyn to get recorded at Boston, but before he could have leisure to 

fro there, he heard that Capt. Mason was dead, and thereforewent not. Of this, 
le made affidavit, before the Commissioners." Hutch. Collection Papers, 
p. 423. ^ ' 

* Mr. Hubbard says, that this patent was in the hands of some gentlemen at 
Portsmouth when he wrote. I have seen no copy of it but what is preserved 
in his MS. history. There is among the ancient files in the Recorder's office. 
an invoice of goods sent over in 1G31. subscribed by all the above names, ex- 
cept the last, in whose stead is subscribed "William Gyles. 

4 



10 HISTORY OF NEW-IJAMPSIIIRE [1631. 

nando Gorges, Captain John Mason, John Cotton, Henry Gard- 
ner, George Griffith, f^dwin Gay, Thomas Warnerton, Thomas 
Eyre and Ehezer Eyre, who, it is said, had ah-eady expended 
tliree thousand pounds in the undertaking. They were to pay 
forty-eight pounds per annum by way of acknowledgment to the 
president and council, if demanded. 1 Captain Camocke, a re- 
lation of the Earl of Warwick,* with Henry Jocelyn, who were 
then intending a voyage hither, were appointed to put the gran- 
tees in possession. Within this patent are comprehended the 
towns of Portsmouth, Newcastle and Rye, with part of Newing- 
ton and Greenland. 

The whole interest being thus divided into two parts, Captain 
Thomas Wiggin was appointed agent for the upper, and Captain 
Walter Neal for the lower plantation ;- with him were associat- 
ed Ambrose Gibbons, George Vaughan, Thomas Warnerton, 
Humphrey Chadbourncf and one Godfrey, J as superintendants 
of the several businesses of trade, fishery, salt-making, building 
and husbandi-y. INeal resided at Little-Harbor with Godfrey, 
who had the care of the fishery. Chadbourne built a house at 
Strawberry-bank, which was called the great house, in which War- 
nerton resided. Gibbons had the care of a saw-mill, and lived in 
a palisaded house at Newichwannock,|| where he carried on trade 
with the Indians. He afterward removed to Sandcrs'-point, where 
the adventurers gave him a settlement for his faithful services. 
He was succeeded at Newichwannock by Chadbourne, whose 
posterity are persons of principal figure and interest there at this 
day. The proprietors were also careful to provide for the de- 
fence of their plantations, and sent over several cannon which 
they directed their agents to mount in the most convenient place 
for a fort. They accordingly placed them on the northeast point 
of the Great-Island at the mouth of the harbor, and laid out the 
ground " about a bow-shot from the water-side to a high rock, on, 
** which it was intended in time to build the principal fortJ'*' 

(1) Hubbard's MS. (p. 216 of the printed copy.) (2) MS. letters. (3) MS. 
in the Recorder's files. 

* [He was nephew to the Earl of Warwick. He lived sometime at Pascata- 
qua, but died at Scarborough, Me. in 16G3. Prince. Annals, ii. 70. 2 Coll. 
Mass. Hist. Soc. v. 21(;, 224.] 

t [llumplirey Chadbourne came to this country as early as 1631, on the in- 
vitation of Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. John Mason, and under them 
erected tiie large house as stated in tlie text. In 1613, he purcliased a tract of 
land of an Indian called Kiiowles, being a neck between the Uason and Ne- 
wichawannock river at Quampeagan, (Sullivan.) He afterwards lived in Kit- 
tery, and represented that town in the General Court at Boston in 1657 and 
165!).] 

t [Edward Godfrey, on whom, Mr. Savage, in Winthrop's Hist. N. E. i. 90, 
91 , bestows a very val liable note, was one of the first aldermen of Agamenticus, 
(York) and governor of the province of Maine, 1651. See Belknap's Biog. 1. 
386. Adams"s Annals of Portsmouth, 18.] 

II [The pronunciation of this name two centuries ago appears to have been 
Nc-ge-won-nuck. Capt. Danforth, an eminent surveyor, wrote it Ji'egtKionnick 
in 1679.] 



1631.] GRANTS AND SETTLEMENTS. H 

A great part of Captain Neal's errand was to penetrate the in- 
terior part of the province of Laconia, concerning which the ad- 
venturers had formed very sanguine expectations.^ It was de- 
scribed as containing divers lakes, and extending back to a great 
lake and river in the country of the Iroquois. This river was 
said to be fair and large, containing many fruitful islands ; the air 
pure and salubrious ; the country pleasant, having some high hills ; 
full of goodly forests, fair valleys and fertile plains ; abounding 
in corn, vines, chestnuts, walnuts, and many other sorts of fruit; 
the rivers well stored with fish, and environed with goodly mead- 
ows full of timber-trees. In the great lake, were said to be four 
islands, full of pleasant woods and meadows, having great store 
of stags, fallow-deer, elks, roe-bucks, beavers and other game, 
and these islands were supposed to be conimodlously situated for 
habitation and traffic, in the midst of a fine lake, abounding with 
the most delicate fish. No one wdio is acquainted with the inte- 
rior part of the country in its wilderness state, can forbear smiling 
at this romantic description, penned in the true style of adventur- 
ers : yet such an impression had the charms of Laconia made on 
the minds of our first settlers, that Neal set out on foot, in ^^^09 
company with Jocelyn and Darby Field, to discover these 
beautiful lakes, and settle a trade with the Indians by pinnaces, im- 
agining the distance to be short of an hundred miles. In the course 
of their travels, they visited the white mountains,* which they 
described in the same romantic style, to be a ridge, extending an 
hundred leagues, on which snow lieth all the year, and inaccessi- 
ble but by the gullies which the dissolved snow hath made : on 
one of these mountains they reported to have found a plain of a 
day's journey over, whereon nothing grows but moss ; and at the 
further end of this plain, a rude heap of massy stones, piled up 
on one another a mile high ; on which one might ascend from 
stone to stone, like a pair of winding stairs, to the top, where was 
another level of about an acre, with a pond of clear water. - 
This summit was said to be far above the clouds, and from hence 
they beheld a vapor like a vast pillar, drawn up by the sunbeams, 
out of a great lake into the air, \i'here it was formed into a cloud. 
The country beyond these mountains nordiward, was said to be 
" daunting terrible," full of rocky hills, as diick as mole-hills in a 
meadow, and clothed with infinite thick woods. They had great 
expectation of finding precious stones on these mountains ; and 
.something resembling crystal being picked up, was sufficient to 
give them the name of the Crystal-Hili.s.^ From hence 
they continued their route in search of the lake ; till finding their 

(1) Gorges" History of America, p. 47. (2) Jocelyn's rarities of New-Eng- 
land. (3) Hubbard's Ms. Hist. [p. 381, printed copy.] 

• [The visit to the White Mountains by Darby Field sliould be referred to 
the vear 1642, under wiiich, see the account of it aa given by Winthrop, Hist. 
N. E. ii. 67, 6S.] 6^1. 



J 2 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1632. 

provision almost spent, and the forests of Laconia yielding no sup- 
ply, they were obliged to return when they supposed themselves 
so far advanced, that " the discovery wanted but one day's jour- 
" ney of being finished."** 

This expedition, being ended, was succeeded by one of anoth- 
er kind. Tiic coast was alarmed by the report of a pirate, one 
Dixy Bull ; who, with fifteen odiers, being employed in the In- 
dian trade at the eastward, had taken several boats and rifled the 
fort at Pemaquid. Neal, in conjunction with the others, equip- 
ped four pinnaces and shallops, manned with forty men, being all 
the force that both plantations could spare, who, being joined by 
twenty ujore in a bark from Boston, proceeded to Pemaquid ; but 
contrary winds and bad weather obliged them to return without 
meeting the pirates, who made their way farther to the eastward, 
and at length got to England, where Bull met with his deserts. 
•ifcyci The company on their return hanged, at Richmond's is- 
land, an Indian who had been concerned in the murder of 
an Englishman.- 

II The next year, Neal and Wiggin joined in surveying their 
respective patents, and laying out the towns of Portsmouth and 
Northam, and another which w-as called Hampton, though no set- 
tlement had been made there. They also agreed with Wheel- 
wright that the plantation which he had undertaken to make at 
Squamscot falls, should be called Exeter ; and determined the 
bounds between his land and theirs. This survey was made by 
order of the company of Laconia, who gave names to the four 
towns, and the transaction was duly reported to them v^ soon af- 
ter which Neal returned to England. ||f 

(1) Gorges' History of America, p. 46. (2) Prince's Annals, vol. 2. p. 73,83. 
(3) MS. in Recorder s office. 

* Mr. Hubbard, and after him, Governor Hutchinson, place this discovery 
of the White Hills in 1G42. But as Neal had positive orders to discover the 
lakes, and tarried but three years in the country, employing great part of his 
time in seaching the woods, it is probable that Mr. Hubbard mistook one fig- 
ure in his date. 

[On this note, Mr. Savage, in Winthrop, ii. 07. makes the following remarks: 
" Here, as he lias often done elsewhere, Hubbard might indeed have mistaken 
a figure, but he faithfully copied Winthrop, whose work was unknown to Dr. 
Belknap, when his history of N. H. was published. A greater mistake is 
however chargeable on Belknap, in making Josselyn the companion of Neal, 
who was gone home four years before Josselyn came over. Nor did Josselyn 
make the journey according to his own account, before his second voyage to 
New-Kngiand in KiUl?. That Neal ever went to the White mountains, is not 
rendered ])robable by any authorities cited by Belknap ; and as the circum- 
stance would have been for him a great matter of boasting, we may be confi- 
dent of the first journey of Field." Mr. Savage mistakes, in saying tiiat tlie 
work of Winthrop was unknown to Dr. Belknap when his history of N. H. 
was published. The work was both known and used by Dr. Belknap wiien 
he compiled his historj', and he has copied from it, as may be seen under the 
years Ki'.jo and 1(140.] 

i [The authority for this paragraph is the " Letter from Kealavd Wisgin, re- 
lating to the did sion of Land's at P(iscata(]ua, ICi^'i," which is No. Vf, in the 
Appendix to the i. vol. of the former editions of this work, and which without 



1633.1 GRANTS AiND SETTLEMENTS. 13 

From a number of letters that }3assed between the adventurers 
and Gibbons, their factor, and which are yet preserved, it appears 
that their views were chieHy turned toward the discovery of the 
lakes and of mines ; the cultivation of grapes, and the advantages 
of trade and fishery; and that litde regard was had to agriculture, 
the surest foundation of all other improvements in such a country 
as this. They often complain of their expenses, as indeed they 
might with reason ; for they had not only to pay wages to their 
colonists, but to supply them with provisions, clothing, utensils, 
medicines, articles of trade, implements for building, husbandry 
and fishing, and to stock their plantations with cattle, swine, and 
goats. Bread was either brouglit from England in meal, or from 
Virginia in grain, and then sent to the wind-mill at Boston, there 
being none erected here.i Very little improvement was made 
on the lands ; the lakes were not explored ; the vines were planted 
but came to nothing ; no mines were found but those of iron, and 
these were not wrought ; three or four houses only were built 
within the first seven years; the peltry trade with the Indians was 
of some value, and the fishery served for the support of the in- 
habitants ; but yielded no great profit to the adventurers, who re- 
ceived but inadequate returns in lumber and furs. They saw 
their interest sinking apace, and grew dispirited ; and the major 
part of them either rehnquished the design, or sold their shares to 

(1) Prince's Annals, vol. 2, p. 30, 70. 

doubt is spurious, and was fabricated for the purpose of supporting the Indian 
deed of 1629. That this letter is a forgery, and of the most palpable kind, 
will appear from the following considerations : 

I. That there was no such purchase of " the Indyans at Squamscutt falls," 
by Mr. Wheelwright, so earl}' as 1633, as is alleged in the letter, nor an im- 
plied promise that he would name the plantation Exeter, five years before the 
settlement of that place was made. 

II. That Thomas Wiggin, one of the signers of the letter, who is pretend- 
ed to write at " North-ham on Pascataway river in New-England, 13 August, 
1633," was about embarking at that time, at London, in the ship James, for 
New-England, with power from Lords Say and Brook. He arrived at Salem, 
10 October, 1633, in eight weeks passage. Winthrop, Hist. N. E. i. 115. 

III. Walter Neal, the other signer, was in Boston, or on his passage to 
England with Capt. Graves, when this letter was dated. He wrote to Gov, 
Winthrop on that very day, (13 August) " to excuse his not coming to see" 
him, as " he had been in the bay above ten days and came not all that time to 
see tiie governor." (Winthrop, Hist. N. E. i. 106, 107.) Ambrose Gibbons 
in a letter, which is numbered V. in the Appx., and dated in July, 1633, says, 
'' the governor" (Neal) " departed from the plantation the fifteenth of July in 
the morning." 

IV. The name of Northam was not given to Dover until the arrival there 
of Thomas Larkham in 16^0, when it was changed from the name of Dover, 
which it had received the year before, (Winthrop, i. 326) to North.^m, prob- 
ably to gratify Larkham, who had been a preacher at a place of that name, 
near Barnstable, in England. 

V. The settlement at Pascataqua, or Portsmouth, was called Strawberry- 
Bank until 1653, when tlie inhabitants petitioned the General Court of Mas- 
sachusetts for an enlargement of territory, and humbly desiring '• that the 
name of the plantation, being Strawberry Banke (accidentally soe called by 
reason of a banke where Strawberries w<w found in this place)" might be call- 
ed Portsmouth, " beinge a name most sutable for the place, it beinge the 
River's mouth, and a good harbour as any in this land." MS. Petition.] 



14 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1G33. 

Mason and Gorges, who were more sanguine ihan the rest, and be- 
came (either by j)iucliase or tacit consent of the others) the principal, 
if not sole proprietors. These gentlemen renewed tlieir exertions 
with greater vigor, sent over a fresh supply of servants,and materials 
.-,,,. for carrying on the settlement, and appointed Francis Will- 
iams their governor. He was a gentleman of good sense 
and discretion ; and so very acceptable to the people, that when 
they combined in a body politic, they continued him at their head. 
The charter by which the council at Plymouth was established, 
J ^c^r 'itid been from the beginning disrelished by theVirginia com- 
pany ; who spared no pains to get it revoked.* Their appli- 
cations to the king proved fruitless ; but when the parliament began 
to inquire into the grievances of the nation, this patent was com- 
plained of as a monopoly. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, being sum- 
moned, appeared before them, and both in person and by his coun- 
cil defended it in a masterly manner, but in vain ; for when the 
national grievances w'ere presented to the throne, the patent of 
New-England was the first.- The council also was in disrepute 
with the high-church party, for having encouraged the settlement 
of the Plymouth and Massachusetts colonists, who (led from their 
persecutions. These prejudices against them, operating as dis- 
couragements to their undertaking, induced the council to resign 
their charter to the king ; having previously taken care to secure 
some portion of the expiring interest to such of themselves as 
were disposed to accept it. The scheme they had in view was 
to divide their territory into twelve provinces, under as many pro- 
prietary governors, subject to one general governor; and they 
went so far as to nominate Gorges, then threescore years of age, 
for the person, and build a ship of war, which was to bring him 
over and remain in the service of the country. But the ship fell 
and broke in the launching ; and their project not being sufficient- 
ly attended to by those in power, they were obliged to be content 
with such grants as they could make of those districts, into w hich 
they had divided the country .^ That which w^as made to Ma- 
son comprehended both his former patents, extending from Naum- 
keag to Pascataqua, and sixty miles northwestward within the 
land, together with the south half of the Isles of Shoals, and ten 
thousand acres at Sagadahock ; saving to those already settled 
within these limits, the property of their lawful grants on paying 
*' some small acknowledgment" to the proprietor.'^ This grant 
was dated the twenty-second of April.* ^ In June following, 

(1) Hubbard's MS. Hist. (2) Gorges" Narrative, p. 22 and 44. (r^l Hub- 
bard's MS. Hist. (4) Files of the Superior Court. (.'>) Hubbard's MS. Hist. 

* Whether Captain Mason had liis title confirmed b}' the kinjr after th« 
surrender of the charter is a point that has been questioned. I eha.ll here col- 
lect what evidence I have met wilii on both sides. 

In n pamphlet published in 1728, containing a detail of the grants aad 
transactions of Capt. Mason, it is said " King Charles 1. by charter dated 
'* Aug. 1!>, 1G3.5, gives, grants and confirms unto Capt. John Mason, then 



1635.] 



GRANTS AND SETTLEMENTS. 15 



the council surrendered their charter to tlie king ; and in Septem- 
ber, Gorges sold to Mason a tract of land on the northeast side of 
the river Pascataqua, extending three miles in breadth, and fol- 
lowing the course of the river Irom its mouth to its Airthest head, 
including the saw-mill which had been built at the falls of New- 
ichwannock.' 

But death which puts an end to the fairest prospects, cut off 
all the hopes which Mason had entertained of aggrandizing his 
fortune, by the setdement of New-Hampshire. By his last will, 
which he signed a few days before his death, he disposed of his 
American estate in the following manner, viz. ' To the corpora- 
tion of Lynn Regis in Norfolk, the place of his nativity, he gave 
'two thousand acres of land in New-Hampshire, subject to the 

* yearly rent of one penny per acre to his heirs, and two fifths of 

* all mines royal ; on condition that five families should within five 

* years be settled thereupon. To his brother in law John Wallas- 

* ton, three thousand acres, subject to the yearly rent of one shil- 
'ling. To his grandchild Anne Tufton, ten thousand acres at 
'Sagadahock. To Robert Tufton, his grandson, he gave his 
'manor of Mason-hall, on condition that he should take the sur- 

* name of Mason. He also gave to his brother Wallaslon in trust, 

* one thousand acres for the maintenance of " an honest, godly 
" and religious preacher of God's word ;" and one thousand more 
'for the support of a grammar-school; each of these estates to 
' be conveyed to feoffees in trust, and their successors, paying an- 

(1) Printed state of Allen's title. 

" called treasurer and paymaster of his army, his heirs and assigns, all the 
" aforesaid tract of land, granted to him by the council of Plymouth, by the 
" name of the province of New-Hampshire ; with power of trovcrnment, and as 
" ample jurisdiction and prerogatives as used by the bishop of Durham ; cre- 
" ating him and his aforesaids ahgolute lords and proprietors of the province of 
" New-Hampshire, with power of conferring honors, &c. On this authori- 
ty (I suppose) Douglass has asserted the same tiling. (1) On which Hutchin- 
son remarks ■' This is not probable. His heirs were certainly unacquainted 
" with it, or they would have made mention of it before the king in council 
" in 1691. "(2) The report of the Lords Chief Justices in 1677, wherein the 
several grants are recited, makes no mention of this : But on the contrary it 
is said, " As to Mr. Mason's right of gorjernment within the soil he claimed, 
" their lordships, and indeed his own council, agreed he had none ; the great 
" council of Plymouth, under whom he claimed, having no power to transfer 
" government to any." The Lords of Trade in a report to the king in 1753, 
Bay, " It is alleged that this last grant to Mason was ratified and confirmed 
" by the crown, by charter dated Aug. !!•, ]6."55, with full power of civil juris- 
" diction and government, but no such charter as this appears upon record. 

None of Mason's heirs ever attempted to assume government by virtue of 
such a charter, as the heirs of Gorges did in the province of Maine. Robert 
Mason was appointed counsellor by mandamus, and Samuel Allen, who pur- 
chased the title, was governor by commission from the crown. 

There is an original letter in the Recorder's files, written by George Vaughan 
to Ambrose Gibbons, both factors for the company of Laconia, April 10, 1636, 
Jong before any controversy arose on this point, which may give more light to 
it than any thing that has yet been published. [This letter is in the Appendix 
of first edition.] 

(1) Doug. Summary, i. 415 (2) Hist. Mass. i. 317. 



IG HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [IG35. 

' nually one penny per acre to liis heirs. The residue of liis es- 
' tate in New-Hampshire he gave to his grandson Jolin Tufton, he 
' taking the surname of ftlason, and to his lawful issue ; or in want 
' thereof to Robert Tufton and his lawful issue ; or in want ihere- 
' of to Doctor Rohert Mason, chancellor of the diocese of Win- 
' Chester, and his lawful issue ; or, in want of such issue, to his 
'own oilier right heirs forever; provided that it should not go out 
' of the name of Mason. The residuary legatee was required to 
* pay five hundred pounds out of this estate to his sister Mary and 
' all the grandchildren were to relinquish their right to one thou- 
' sand pounds due from this estate to their father Joseph Tufton.' 
The estate in America was valued in the inventory at ten thou- 
sand pounds sterling. 

The Massachusetts j)lanters viewed Mason as their enemy, * 
because he, with Gorges, had privately encouraged some persons 
whom they had censured and sent home, to petition against them 
as disaffected to the government ; and had endeavored to get their 
charter set aside, to make w^ay for the scheme of a general gov- 
ernoi.* 

But though Mason and Gorges had not the same religious views 
with the jMassachusetts planters, yet their memory deserves re- 
spect. They were both heartily engaged in the setderaent of the 
country ; they sunk their estates in the undertaking, and reaped 
no profit to themselves ; yet their enterprising spirit excited em- 
ulation in others, who had the advantage of improving their plans 
and avoiding their mistakes. Gorges accounted for the ill suc- 
cess of his adventures in the following manner.- 1. He began 
when there was no hope of any thing for the present but loss ; 
as he had first to seek a place ; which, being found, was a wil- 
derness ; and so gloomy was the prospect, that he could scarce 
procure any to go, much less to reside in it ; and those whom he 
at length sent, could not subsist but on the provisions with which 
he supplied them. 2. He sought not barely his own profit, but 
the thorough discovery of the country ; wherein he went so far 

(1) MS. in Superior Court files. (2) Gorges' Narrative, p. 40. 

" Mr. Hubbard relates tlie following anecdote, without mentioning the name 
of the person.* " One of tlie gentlemen who was known to be one of the 
'• grentest adversaries to the affairs of the Massachusetts, fell sick and died. 
'■ In his sickness, he sent for the minister, and bewailed his enmity against 
■" them : and promised if he recovered, he would be as good a friend to New- 
** England, as he had been an enemy ; but his fatal hour being come, his pur- 
" poses of that nature were cutoff. The passage aforegoing was certified by 
" letters from Lord Say and others to the governor of New-England about the 
" year KilJo." 

Governor Winthrop lias the following remark in his Journal. *• 1036. The 
" last winter Captain Mason died. He was the chief mover, in all attempts 
" against us ; and was to liave s."nt the general governor ; and for this end was 
" providing ships. JJut the Lord, /h merry, taking liim away, all the business 
" fell on sleep." [Winthrop, Hist. N. E. i. 187.] 

* [Dr. Belknap has added in the corrected copy this note : " It appears 
from Winfhrop's Journal that this was Morton, p. 2()rt."] 



1^35.] SETTLEMENTS. 17 

(with the holp of his associates) as to open the way for others to 
make their gain. 3. He never went in person to oversee the 
people whom he employed. 4. There was no settled govern- 
ment to punish offenders, or mispenders of their masters' goods. 
Two other diings contrihuted to the disappointment in as great, if 
not a greater degree, than what he has assigned. The one was 
that instead of applying themselves chiefly to husbandry, the orig- 
inal source of wealth and independence in such a country as this ; 
lie and his associates, being merchants, were rr.ther intent on trade 
and fishery as their primary objects. These cannot be profitable 
in a new country, until the foundation is laid in the cultivation of 
the lands. If the lumber trade and fishery cannot now be carried 
on to advantage, widiout the constant aid of husbandry in their 
neighborhood, how could a colony of traders and fishermen make 
profitable returns to their employers, when the husbandry neces- 
sary for their support was at the distance of Virginia or England ? 
The other mistake which these adventurers fell into was the idea 
of lordship, and the granting of lands not as freeholds, but by leases 
subject to quit-rents. To settle a colony of tenants in a climate 
so far northward, where the charges of subsistence and improve- 
ment were much greater than the value of the lands, after the im- 
provements were made ; especially in the neighborhood of so re- 
spectable and growing a colony as that of Massachusetts, was in- 
deed a chimerical project ; and had not the wiser people among 
them sought a union with Massachusetts, in all probaJiility the 
settlements must have been deserted. 



CHAPTER II. 

Troubles at Dover. Settlements of Exeter and Hampton. Ruin of Mason's 
interest. Story of Underiiill. Combinations at PortsmoutJi and Dover. — 
Union of New-Hampshire with Massacluisetts. 

Whilst the lower plantation on the river Pascataqua lay under 
discouragement by the death of its principal patron, the upper 
settlement, though carried on with more success, had peculiar 
difficulties to struggle with. Two thirds of this patent belonged 
to some merchants of Bristol, the other third to some of Shrews- 
bury ; and there was an agreement that the division should be 
made by indifferent men. Captain Wiggin who was sent over to 
superintend their affairs, after about one year's residence in the 
country made a voyage to England, to procure more ample 
means for carrying on the plantation. In the mean time, those 
of Bristol had sold their interest to the lords Say and Brook, 
George Willys and William Whiting, who continued Wiggin in 



18 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1G33. 

the agency, and procured a considerable number of families in 
the west of England, some of whom were of good estates, and 
1 fco " of some account for religion," to con)e over and increase 

the colony.^ It appears from ancient records that Wiggin 
had a power of granting lands to the setders ;- but, as trade was 
their principal object, they took up small lots, intending to build 
a compact town on Dover Neck, which lies between two branch- 
es of the river, and is a fine, dry, and healthy situation ; so high 
as to command all the neighboring shores, and atTord a very ex- 
tensive and delightful prospect. On the most inviting part of this 
eminence they built a meeting-house, which was afterward sur- 
rounded with an entrenchment and flankarts, the remains of which 
are still visible. Wiggin also brought over William Leveridge, a 
worthy and able puritan minister ; but his allowance from the ad- 
venturers proving too small for his support in a now country, where 
all the necessaries of life were scarce and dear, he was obliged to 
remove to the southward ; and settled at Sandwich in the colony 
of Plymouth.* This proved an unhappy event to the people, 
who, being left destitute of regular instruction, were exposed to 
the intrusions of artful impostors. 
^-_ The first of these was one Burdet.f He had been a 

minister at Yarmouth in England ; but either really or 
pretcndedly taking offence at the extravagancies of the bishops 
and spiritual courts, came over to New-England, and joined with 
the church in Salem, who employed him for a year or two as a 
preacher, being a good scholar and plausible in his behaviour ; ^ 
But, disgusted with the strictness of their discipline, he removed 
^('cyf to Dover; and continued for sometime in good esteem 

with the people as a preacher ; till by artful insinuations 
he raised such a jealousy in their minds against Wiggin their gov- 

(1) Hubbard's MS. Hist. (2) Dover Records. (3) Hubbard's MS. Hist. 

* [Rev. William Leveridge arrived at Salem in the sliip James, on the 10 
October, 1033, in company with Captain Thomas Wiggin of Pascataqua. He 
remained at Dover less than two 3-ears, and went from thence to Boston, where 
he was admitted a member of the First church, !) August, 1035. He was at 
Sandwich in l(i40, and, it is believed as late as ]t!.')2. In 1057, he was emploj^- 
ed as a missionary by tlie commissioners of the United Colonies. He accom- 
panied the people who made the first settlements at Huntington and 03'ster- 
Bay, on Long-Island, who seem, says Mr. Wood, '' to have composed one com- 
pany, or to have arrived at nearly tire same time. He settled in Huntington, 
and is mentioned as the minister of that place in the earliest records of the 
town. He remained there until 1070, when he removed to Newtown, on the 
same island. Hubbard characterises him as "an able and worthy minister." 
Mr. Wood says, that in one of the books among the town records of Newtown, 
there is a commentary on a large ))art of the old testament, presumed to have 
been made by him. Some of liis posterity still reside at Newtown, and are 
among the most respectable peojde of that place. Johnson, Hist. N. E. 226. 
Winthrop, Hist. N. E. i. 115, 331. Hubbard, Hist. N. E. 221, 003. Wood, 
Hist. Sketch of the Towns on Long-Island, 3d edit. 43 — 45. Records of First 
Church Boston.] 

i [His name was George. He was admitted freeman, 2 September, 1035. — 
The authorities for what is said of him are. Hubbard, Hist. N. E. 221, 263, 353 
—3,50, 301 , and Winthrop, Hist. N. E. i. 270, 2dl, 291, 2<)8, 320. ii. 10.] 



1G3G.] SETTLEMENTS. 19 

ernor, that they deprived him of his office, and elected Burdet in 
his place. 

During his residence here, he carried on a correspondence with 
Archbishop Laud to the disadvantage of the Massachusetts . ^^ 
colony, representing them as hypocritical and disaffected, 
and that under pretence of greater purity and discipline in matters of 
religion, they were aiming at independent sovereignty ; it being ac- 
counted perjury and treason by their general court, to speak of ap- 
peals to the king. The prelate thanked him for his zeal in |poq 
the king's service, and assured him that care should be taken 
to redress those disorders when leisure from their other concerns 
would permit. This letter of the archbishop was intercepted, and 
shewn to the governor of Massachusetts. Burdet's villainy was 
considered as the more atrocious, because he had been admitted 
a freeman of their corporation, and had taken the oath of fidelity. 
A copy of his own letter was afterward found in his closet. 

About this time, tlie Antinomian controversy at Boston having 
occasioned the banishment of the principal persons of that sect, 
several of them retired to this settlement, being without the juris- 
diction of Massachusetts. When diis was known. Governor Win- 
tln-op wrote to Wiggin, Burdet and others of this plantation, ' that 

* as there had hitherto been a good correspondence between them 

* it would be much resented if they should receive the exiles ; and 
' intimating the intention of the general court to survey the utmost 
' limits of their patent, and make use of them. '^ To this Burdet 
returned a scornful answer, refusing to give the governor his title. 
The governor thought of citing him to court to answer for his con- 
tempt ; but was dissuaded from it by Dudley, the deputy-govern- 
or, who judged it imprudent to exasperate him, lest he should 
avenge himself by farther accusing them to their enemies in Eng- 
land. The governor contented himself with sending to Hilton an 
account of Burdet's behaviour, inclosing a copy of his letter, and 
cautioning die people not to put themselves too far under his pow- 
er. His true character did not long remain secret ; for being de- 
tected in some lewd actions he made a precipitate removal to 
Agamenticus, now York, in die })rovince of Maine, where he also 
assumed to rule, and continued a course of injustice and adultery 
till the arrival of Thomas Gorges, their governor, in 1640, who 
laid a fine on him, and seized his cattle for die payment of it.* 
He appealed to the king, but his appeal not being admitted, he 
departed for England full of enmity against diese i)lantations. 
When he arrived, he found all in confusion ; and falling in with 
the royalists was taken and imprisoned by the parliamentary party, 
which is the last account we have of him.2 

One of the exiles on account of the Antinomian controversy, 

(1) [Winthrop, Hist. N. E. i. '27G.] (2) [Hubbard, Hist. N. E. 3GI.] 

* The records of the court mention iiirn as •• a man of ill name and fame, in- 
famous for incontinency.' Lib. A. Sept. Sth, IGIO. 



20 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1638. 

was John Wheelwright, brother to the famous Anne Hutchinson. 
He had been a preacher at Braintrec, which was then part of 
Boston, and was a gentleman of learning, piety and zeal. || Hav- 
ing engaged to make a setdcment widiin ten years, on the lands 
he had purchased of the Indians at Squamscot falls, || he with a 
number of his adherents began a plantation there, || which ac- 
cording to the agreement made with Mason's agents, they called 
Exeter. II Having obtained a dismission from the church in Bos- 
ton,* they formed themselves into a church ; and judging them- 
selves without the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, they combined 
into a separate body politic,! ^^^ chose rulers and assistants, who 
were sworn to the due discharge of their office, and the people 
were as solemnly sworn to obey them. Their rulers were Isaac 
Grosse, Nicholas Necdham, and Thomas Wilson ; each of whom 
continued in office the space of a year, having two assistants. ^ 
The laws were made in a popular assembly and formally consent- 
ed to by the rulers. Treason, and rebellion against the king, 
(who is styled " the Lord's anointed") or the country, were made 
capital crimes ; and sedition was punishable by a fine of ten 
pounds, or otherwise, at the discretion of the court. This combi- 
nation subsisted three years. 

About the same time, a plantation was formed at Winnicumet,| 
which was called Hampton. The principal inducement to the 
making this setdement was the very extensive salt-marsh, which 
was extremely valuable, as the uplands were not cultivated so as 
to produce a sufficiency of hay for the support of cattle. With a 

(1) Exeter Records. 

* The names of tliose wlio were thus dismissed were — 

John Wheelwriglit, Philemon Purmot, George Baytes, 

Richard Morrys, Isaac Grosse, Thomas Wardell, 

Richard Biiigar, Christopher Marshall, William Wardell. 

Boston Church Records. 

t [Tlie persons who entered into an agreement at tliis time ' to erect and set 
up among themselves, such government as should he to their best discerning, 
agreeable to the will of God,' were the following : 

George Barlow, Edmund Littlefield, Thomas Pettit, 

Ricjiard Bulgar, Philemon Purmont, Samuel Walker, 

Williani Cole, Kenry Roby, James Wall, 

John Cram, Francis Matthews, George Walton, 

Thomas Crawley, Richard Morris, Thomas Wardhall, 

Henry Elkins, Nicholas Needham, William Wardhall, 

Godfrey Dearborn, George Rawbone, William Wentworth, 

Darby Field, Robert Read, John Wheelwright, 

Ralph Hall, Edward Rishworth, William Winborne, 

Christopher Helme Robert Seward, Thomas Wilson, 

Christopher Lawson, Robert Smitli, Thomas Wright. 

Thomas Leavitt, Augustine Storre, 

Descendants of several of the i)ersons here named are still found in Exeter 
and its ncighltorliood. The name of Storre has hci'ii variously written, as filar, 
Starr, iilor and Slarij, but I am assured by John Kelly, Esq., of Northwood, that 
his signature to the agreement alluded to, is Sturrc. The name of Wardhall 
is found written llardcll and Wardicdl. Rawbone may be a mistake for Rath- 
bune.J 

1 [This name is called Winicovvett by Winthrop.J 



1638.] 



SETTLEMENTS. 21 



view to secure these meadows, the general court of Massachusetts 
had, in 1G36, empowered Mr. Dummer* of Newbury, witli John 
Spencer,f to build an house there at the expense of the colony, ^ 
which was to be refunded by those who should settle there. Ac- 
cordingly, an house was built, and commonly called the Bound- 
house ; though it was intended as a mark of possession rather than 
of limits. The architect was Nicholas Easton, who soon after 
removed to Rhode-Island, and built the first English house in 
Newport.- | 

This entrance being made, a petition was presented to die court 
by a number of persons, chiefly iVom Norfolk in England, praying 
for liberty to settle there, which was granted them."^ They began 
the settlement by laying out a township in one hundred and forty- 
seven shares ;'^ and having formed a church, chose Stephen Batcli- 
elor for their minister, with whom Timothy Dalton was soon after 
associated. The number of the first inhabitants was fifty-six. j| 

(1) Massa. Records. (2) Callender's Century Sermon, p. 73. (3) MS. of 
Mr. Gookin. (4) Massa. Records, Sept. 8, Id'SS. 

* [Ricliard Dummer was one of tlie principal men of the Massachusetts col- 
ony. He was born at Bishop-Stoke, Engkind, and came to N. E. in ](i32, re- 
sided first at Ro.xbury, from whence he soon removed to Newbur}', where he 
died 14 December, 1679, aged 88. He was elected an assistant in lt)3o and 
1G3G, and representative in 1G40, and from 1645 to 1647.] 

t [John Spencer resided in Ipswich and Newbury. He was representative 
one year in 1635. He returned to England in 1638, and died in 1648.] 

t [Nicholas Easton, one of the first settlers of Ipswich, for which place he 
was elected a deputy to the General Court of Massachusetts in March, 1635, 
but did not hold his seat, after a sliort residence at Newbury, removed to 
Rhode-Island, where he was elected governor in 1672 and 1673. He died in 
1685, aged 83.] 

II Some of their names are mentioned in the Court Records, viz. 
Stephen Batchelor, Thomas Molton, 

Christopher Hussey, William Estow, 

Mary Hussey ,widow, William Palmer, 

Thomas Cromwell, William Sargeant, 

Samuel Skullard, Richard Swayne, 

John Osgood, William Sanders, 

Samuel Greenfield, Robert Tucke, 

John Molton, John Cross. 

[Among the files of the ancient county of Norfolk, kept in the oflioe of the 
clerk of the court of common pleas, in Salem, is •• A Note of the Families in 
Hampton, the first summer Mr. Batchelor came to Hampton," wiiich will be 
here added. The names of baptism are generally omitted, but I have en- 
deavored to supply them, including them in parentiieses. Those with a || 
prefixed are styled Goodman ; the year added to each shows the tune of ad- 
mission as freemen. 
'• John Browne 16:^8 .' Married Men. 

Mr. (Christopher) Hussey 1634 ||(Philemon) Dalton 163G 

ll(Edmund) Johnson ||(John) Huo-o-ins 

II (Robert) Tucke 1630 ||(Jeofrry) Mmgay 1640 

Thomas Jones 1638 Thomas Moulton 1638 

ll(Robert) Saunderson l(i3!» John Moulton 16:te! 

ll(James) Davis l(i40 William Palmer 1638 

ll(Ricliard) Swaine l(i40 ||(Thomas) Marston 1641 

II (Samuel) Greenfield 163.') || (William) Estowe 1638 

AbraJiam Perkins 1640 Lieut. (William) Hayward 1C40 



22 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1638. 

The authority of INlassachuselts having established this settle- 
ment, they, from the beginning, considered it as belonging to their 
colony. 1 Though the agent of Mason's estate made some objec- 
tion to their proceeding, yet no legal method being taken to con- 
trovert this extension of their claim, the way was prepared for one 
still greater, which many circumstances concurred to establish. 

After the deadi of Captain Mason, his widow and executrix 
sent over Francis Norton as her "general attorney;" to whom 
she committed the whole manoge^nent of the estate.^ But the 
expense so far exceeded the income, and the servants grew so 
impatient for their arrears, that she was obliged to relinquish die 
care of the plantation, and tell the servants Uiat they must shift for 
themselves ; upon which, they shared the goods and cattle. Nor- 
ton drove above an hundred oxen to Boston, and there sold them 
for twenty-five pounds sterling per head, which it is said was the 
current price of the best catde in New-England at that time.* 
These were of a large breed, imported from Denmark, from 
whence Mason had also procured a number of men skilled in 
sawing plank and making potashes. Having shared the stock 
and other materials, some of the people quitted the plantation ; 

(I) MS. Deposition in Superior Court files. ("3) Anne Mason's Letters, 
and MS. Depositions in Superior Court files. 

Isaac Perkin.s M'>42 Robert Cassell 

Francis Peabody IM'i ||(.John) Cross Ui3'.) 

Young Mm tlnit had Lots. William Sargeant 

William Wakefield 1G38 Arthur Clark 1G40 

William Fifield T/ic second Summer. 

Moses Cox II (Robert) Pajre 1G42 

Thomas Kincr |1 (William) Marston 

An'liony Taylor ||(Joseph) Austin 

Thomas Ward 1037- ||(.losepli) Smith 

Giles Fuller ll(.lohii) Philbrick 

(I (William) Saunders |K William) l^nojlish 1042 

Daniel Mendrick || (Walter) Roper IM2 

.John Wedgewood 1| ( Henry) Amiirose 1041 

Tliomas Chase Widdow Parker 

ll(William) Fuller 1011 

The names of Stephen Rntrholor. Timothy Dalton, Mary Hussey, widow, 
Thomas Cromwell, Samuel Sknllard and John Osgood, which are in Dr. 
Belknaps list, do not appear in the preceding. Cromwell and Sknllard re- 
sided in Newbury, and Osijood settled at Andover. where lie died in October, 
1051, aged fjCJ. Most of" the first settlers of Hampton iiad previouslj- lived in 
other towns in the Massachusetts colony, after their emigration from England. 
]n 1043, I find the following additional names at Hampton, viz. .lames Davis, 
\t.. Francis Swaine, William Marston. jr., Thomas Linnet, William Sanborn, 
Jtjhn Sanborn, Stephen Sanborn, William Huntington, A<)uila (^hase. ances- 
tor of the Chase families in New-Hampshire, Richard Knight and Edward 
Tucke.] 

* ["Norton did not return to New-Hampshire, but took up his residence at 
Charleslown, and being, as .lohnsnn s.iys in llisl. N. E.. I'.t'i, " a man of a 
bold and cheerful spirit, well disciplined, and an able man," was admitted 
freeman of the colony in 104*2; chosen a member of the Ancient and Honor- 
able Artillery Company in 1(>43, and captain of the Charlestown train band. 
He was elected a deputy to the Cleneral Court eleven vears, viz. in 1(>47, 
UI5(), 1052— lUGl, excepting 10.")() and 1057. He died 27 July, 1007.] 



1038.] SETTLEMENTS. 23 

Others of them tarried, keeping iiossession of the ])iiil(hn2;s and 
improvements, which they claimed as their own ; the houses at 
Newichwannock were burned ; and thus Mason's estate was ru- 
ined. These events happened between 1G38 and 1G44. 

Among the Antinomians who were banished from Boston, and 
took refuge in these plantations, was Captain John Underbill, in 
whose story will appear some very strong characteristics of the 
spirit of these limes.* He had been a sohher in the Netherlands, 
and was brought over to New-England by Governor Wintiu-oj), to 
train the people in military discipline. He served the country in 
the Pequod war, and was in such reputation in the town of Bos- 
ton, tll^t they had chosen him one of their deputies.- Deeply 
tinctiu'ed with Antinomian principles, and possessed of an high 
degree of enthusiasm, he made a capital figure in the controversy ; 
being one of the subscribers to a petition in which the court was 
censured, with an indecent severity, for their proceedings against 
Wheelwright. For this ofFence, he was disfranchised. He then 
made a voyage to England ; and upon his return petition- Nov. 15, 
ed the court for three hundred acres of land which had 1^37. 
been promised him for his former services, intending to remove 
after Wheelwright. In his petition, he acknowledged his offence 
in condemning the court, and declared " that the Lord had brought 
" him to a sense of his sin in that respect, so that he had been in 
" great trouble on account thereof." On this occasion, the court 
thought proper to question him concerning an offensive expression, 
which he had uttered on board the ship in which he came from 
England, " that the government at Boston were as zealous as die 
" scribes and Pharisees, and as Paul before his conversion." He 
denied the charge, and it was proved to his face }ty a woman who 
was passenger with him, and whom he had endeavored to seduce 
to his opinions. He was also questioned for what he had said to 
her concerning the manner of his receiving assurance, which was 
" diat having long lain under a spirit of bondage, he could get no 
" assurance ; till at length as he was taking a pipe of tobacco, 
" the spirit set home upon him an absolute promise of free grace, 
" with such assurance and joy that he had never since doubted of 
" his good estate, neidier should he, whatever sins he might fall 
" into." This he would neither own nor deny ; but objected to 
the sufficiency of a single testimony. The court committed him 
for abusing them with a pretended retraction, and the next day 
passed the sentence of banishment upon him. Being allowed tiie 
liberty of attending public worship, his enthusiastic zeal broke out 
in a speech in which he endeavored to prove " that as the Lord 
" was pleased to convert Saul while he was persecuting, so he 
" might manifest himself to him while making a moderate use of 
" the good creature tobacco ; professing widial diat he knew not 
" wherein he had deserved the censure of the court." The el- 

(1) Hubbard's MS. Hist. (2) Princes Annals, MS. 



24 HIRTOIIY OF .NEW-HAMrSHlRE. [1G38. 

(lers reproved liiin for this inconsiderate speech ; and Mr. Cotton 
told him, " that though God often laid a man under a spirit of 
" bondage vvliilc walking in sin, as was the case with Paul, yet 
" he never sent a spirit of comfort but in an ordinance, as he did 
" to Paul by the ministry of Ananias ; and therefore exhorted him 
" to examine carefully the revelation and joy to which he preten- 
" ded." The same week he was privately dealt with on suspicion 
of adultery, which he disregarded; and therefore on the next 
sabbath was (piestioned for it belbre the church ; but the evidence 
not being sufficient to convict him, the church could only admon- 
ish him. 

These proceedings, civil and ecclesiastical, being finished, he 
removed out of their jurisdiction ; and after a while came to Do- 
ver, where he procured the j)lace of governor in the room of Bur- 
det. Governor Winthrop hearing of this, wrote to Hilton and 
others of this plantation, informing them of his character. Un- 
derbill intercepted the letter, and returned a bitter answer to Mr. 
Cotton ; and wrote another letter full of reproaches against the 
governor to a gendeman of his family, whilst he addressed the 
governor himself in a fawning, obsequious strain, begging an ob- 
literation of former miscarriages, and a bearing with human in- 
firmities. These letters were all sent back to Hilton ; but too 
late to prevent his advancement. 

Being settled in his government, he procured a church to be 
gathered at Dover, who chose Hanserd Knollys for their minister. 
He had come over from England the year before ; but being an 
Anabaptist of the Antinomian cast, was not well received in Mas- 
sachusetts, and came here while Burdet was in office, who forbade 
his preaching ; but Underbill, agreeing better with him, prevailed 
to have him chosen their minister. To ingratiate himself with 
his new patron, Knollys wrote in his favor to the church in Boston ; 
styling him " tlie right worshipful, their honored governor." Not- 
withstanding which, they cited him again to appear before them ; 
the court granting him safe conduct. At the same time, com- 
plaint WMS made to the chief inhabitants on the river, of the breach 
of friendship in advancing Underbill after his rejection ; and a 
copy of KnoUys's letter was returned, wherein he had written that 
" Underbill was an instrument of God for their ruin," and it was 
inquired whether that letter was written by the desire or consent 
of the people.* The principal persons of Portsmouth and Dover 
disclaimed his miscarriages, and expressed their readiness to call 
him to account when a proper information should be presented ; 
but begged that no force might be sent against him. By his in- 
stigation, Knollys had also written to his friends in England, a 
calumnious letter against the Massachusetts planters, representing 
them as more arbitrary than die high-commission court, and that 
there was no real religion in the country. A copy of this letter 

(1) [Winthrop, i. Hist. N. E. 281, 292.] 



jf^39.] SETTLEMENTS. 25 

being sent from England to Governor Winlhrop, Knollys was so 
ashamed at the discovery, that obtaining a license, he went to Bos- 
ton ; and at the public lecture before the governor, magistrates, 
ministers and the congregation, made confession of his fault, and 
wrote a retraction to his friends in England, which he left with the 
governor to be sent to them.* 

Underbill was so affected with his friend's humiliation, and the 
disaffection of the people of Pascataqua to him, that he resolved 
to retrieve his character in the same way. Having obtained safe 
conduct, he went to Boston, and in the same public manner ac- 
knowledged his adultery, his disrespect to the government and 
the justice of their proceedings against him. But his confession 
was mixed with so many excuses and extenuations that it gave no 
satisfaction ; and die evidence of his scandalous deportment being 
now undeniable, the church passed the sentence of excommuni- 
cation, to which he seemed to submit, and appeared much dejec- 
ted whilst he remained there. 

Upon his return, to please some disaffected persons at the mouth 
of the river, he sent thirteen armed men to Exeter to rescue out 
of the officer's hand one Fish, who had been taken into custody 
for speaking against the king. The people of Dover forbade his 
coming into their court till they had considered his crimes and he 
promised to resign his place if they should disapprove of his con- 
duct ; but hearing that they were determined to remove him, he 
i-ushed into court in a passion, took his seat, ordered one of the 
magistrates to prison, for saying that he would not sit with an 
adulterer, and refused to receive his dismission, when they voted 
it. But they proceeded to choose another governor, Roberts, and 
sent back the prisoner to Exeter. 

A new scene of difliculty now arose. Thomas Lark- . ^ . .^ 
ham, a native of Lyme, in Dorsetshire, and formerly a min- 
ister at Northam near Barnstable, who had come over to New-Eng- 
land, and not favoring the doctrine, nor willing to submit to the dis- 
cipline of the churches in Massachusetts, came to Dover ; and be- 
ing a preacher of good talents, eclipsed Knollys, and raised a party 
who determined to remove him. He therefore gave way to pop- 
ular prejudice, and suffered Larkham to take his place ; who soon 
discovered his licentious principles by receiving into the church 
persons of immoral characters, and assuming, like Burdet, the civil 
as well as ecclesiastical authority. The better sort of the people 
were displeased and restored Knollys to his oflice, who excom- 
municated Larkham. This bred a riot, in which Larkham laid 
hands on Knollys, taking away his hat on pretence that he had 
not paid for it ; but he was civil enough afterward to return it. 
Some of the magistrates joined with Larkham, and forming a 
court, summoned Underbill, who was of Knollys's party, to appear 
before them, and answer to a new crime which diey had to allege 

(1) [Winlhrop, Hist. N. E. i. 306, 326.] 
6 



26 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1640, 

against him. Underbill collected his adherents : Knollys was 
armed with a pistol, and another had a bible mounted on an hal- 
bert for an ensign. In this ridiculous parade, they marched against 
Larkham and his party, who prudently declined a combat, and 
sent down the river to Williams, the governor, at Portsmouth, for 
assistance. He came up in a boat with an armed partv, beset 
Knollys's house, where Underbill was, guarded it night and day 
till a court was summoned, and then, Williams sitting as judge, 
Underbill and his company were found guilty of a riot, and after 
being fined, were banished the plantation. The new crime which 
Larkham's party alleged against Underbill was, that he had been 
secretly endeavoring to persuade the inhabitants to offer them- 
selves to the government of Massachusetts, whose favor he was 
desirous to purchase, by these means, as he knew that their view 
was to extend their jurisdiction as far as they imagined their limits 
reached, whenever they should find a favorable opportunity.' The 
same policy led him with his party to send a petition to Boston, 
praying for the interposition of the government in their case. In 
consequence of which, the governor and assistants commissioned 
Simon Bradstreet, Esq., with the famous Hugh Peters, then min- 
ister of Salem, and Timothy Dalton, of Hampton, to inquire into 
the matter, and effect a reconciliation, or certify the state of things 
to them. These gentlemen travelled on foot to Dover, and find- 
ing both sides in fault, brought the matter to this issue, that the 
one party revoked the excommunication, and the other the fines 
and banishment. 

In the heat of these disputes, a discovery was made of Knollys's 
failure in point of chastity. He acknowledged his crime before 
the church ; but they dismissed him and he returned to England, 
where he suffered by the severity of the long parliament in 1 644 ; 
and being forbidden to preach in the churches, opened a separate 
meeting in Great St. Helen's, from which he was soon dislodged, 
and his followers dispersed.- He also suffered in the cause of 
non-conformity in the reign of King Charles the second, and at 
length (as it is said) died " a good man in a good old age," Sep- 
tember 19, 1691, JEt. ninety-three.3 

Underbill having finished his career in these parts, obtained 
leave to return to Boston, and finding honesty to be the best poli- 
cy, did in a large assembly, at the public lecture, and during the 
sitting of the court, make a full confession of his adultery and hy- 
pocrisy, his pride and contempt of authority, justifying the church 
and court in all that they had done against him, declaring that his 
pretended assurance had failed him, and that the terror of his 
mind had at some times been so great, that he had drawn his 
sword to put an end to his life. The church being now satisfied, 
restored him to their communion.* The court, after waiting six 

(1) [Winthrop, Hist. N. E. ii. 27,28.] (2) Neal's Hist. Puritans. 4to. vol. 
ii. p. 118. (:}) Neal's Hist. N.E. vol. i. p. 216. Mather's Magnal. lib. 8. p. 
7. (4) Prince's Annals. 



1^40.1 SETTLEMENTS. 27 

months for evidence of his good behaviour, took off his sentence 
of banishment, and released him from the punishment of his adul- 
tery : the law which made it capital having been enacted after 
the crime was committed, could not touch his life. Some offers 
being made him by the Dutch at Hudson's river, whose language 
was familiar to him, the church of Boston hired a vessel to trans- 
port him and his family thither, furnishing them with all necessa- 
ries for the voyage.^ The Dutch governor gave him the com- 
mand of a company of an hundred and twenty men, and he was 
very serviceable in the wars which that colony had with the Indians, 
having, it is said, killed otie hundred and fifty on Long-Island, 
and three hundred on the Main. He continued in their service 
till his death.* 

We find in this relation a striking instance of that species of 
false religion, which, having its seat in the imagination, instead of 
making the heart better and reforming the life, inflames the pas- 
sions, stupifies reason, and produces the wildest effects in the be- 
haviour. The excesses of enthusiasm have often been observed 
to lead to sensual gratifications ; the same natural fervor being 
sufficient to produce both. It cannot be strange that they who 
decry morality, should indulge such gross and scandalous enormi- 
ties as are sufficient to invalidate all those evidences of their re- 
ligious character on which they lay so much stress. But it is not 
so surprising that men should be thus misled, as that such frantic 
zealots should ever be reduced to an acknowledgment of their of- 
fences ; which, in this instance, may be ascribed to the strict dis- 
cipline then practised in the churches of New-England. 

(1) Hubbard's MS. Hist. [p. 3G5 printed copy.] 

* [Mr. Wood says he settled at Stamford in Connecticut, and was a dele- 
gate from that town to the court of New-Haven in 1()4:^, and was appointed 
an assistant justice there. In the war between the Dutch and Indians from 
1t)43 to IG4(3, he had a principal command. After this war, which was ter- 
minated by a great battle at Strickland].s plain, and in which the Dutch with 
difliculty obtained the victory, he settled at Flushing, on Long-Island. He 
had soineagenc}' in detecting and exposing the intrigues of the Dutch treas- 
urer in 1G.53. In 1G65, he was a delegate from the town of Oyster-Bay to 
the Assembly, liolden at Hempstead by Governor Nicolls, and was appointed 
by him, under-sheriff of the north riding of Yorkshire or Queen's count)-. In 
1GG7, the Matinecoc Indians gave him ] 50 acres of land, which has remained 
in the family ever since, and is now in possession of one of his descendants 
that bears his name. It is supposed that Captain Underbill died at Oyster- 
Bay in the year 1G7"2. See Wood's Sketch of the First Settlement of the sev- 
eral Towns on Long-Island, 3d edit. 1828, 7(). The author of this work in a 
letter to me, dated at Huntington, L. I., 5 November, 1827, says, "the de- 
scendants of Captain Underbill are numerous and very respectable. His el- 
dest son John was a magistrate and a man of influence and very serviceable. 
The most of his posterity have changed the warlike habiliments of their an- 
cestor for the Quaker habit. One of his female descendants, who resides 
within six miles of Huntington, is clerk ofa meetingin tiiat neighborhood, an 
office of considerable importance among the F'riends. She is regarded a.s a 
woman of superior talents and acquirements." The name of Underbill still 
exists in New-Hampshire. Wliether those bearing it are descendants of 
Capt. John Underbill, 1 have not ascertained. There was a Giles Underbill 
in New-Hampshire in 1GG8, who is mentioned in the N. H. Republican of 29 
January, 1823, printed at Dover.] 



28 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1(340. 

The people of Dover and Portsmouth during all this time had 
no power of government delegated from the crown ; but finding 
the necessity of some more determinate form than they had yet 
enjoyed, combined themselves each into a body politic after the 
example of their neighbors at Exeter. The inhabitants of Dover, 
o t 02 ^y ^ written instrument, signed by 41 persons, agreed to 
submit to die laws of England, and such others as should 
be enacted by a majority of their number, until the royal pleasure 
should be known.* The date of the combination at Portsmouth 
is uncertain, their first book of records having been destroyed in 
1652, after copying out what they then thought proper to pre- 
serve.^ Williams, who had been sent over by the adventurers, 
was by annual suffrage continued governor of the place, and with 
him were associated Ambrose Gibbons and Thomas Warnerton* 
in quality of assistants. During this combination, a grant of fifty 
-. q_ acres of land for a glebe was made by the governor and 
^^^- inhabitantsf to Thomas WalfordJ and Henry Sher- 

(1) Hubbard, MS. Hist. (2) Portsmouth Records. 

* Warnerton had been a soldier. Upon the division of Mason's stock and 
goods lie carried his share to Penobscot, or some part of Nova-Scotia, where 
he was killed in a fray with the French inhabitants. Hi44. (Hubbard.) — 
rWinthrop, Hist. N. E. ii. 1/8, gives the circumstances of his death, and Mr. 
Savaire has added a valuable note pp. 177, 178, which serves more fully to 
develope the character of Warnerton, or Waniierton as spelled l)y Winthrop.] 
i This grant is subscribed by 

Francis Williams, Governor, John Landen, 1 

Ambrose Gibbons, Assistant, Henry Taler, 

William Jones, John Jones, 

Renald Fernald, William Berry, 

John Crowther, John Pickerin, 

Anthony Bracket. John Billing, 

Michael Chattertun, John Wotten, 

John Wall, Nicholas Row, 

Robert Pudington, Matthew Coe, 

Henry Sherburne, William Palmer. 

Portsmouth Records. 
(1) [Adams, Annals of Portsmouth, 395, has this name Lander. The name 
of Wotten above, he reads Wolten.] 

t [Thomas Walford was among the earliest emigrants to the Massachusetts 
colony. He was found at Charlestown in 1(i2H, by those who went from Sa- 
lem, III the summer of lliat year, to settle that place. He occupied an " En- 
glish thatched house pallisadoed," and was employed as a smith by trade. He 
removed to Pascataqua within a few years, where he appears to have acquired 
a considerable estate for those days, as his property at the time of his death, 
in ir)r)7, was inventoried at £]4'Xi .] fi. He possessed some influence, and 
served in several offices of responsibility. Jane Walford, supposed to be his 
wife, fell under the censure of dealing in witchcraft, and a prosecution [prob- 
ably the first, and perbajis the only one of the kind in New-Hain])shire,] was 
instituted against her, in 1(;'>7. which Mr. Adams supposes was dropped, as 
twelve years afterwards, she brought against her prosecutor an action of slan- 
der, and obtained a verdict of five pounds, and costs of court. Mr. Walford 
probably left descendants as the iiajue continued many years in the eastern 
parts of the state. From this early artisan of New-England, a mechanic's 
News Room,Iaf#ly established at Charlestown, Massachusetts, has received 
the name of-' Walford ball.' See llidibard. Hist. N. E. '>20.— Hutch. Hist. 
Mass. i. 17.— 2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. ii. IC.:!— Coll. of N. H. Hist. Soc. i. 25r> 
-'257. — Savage, Notes in Winthrop. i. il,"):}. — Adams, Annals of Portsmouth, 

5>(i, 38, :w, 40, :Jiir).] 



IG40.] 



SETTLEMENTS. 29 



burnc,* cliurcli-wardcns, and their successors forever, ns feoflecs 
in trust ;^ by virtue of which grant tlie same land is still held, and 
being let on long leases, a considerable part of the town of 1 Ports- 
mouth is built upon it. At this time, they had a parsonage house 
and chapel, and had chosen Richard Gibson for their parson, the 
patronage being vested in the ))arishoners. Gibson was sent from 
England as minister to a fishing plantation belonging to one Tre- 
lavvney. He was "wholly addicted to the hierarchy and disci- 
" pline of England, and exercised his ministerial function" ac- 
cording to the ritual.2 He was summoned before the court at 
Boston for " scandalizing the government there, and denying 
" their title ;" but upon his submission, they discharged him 
without fine or punishment, being a stranger and about to depai't 
the country. After his departure, the people of Portsmouth had 
James Parkerf for their minister,*^ who was a scholar, and had 
been a deputy in the Massachusetts court. After him, they had 

(1) Portsmouth Records. (2) Gov.Winthrop's Journal, MS. [Vol. ii. p. 66, 
Mr. Savage's edition.] (:^) Portsmouth Records. 

* [Henry Sherburne, it appears from a deposition found among the old 
colony files of Massachusetts, was born about the year 1612. lie tlierefore, 
if the same who is mentioned in the text, must iiave come to New-England 
before he was 20 years of age. He was the deputy of Portsmouth to the Gen- 
eral Court of Massachusetts in KiGO, and was living in ](J(J5. and probably at 
a later period. The Sherburne family in New-Ham])shire has been a distin- 
guished one from tJie earliest settlement of the state. Capt. Samuel Sher- 
burne, of Portsmouth, a worthy officer who was killed by the Indians at Mac- 
cjuoit, is named in this history, sub anno 1()91. Samuel Sherburne, who 
graduated at Harvard College in 171f), was a merchant of Portsmouth. Hen- 
ry Sherburne was appointed a mandamus counsellor in 1728, and died 29 De- 
cember, 1757. aged H:1 Henry Sherburne, born in 1710, graduated at Harvard 
College in 1726 ; was engaged in mercantile business ; was elected rt-i)resen- 
tative of Portsmouth twenty-one years in succession, from .January, 174.') ; was 
speaker of the House of Representatives from 1755 to ]7(!(), when he was ap- 
pointed counsellor by mandamus. In 1705, he received the appointment of 
Justice of the Superior Court of Common Pleas for tiie province. He died 30 
March, 17()7, in the 5r-'th year of his age. (Adams, in Annals of Portsmouth, 
220, 221, gives an account of his character.) Joseph Sherburne was appointed 
a counsellor of the jirovince in 173:?, sworn into office, 1 January, 1734. and 
died 3 December, 1744, aged (i4. John Sherburne, the fourth counsellor of 
the name, received his appointment the year before the revolution commen- 
ced, and served only one year. He died 10 March, 17f)7, in his 77th year. 
John Samuel Sherburne, Judge of the U. S. District Court for the New- 
Hampshire District, is of this family.] 

t Governor Winthrop gives this account of him and his ministry. (1642. 
10 mo:) '• Those of the lower part of Pascataquack invited Mr. .fames Par- 
'• kerof Weymouth, a godly man [and a scholar] to be their minister. He^ 
" by advising with divers of the magistrates and elders, accepted the call, anti 
" went and taught among them, this winter, and it pleased God to give gre.it 
" success to his labors, so as above forty of them, whereof the most had beert 
" very profane, and some of them professed enemies to the way of our church- 
•' es, wrote to the magistrates and elders, acknowledging the sinful course 
" they had lived in, and bewailing tlie same, and blessiuir God for calling them 
" out of it. and earnestly desiring that Mr. Parker migiit be settled amongst 
" them. Most of them fell back again in time, embracing this present 
" world." 1 He afterward removed to Barbadoes and there settled, (vide 
Hutchinson's Collection of paper.s, p. 1,55 and 222.) Hutchinson supposes 
him to have been minister of Newbury, mistakinir him for Thomas Parker. 
(1) MS. Journal. [Vol. ii. p. 03 of Mr. Savage's edition.] 



30 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1640. 

one l^rowno ; and Samuel Dudley,* a son of Deputy Governor 
Dudley ; but these were only temporary preaciiers, and they did 
not obtam the regular settlement of a minister for many years. 

Four distinct governments (including one at Kittery on the 
north side of the river) were now formed on the several branches 
of Pascataqua. These combinations being only voluntary agree- 
ments, liable to be broken or subdivided on the first popular dis- 
content, there could be no safety iji the continuance of them. 
The distractions in England at this time had cut off all hope of 
the royal attention, and the people of the several settlements were 
too much divided in their opinions to form any general plan of 
government which could afford a prospect of permanent utility. 
The more considerate persons among them, therefore thought it 
best to treat with Massachusetts about taking them under their 
protection. That government was glad of an opportunity to re- 
alize the construction which they had put upon the clause of their 
charter wherein their northern limits are defined. For a line 
drawn from east to west, at the distance of " three miles to the 
" northward of Merrimack river and of any and every part there- 
" of," will take in the whole province of New-Hampshire, and the 
greater part of the province of Maine, so that both Mason's and 
Gorges's patents must have been vacated. * They had already in- 
timated their intention to run this east and west line, and presum- 
ing on the justice of their claim, they readily entered into a nego- 
tiation with the principal settlers of Pascataqua respecting their 
incorporation with them. The affair was more than a year 
IG41. ill agitation, and was at length concluded by an instrument 
^^' ' subscribed in the presence of the general court, by George 
Willys, Robert Saltonstall, William Whiting, Edward Holyoke, 
and Thomas ]V[akepeacc, in behalf of themselves and the other 
partners of the two patents ; by which instruments, they resigned 
the jurisdiction of the whole to Massachusetts, on condition that 
the inhabitants should enjoy the same liberties w-ith their own peo- 
ple, and have a court of justice erected among them. The prop- 
erly of the whole patent of Portsmouth, and of one third part of 
that of Dover, and of all the improved lands therein, was 
reserved to the lords and gentlemen proprietors, and their 
heirs forever. 

The court on their part consented diat the inhabitants of these 
towns should enjoy the same privileges with the rest of the colony, 
and have the same administration of justice as in the courts of 
Salem and Tpswich ; that they should be exempted from all public 
charges, except what should arise among themselves, or for their 
own peculiar benefit ; that they should enjoy their former liber- 
ties of fishing, planting and selling timber ; that they should send 

(1) Massa. Records. 

* Dudley settled at Exeter in 1<;.">0, and died there in 1083, aged 77. " He 
was a person of good capacity and learning."' Fitch's MS. 



1^41.1 SETTLEMENTS. 31 

two deputies to the general court ; and that the same persons who 
were authorized by their combinations to govern them, should 
continue in office till the commissioners named in this order should 
arrive at Pascataqua. These connnissioners were invested with 
the power of the quarter courts of Salem and Ipswich, and, at 
their arrival, they constituted Francis Williams, Tliomas Warner- 
ton and Ambrose Gibbons of Portsmouth, Edward Hilton, Thom- 
as Wiggin and William Waldron of Dover, magistrates, who were 
confirmed by the general court.* 

By a subsequent order, a very extraordinary concession was 
made to these towns, which shows the fondness that 
government had of retaining them under their jurisdiction. ^ "'*^' 
A test had been established by law, but it was dispensed ^^ ' 
with in their favor ; their freemen were allowed to vote in town 
affairs, and their deputies to sit in the general court though they 
were not church-members. ^ 

The people of Dover being left destitute of a minister by the 
sudden departure of Larkham, who took this method to avoid the 
shame which would have attended the discovery of a crime simi- 
lar to that for which Knollys had been dismissed, wrote to Massa- 
chusetts for help. The court took care to send them Daniel 
Maud, who had been a minister in England. f He was an hon- 
est man, and of a quiet and peaceable disposition, qualities much 
wanting in all his predecessors.- Larkham returned to England, 
where he continued to exercise his ministry till ejected by the act 
of uniformity in 1662, from Tavistock in Devon. He is said to 
have been " well known there for a man of great piety and sin- 
"cerity," and died in 1669, M. 69.3 j 

(1) Hubbard's MS. [Winthrop, Hist. N. E. ii. 02. Savage, Winthrop, ii. 
92.] (2) Math. Mag. (3) Calamy's account of ejected ministers, p. 24.] 

^ [Hubbard says, " on Sept. 24, 1C41, the inhabitants on the south side of 
Pascataqua, both at Dover and Strawberry-Bank (since Portsmouth) were de- 
clared to belong to the Massachusetts jurisdiction, and in pursuance thereof, 
a committee was chosen to order matters accordingly." Hist. N. E. 372.] 

t [Daniel Maud came to New-England as early as 1635, in which year, on 
the 25 October, he was admitted freeman by the Massachusetts colony. He 
was employed while at Boston as a schoolmaster. He was the minister of 
Dover about thirteen years, and died in 1655.] 

t [1G42. The visit of Darby Field to the White Mountains should be placed 
under this year. The season of the year, when this visit was made is deter- 
mined by the following note, among the chronological items in tiie Rev. Sam- 
uel Danforth's almanac for 1647. "1642. (4) [i. e. .June] The first discovery 
of the great mountaine (called the Christall Hills) to the NW.by Darby Field." 
The expedition was deemed so important and atttended with so much labor 
and fatigue, that it may be proper to give Gov. Winthrop's account of it 
entire. 

" One Darby Field, an Irishman, living about Pascataquack, being accom- 
panied with two Indians, went to the top of the White hill. He made his, 
journey in 18 days. His relation at his return was, that it was about one hun- 
dred miles from Saco ; that after 40 miles travel, he did, for the most part as- 
cend, and witliin 12 miles of the top, was neither tree nor grass, but low sav- 
ins, which they went upon the top of sometimes, but a continual ascent upon 
rocks, on a ridge between two valleys filled with snow, out of which came 



32 HISTORY OF NEVV-IIAMPSHIRE. [1G42. 

The inhnhitnnts of Exrter had hitherto continued dieir combi- 
nation ; bnt finding themselves comprehended within the claim of 
Massachusetts, and being weary of their ineflicacious mode of 
government they petitioned the court, and were readily 
admitted under their jurisdiction. William VVenborne, 
Robert Smith, and Thomas Wardhall were appointed their mag- 
istrates; and they were annexed to the county of Essex. ^ Upon 
this. Wheelwright who was still under sentence of banishment, 
with those of his church who were resolved to adhere to him, re- 
moved into the province of IMaine, and settled at Wells, where his 
posterity yet remain. He was soon after restored, upon a slight 
acknowledgment, to the freedom of the colony, and removed to 
Hampton, of which church he was minister for many years ; un- 
til he went to England where he was in favor with Cromwell. 
But, after the restoration, he returned and settled at Salisbury, 
where he died in IGS0.~ * 

(1) Mass. Records. (2) Hubbard's MS. [pp. 351, 305-3G8 of the printed 
copy.] 

two branches of Saco river, which met at the foot of the hill, where was an In- 
dian town of some 200 people. Some of them accompanied him within 8 
miles of the top, but durst go no further, telling him that no Indian ever dar- 
ed to go higher, and that he would die if he went. So tliey staid there till his 
return, and his two Indians took courage by his example and went with him. 
They went divers times through the thick clouds for a good space, and within 
4 miles of the top they had no clouds, but very cold. JJy the way, amono- 
the rocks, there were two ponds, one a blackisli water, the other reddish. — 
The top of all was plain about (iO feet square. On the north side there was 
such a precipice, as they could scarce discern to tlie bottom. They had nei- 
ther cloud nor wind on the top, and moderate heat. All the country about 
him seemed a level, excepting liere and there a hill rising above the rest, but 
far beneath them. lie saw to the north a great water which he judged to be 
about too miles broad, but could see no land be3'ond it. The sea by Saco 
seemed as if it had been within 20 miles. He saw also a sea to the eastward, 
which he judged to be the gulpli of Canada : he saw some great waters in 
parts to the westward, which he judged to be tlie great lake which Canada 
river comes out of. He found there much muscovy glass. They could rive 
out pieces of 40 feet long, and 7 or 8 broad.'' Winthrop, Hist. N. E. ii. ()7, (>P. 
Field again visited the mountains about a month afterwards, in company with 
five or six persons. At this time, tliey brought away some stones which they 
supposed were diamonds, but which proved to be crystal. It is to be regret- 
ted that the other " relation, vwrr, true and cract," to which Gov. Winthrop 
refers as subsequent, is not to be found in his History. There have been ma- 
ny accounts of the White Mountains published in the periodicals of the day, 
the most satisfactory of which may he found in the N. E. Journal of Medicine 
and Surgery, for January, iHKi, vol. v. 321 — 338, and in Farmer and Moore's 
Collections for April, 1823, vol. ii. 97— 107.] 

* [Rev. John Wheelwright died 15 November, 1070, at an advanced age, 
and probably between 80 and 00 j'ears, as he is said to have been at the Uni- 
versity with Oliver Cromwell, who, when Wheelwright, while in England, 
waited upon him after he became Protector, declared to the gentlemen then 
about him, " that he could remember the time when he had been more afraid 
of meeting Wheelwright at foot-ball, than of meeting any army since in the 
field, for he was infallibly sure ofhc'ingtriptvp by him " (Mather, in Appx. 
to iii. vol. Belknap, 225.) Mr. Wheelwright came from Lincolnshire to New- 
England in lf)3fi. Soon after his arrival, he preached a sermon at Boston, 
which, being considered by the magistrates as " tending to sedition," occa- 
sioned his banishment from the colony in November, 1637. Mr. Savage 
who has seen the sermon, says, in Winthrop, i. 215, •• that it was not such as 



1544.1 SETTLEMENTS. 33 

After his departure from Exeter, an attempt was made by the 
remainins; inhabitants to form tbemselves into a chnrch, ,p,,^ 
and call the aged Stephen Batchelor to the ministry, who 
had been dismissed from Hampton for his irregular conduct. But 
the general court here interposed and sent them a solemn ,, 
prohibition, importing " that their divisions were such that 
"tliey could not comfortably, and with approbation, proceed in so 
*' weigJity and sacred affiiirs," and therefore directing them " to 
"defer gathering a church, or any other such proceeding, till tiiey 
*' or the court at Ipswich, upon further satisfaction of th<,'ir recon- 
*'■ ciliation and fitness, should give allowance therefor,"^ * 

(1) Massa. Records. 

as can justify the court in their sentence for sedition and contempt, nor pre- 
vent tlie present age from regarding that proceeding as an example and a 
ivaruingof tiie usual tyranny of ecclesiastical factions.'' There is a copy of 
the sermon in MS. in tlie library of the Massachusetts Historical Society. — 
The following exhortation from it is copied by Mr. Savage. " Thirdly, let 
us have a care, that we do show ourselves holy in all manner of good conver- 
sation, botli in private and public ; and, in all our carriage.s and cojiversations, 
let us have a care to endeavor to be holy as the Lord is ; let us not give occa- 
sion to those that are coming on, or manifestly opposite to the wavs of o-race, 
to suspect the way of grace ; let us carry ourselves, that they may be ashamed 
to blame us ; let us deal uprightly with those with whom we have occasion to 
deal, and have a care to guide our families and to perform duties that belono- 
to us ; and let us have a care that we give not occasion to say, we are liber 
tines or antinoniians." 

Mr. Wheelwright, on iiis banishment, came to New-Hampshire and settled 
Exeter as has been stated in the text, having obtained from several Indian 
Sagamores, by purchase, a tract of territory thil-ty miles square — " lying with- 
in three miles on the nortliern side of Merrimack river, extending thirty miles 
nloqg by the river from the sea side, and from the said river to Pascataqua pa- 
tent, thirty miles up into the countrv north west, and so from the falls of 
Pascataqua to Oyster River, thirty miles square every way." From Exeter 
he went to Wells, in Maine, wheje he remained, some time, but beino- releas- 
ed from his sentence of banishment, he went to Hampton in 1647, where he ap- 
pears to have remained until 1(J54, and perhaps later. He was in England in 
1().58, but returned to this country after the restoration, and succeedl-d Rev. 
William Worcester at Salisbury. His will, made 25 of May. 1(17!), names hi^^ 
son Samuel, who lived at Wells, his son-in-law Edward Rishwortli, his grand- 
children Edward Lyde, Mary White, Mary Maverick, William, Thomas and 
Jacob Bratlbury, to whom he gave his estate in Lincolnshire, in England, 
and his lands and tenements and personal property in New-Enoland. Two of 
his daughters were living when Mather wrote the letter in Appx. to iii. vol- 
ume of Belknap, already cited.] 

* [After this, the town of Exeter did not settle a minister until 1050. The 
town records show the contract to have been made ^vitll Rev. Samuel Dudley 
on the 13 of May, that year. He then, in consideration of the stipulated sal- 
ary, &c. '• agreed to come and inhabit at Exeter, to be a minister of God's 
word to the people there, until such time as God should be pleased to make 
way for the gathering of a church, and then he is to be ordained Pastor and 
Teacher according to the ordinance of God— and was not to leave till death 
or some more than ordinary call of (Jod otherways." MS. Note communica- 
ted by Hon. Jeremiah Smith. LL. D. 

Rev. Samuel Dudley was born in IGOfi, and probably came to New-Eng- 
land with liis father in 1630. He resided a short time at Cambridge, then at 
Boston, and removed to Salisbury as early as 1641, and represented" that town 
in the General Court, at the March and May sessions in 1G44. His first 
wife, who was Mary, daughter of Gov. Winthrop, died at Salisbury, 12 April, 
iGid. He afterwards married a second and third wife, by all of whom he had 
as many as fifteen children. His eldest son, Thomas, graduated at Harvard 
7 



34 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSPIIRE. [1644. 

Such a stretch of power, which would now be looked upon as 
an infringement of christian liberty, was agreeable to the princi- 
ples of the first fathers of New-England, who thought that civil 
government was established for the defence and security of the 
church against error both doctrinal and moral. In this sentiment 
they were not singular, it being universally adopted by the re- 
formers, in that and the preceding age, as one of the fundamental 
principles of their separation from the Romish church, and neces- 
sary to curtail the claims of her Pontiff, who assumed a suprem- 
acy over " the kings of the earth."* 



CHAPTER III. 

Observations on the principles and conduct of the first planters of New-Eng-- 
land. Causes of their removal. Their fortitude. Religious sentiments. — 
Careof their posterity. Justice. Laws. Theocratic prejudices. Intoler- 
ance and persecutions. 

A UNION having been formed between the settlements on Pas- 
cataqua and the colony of Massachusetts, their history for the 
succeeding forty years is in a great measure the same. It is not 
my intention to write the transactions of the whole colony during 
that period; but, as many of the people in New-Hampshire had 
the same principles, views and interests with the other people of 
New-England, I shall make some observations thereon, and in- 
tersperse such historical facts as may illustrate the subject. 

In the preceding century the holy scriptures, which had long 
lain hid in the rubbish of monastic libraries, were brought to public 
view by the happy invention of printing ; aud as darkness vanish- 
es before the rising sun, so the light of divine truth began to dis- 
sipate those errors and superstitions in which Europe had long 

College in 1G51, and died 7 November, 1655, aged 21. Several of his sons 
were active useful men, and their descendants have been numerous in this 
state.] 

* [Under this year, 1644, Governor Winthrop (Hist. N. E. ii. 177) speaks 
of " the contentions in Hampton as grown to a great height." "The whole 
town was divided into two factions, one with Mr. Batchellor their late pastor, 
and the other with Mr. Dalton their teacher, both men very passionate, and 
wanting discretion and moderation. Their differences were not in matters of 
opinion but of practice. Mr. Dalton's party being the most of the church, 
and so freemen, had great advantage of the other, though a considerable par- 
ty, and some of them of the church also, wiiereby they carried all affairs both 
in church and town according to their own minds, and not with that respect 
to their brethren and neighbors which had been fit. Divers meetings had 
been both of magistrates and elders, and parties had been reconciled, but 
brake out presently again, each side being apt to take fire upon any provoca- 
tion. Whereupon Mr. Batchellor was advised to remove, and was called to 
Exeter." It was then that the General Court of Massachusetts interposed aa 
related in the text.] 



PRINCIPLES OF THE PURITANS. 35 

been involved. At the same time, a remarkable concurrence of 
circumstances gave peculiar advantage to the bold attempt of 
Luther, to rouse Germany from her inglorious subjection to the 
Roman Pontiff, and effectuate a reformation, which soon spread 
into the neighboring countries. But so intimately were the po- 
litical interests of kingdoms and states blended with religious 
prejudices, that the work, though Iiappily begun, was greatly 
blemished and impeded. 

Henry the Vlllth of England took advantage of this amazing 
revolution in the minds of men, to throw off the papal yoke, and 
assert his native claim to independence. But so dazzling was 
the idea of power, and the example of the first christian princes, 
who had exercised a superintendency in spirituals, as well as tem- 
porals, that he transferred to himself that spiritual power which 
had been usurped and exercised by the bishops of Rome, and 
set up himself as supreme head on earth of the church of England ; 
commanding both clergy and laity in his dominions to swear al- 
legiance to him in this newly assumed character. 

This claim was kept up by his son and successor Edward the 
Sixth, in whose reign the reformation gained much ground ; and 
a service-book was published by royal authority as the standard 
of worship and discipline for his subjects. This excellent prince 
was taken out of the world in his youth ; and his sister jMary, 
who then came to die throne, restored the supremacy of the pope, 
and raised such fiery persecution against the reformers, that many 
of them fled into Germany and the Netherlands ; where they de- 
parted from that uniformity which had been established in Eng- 
land, and became divided in their sentiments and practice respect- 
ing ecclesiastical affairs : the native effect of that just liberty of con- 
science which they enjoyed abroad, pursuing their own inquiries 
according to their respective measures of light ; uninfluenced by 
secular power, or the hope of acquiring dignities in a national es- 
tablishment. 

The accession of Elizabedi inspired them with new hopes ; 
and they returned home, resolving to attempt the reformation of 
the church of England, agreeably to the respective opinions 
which they had embraced in their exile. But they soon found 
that the queen, who had been educated in the same manner with 
her brother Edward, was fond of the establishment made in his 
reign, and was strongly prejudiced in favor of pomp and ceremony 
in religious worship. She asserted her supremacy in the most 
absolute terms, and erected an high-commission court with juris- 
diction in ecclesiastical affairs. Uniformity being rigorously en- 
joined, and no abatement or allowance made for tender conscien- 
ces, (though it was conceded that the ceremonies were indiffer- 
ent) a separation from the establishment took place. Those whc 
were desirous of a farther reformation from the Romish supersti- 
tions, and of a more pure and perfect form of religion were de- 



36 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

noininaled Puritans; whose princij)lcs, as distinguished from 
those oi' the other reformers wlio were in favor with the queen, 
are thus represented.^ 

" The queen and court-reformers held, 1. That every prince 
had the sole authority to correct all abuses of doctrine and wor- 
ship within his own territories. 2. That the church of Rome 
was a true church, though corrupt in some points of doctrine and 
government; that all her ministrations were valid, and that the 
pope was a true Bishop of Rome though not of the universal 
church. 3. That the scriptures were a perfect rule of faith, but 
not a standard of discipline ; and that it was left to the discretion 
of the christian magistrate, to accommodate the government of 
the church to the policy of the state. 4. That tlie practice of 
the primitive church for the first four or five centuries was a 
j)roper standard of church government and discipline ; and in 
some respects better than that of the Apostles, which was only 
accommodated to the infant state of the church, while it was un- 
der persecution ; whereas the other was suited to the grandeur 
of a national establishment. 5. That things indiflerent in their 
own nature, as rites, ceremonies, and habits, might be settled, 
determined and made necessary by the command of the civ'?l 
magistrate, and that in such cases, it was the duty of the subject 
to observe theiri." 

" On the other hand, the Puritans, 1. Disowned all foreign 
jurisdiction over the church, but could not admit of that exten- 
sive power which the crown claimed by the supremacy. How- 
ever, they took the oath, with the queen's explication, as only 
restoring her majesty to the ancient and natural rights of sovereign 
])rinces over their subjects. 2. They held the pope to be anti- 
christ, the church of Rome a false church, and all her ministra- 
tions superstitious and idolatrous. 3. That the scriptures were a 
standard of disci|)line as well as doctrine, and if there was need 
of a discretionary power, it was vested not in the magisti'ate, but 
in the officers of the church. 4. That the form of government 
ordained by the Apostles was aristocratical, and designed as a 
pattern to the church in after ages, not to be departed from in 
its main princi|iles. 5. That those things which Christ had left 
indifFcrent ought not to be made necessary ; and that such rites 
and ceremonies as had been abused to idolatry and superstition, 
and had a manifest tendency to lead men back thereto, were no 
longer indifferent but unlawful." 

" Both parties agreed too well in asserting the necessity of 
uniformity in public worship, and of using the sword of the mag- 
istrate for the support and defence of their respective principles ; 
which they made an ill use of in their turns, whenever they could 
grasp it in their hands. The standard of uniformit}- according to 
the bishops, was the queen's supremacy and the laws of the land ; 

(1) Neal's Hist. Puritans, vol. i. p. Oo, [)3j 4to. 



FIRST SETTLERS OF iNEW ENGLAND. 37 

according to the Puritans, the decrees of national und provincial 
synods, allowed and enforced by the civil magistrate. Neither 
party \k'ere for admitting that liberty of conscience and freedom 
of profession which is every man's right, as far as is consistent 
with the peace of civil government. Upon this fatal rock of 
tiniformity, was the peace of the church of England split." 

it is melancholy to observe what mischiefs were caused by the 
want of a just distinction between civil and ecclesiastical power, 
and by that absurd zeal for uniformity, which kept the nation in a 
long ferment, and at length burst out into a blaze, the fury of 
which was never thoroughly quelled till the happy genius of the 
revolution gave birth to a free and equitable toleraiion, whereby 
every n)an was restored to the natural right of judging and acting 
for himself in matters of religion. All the celebrated wisdom of 
Elizabeth's government could not devise an expedient so success- 
ful. Though her reign was long and prosperous, yet it was much 
stained with oppression and cruelty toward many of her best sub- 
jects ; who, wearied with ineffectual applications, waited the ac- 
cession of James, from whom they expected more hvov, because 
he had been educated in the presbyterian church of Scotland, and 
professed an high veneration for that establishment. But they 
soon found that he had changed his religious principles with his 
climate, and that nothing was to be expected from a prince of so 
base a character, but insult and contempt. 

In the beginning of his reign, a great number of the Puritans 
removed into Holland, where they formed churches upon their 
own principles. But not relishing the manners of the Dutch, 
after twelve years, they projected a removal to America, and 
laid the foundation of the colony of Plymouth. The spirit of 
uniformity still prevailing in England, and being carried to the 
greatest extent in the reign of Charles the First, by that furious 
bigot Archbishop Laud ; many of the less scrupulous, but con- 
scientious members of the church of England, who had hitherto 
remained in her communion, seeing no prospect of rest or liberty 
ill their native country, followed their brethren to America, and 
established the colony of Massachusetts, from which proceeded 
that of Connecticut. 

By such men, influenced by such motives, were the principal 
settlements in New-England effected. The fortitude and perse- 
verance which they exhibited therein will always render their 
memory dear to their posterity. To prepare for their enteiprise, 
they had to sell their estates, some of which were large and val- 
uable, and turn them into materials for a new plantation, with the 
nature of which they had no acquaintance, and of which they 
could derive no knowledge from the experience of others. After 
traversing a wide ocean, they found themselves in a country full 
of woods, to subdue which required immense labor and patience ; 
at a vast distance from any civilized people ; in the ncigl)borliood 
of none but ignorant and barbarous savages ; and in a climate, 



38 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMrSHIRE. 

where a winter much more severe than they had been accustom- 
ed to, reigns for a third part ofliic year. Their stock of provis- 
ions falling short, dioy had the dreadful apprehension of |)erishing 
by famine, one half of their number dying before the first year 
was completed ; die ocean on one side separated them from Uieir 
friends, and the wilderness on die other, presented nothing but 
scenes of horror, which it was impossible for them to conceive of 
before they endured them. 

But under all these difllculties, they maintained a steady and 
pious resolution ; depending on the providence of the supreme 
ruler, and never repenting the business on which they had come 
into this wilderness. As purity in divine administrations was the 
professed object of their undertaking, so they immediately set 
themselves to form churches, on what diey judged the gospel plan. 
To be out of the reach of prelatic tyranny, and at full liberty to 
pursue their own inquiries, and worship God according to their 
consciences, (which had been denied them in their own country) 
was esteemed die greatest of blessings, and sweetened every hit- 
ler cup which they were obliged to drink. They always profes- 
sed that their principal design was to erect churches on the prim- 
itive model, and that the consideration of temporal interest and 
conveniency had but the second place in their views.* 

In the doctrinal points of religion, they were of the same mind 
widi their brethren of the church of England, as expressed in 
their articles. The Massachusetts planters left behind them, 
when they sailed, a respectful declaration importing that diey did 
not consider the church of England as anti-christian, but only 
withdrew from the imposition of unscrijitural terms of commu- 
nion. ^ Some of the Plymouth planters had embraced the narrow 
jirinciples of the Brownists, the first who sejiarated from the 
•cluircli of England ; but by die improvements which they made 
in religious knowledge under the instruction of the renowned John 
Robinson, their pastor in Holland, they were in a great measure 
cured of that sour leaven. The Congregational system of church 
government was the result of die studies of Uiat truly pious, Icarn- 
•ed, humble and benevolent divine, vviio seems to have had more 
of the genuine sjiirit of die reformation, and of freedom from big- 
otry, than any others in his day. His farewell charge to those of 
ids flock who were embarking in Holland for America, deserves 
to be had in perpetual remembrance.- " Brethren, (said he) 
" we are now quickly to part from one another, and whether I 

(1) Hutch. Hist. vol. i.p. 487. (2) Neal's Hist. N. E. vol. i. p. 84. 

* " Tt coiicerneth New-Enivlaiid always to remember, that they are orig- 
-" inally a plantation reliirioiis, not a plantation of trade. The profession of 
" the purity of doctrine, worsliip and discipline is written upon her forehead. 
" Let merchants, and sucli a.s arc increasing cent, percent, remember this, 
'• that worldly fi;ain was not the. end and design of the people of New-Eng- 
'■ land but religion. And if any man among us make religion as twelve, and 
'• the world as thirteen, such niione hath not the spirit of a true New-Eng- 
*• land man." Higgiusou'a Election Sermon, 10(33. 



FIRST SETTLERS OF NEW-ENGLAND. ^Q 

" may ever live to see your face on earlli any more, the God of 
" heaven only knows ; 'but whcllu'r llie Lord liutli npjiointed that 
" or no, I charge you before God and his blessed angels that you 
" foUovv me no further than you have seen me follow the Lord 
" Jesus Christ. If God reveal any thing to you by any other 
« instrument of his, be as ready to receive it, as ever you were 
" to receive any truth by my ministry ; for I am verily persuaded, 
" 1 am very conlident, the Lord has more truth yet to break forth 
" out of his holy word. For my part, I cannot sufHciently bc- 
" wail the condition of the reformed churches, who are come to 
" a period in religion, and will go at present no farther than the 
" instruments of their reformation. The Lutherans cannot bo 
" drawn to go beyond what Luther saw ; whatever part of his 
•' will our good God has revealed to Calvin, they will rather die 
" than embrace it. And the Calvinists you see stick fast where 
" they were left by that great man of God, who yet saw not all 
" things. This is a mis'ery much to be lamented ; for though 
" they were burning and shining lights in their times, yet they 
" penetrated not into the whole counsel of God ; but where they 
«' now living, would be as willing to embrace farther light, as that 
" which they at first received. I beseech you to remember it as 
" an article of your church covenant, that you be ready to re- 
" ceive whatever truth shall be made hioum to you from the urit- 
" ten tvord of God. Remember that, and every otiior article of 
" your sacred covenant. But I must herewithal exhort you to 
" take heed what you receive as truth. Examine, consider and 
" compare it with other scriptures of truth, before you receive it ; 
" for it is not possible the christian world should come so lately 
" out of such thick antichristian darkness, and that perfection of 
" knowledge should break forth at once." It is much to be regretted 
that this excellent man did not live to come to New-Iilngland, and to 
diffuse more generally such truly catholic and apostolic principles. 
Many of the first planters of New-England were persons of 
good education, and some of them eminent for their abilities and 
learning. Such men could not but see the necessity of securing 
to their posterity the advantages which they had so dearly pur- 
chased. One of their first concerns was to have their children 
considered, from their earliest years, as subjects of ecclesiastical 
discipline. This became a matter of controversy, and w^as largely 
discussed in sermons and pamphlets, and at length determined 
by the authority of a synod. A regular course of academical 
learning was a point of equal importance, and admitted of no dis- 
pute. They saw that die reputation and happiness of the whole 
country depended greatly upon it. They therefore took early 
care for the establishment of schools, and within ten years from 
their first settlement, founded a college at Cambridge,* which, 

* " When New-England was poor, and we were but few in number, there 
" was a spirit to encourage learning, and the college was full of students." — » 
Result of a Synod in 167lt. 



40 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

from small beginnings, by the munificence of its patrons, has 
made a distinguished figure in the repubhc of letters. Many 
cminent men have there been formed for the service of the church 
and state ; and without this advantage, the country could not 
have arrived, in so short a time, at its present respectable state ; 
nor have been furnished with men capable of filling the various 
stations of usefulness, and of defending our civil and religious 
liberties. 

Though the first planters derived from the royal grants and 
charters a political right as subjects of the crown of England, to 
this territory ; yet they did not think themselves justly entitled to 
the property of it, till they had fairly purchased it ol its native 
lords, and made them full satisfaction.* Nor did they content 
themselves with merely living peaceably among them, but exert- 
ed themselves vigorously in endeavoring their conversion to 
Christianity, which was one of the obligations of their patent, and 
one of the professed designs of their setdement in this country. 
This painful work was remarkably succeeded, and the names of 
Eliot and Mayhew will ahvays be remembered as unwearied 
instruments in promoting it. Great care was taken by the gov- 
ernment to prevent fraud and injustice toward the Indians in trade, 
or violence to their persons. The nearest of the natives were so 
sensible of the justice of their English neighbors, that they lived 
in a state of peace with them, with but little interruption, for 
above fifty years. 

Slavery was thought so inconsistent with the natural rights of 
mankind, and detrimental to society, that an express law was 
made prohibiting the buying or selling of slaves, except those 
taken in lawful war, or reduced to servitude for their crimes by a 
judicial sentence ; and these were to have the same privileges as 
were allowed by the laws of Moses. There was a remarkable 
instance of justice in the execution of this law in 1645, when a 
negro who had been fraudulently brought from the coast of Africa, 
and sold in the country, was, by the special interposition of the 
general court, taken from his master in order to be sent home to 
his native land.f How long after this the importation of blacks 

* The Abbe Raynal in his elegant History of the East and West Indies, 
speaks of the purchase made of tiie Indians by William Penn in 1081, as 
" an example of moderation and justice in America, which was never thought 
" of before, by the Europeans." It can be no derogation from the honor due 
to the wise founder of Pennslyvania that the example of this moderation and 
justice was first set by the planters of New-England, whose deeds of convey- 
ance from the Indians were earlier than his by half a century. 

In some parts of the country the lauds purchased oi'tlie Indians are subject 
to quit-rent, which is annually paid to their posterity. They have lands re- 
served to their use, which are not allowed to be purchased of them without 
the consent of the legislature. 

t " 14. 3d mo. 1G45. The court thought proper to write to Mr. Williams 
" of Pascataqua, (understanding that the negroes which Capt. Smyth brought 
" were fraudently and injuriously taken and brought from CJuinea, by Capt. 
" Smytli's confession and the rest of the company) that he forthwith send the 



FIRST SETTLERS OF NEW-ENGLAND. 41 

continued to be disallowed, is uncertain ; but if tbc same resolute 
justice bad always been observed, it would have been much lor 
the credit and interest of the country ; and our own struggles lor 
liberty would not have carried so flagrant an appearance of in- 
consistency. 

Severe laws conformable to the principles of the laws of Moses 
were enacted against all kinds of immorality. Blasphemy, idol- 
atry, adultery, unnatural lusts, rape, murder, man-stealing, false 
witness, rebellion against parents, and conspiracy against the com- 
monwealth, were made capital crimes ; and because some doubt- 
ed whether the magistrate could punish breaches of the four first 
commands of the decalogue, this right was asserted in the highest 
tone, and the denial of it ranked among the most pestilent here- 
sies, and punished with banishment. By the severity and im- 
partiality with which diose laws were executed, intemperance and 
profaneness were so effectually discountenanced that Hugh Peters, 
who had resided in the country twenty years,* declared before 
the parliament, that he had not seen a drunken man, nor heard a 
profane oath during that period. The report of this extraordinary 
strictness, while it invited many of the best men in England to 
come over, kept them clear of those wretches who fly from one 
country to another to escape the punishment of their crimes. 

The professed design of the plantation being die advancement 
of religion, and men of the strictest morals being appointed to 
the chief places of gov^ernment, their zeal for purity of every 
kind carried them into some refinements in their laws which are 
not generally supposed to come within the sphere of magistracy., 
and in larger communities could scarcely be attended to in a 
judicial way. The drinking of healths, and the use of tobacco 
were forbidden, the former being considered as an heathenish and 
idolatrous practice, grounded on the ancient libations ; the other 
as a species of intoxication and waste of time. Laws were insti- 
tuted to regulate the intercourse between the sexes, and the ad- 
vances toward matrimony : they had a ceremony of betrothing, 
which preceded that of marriage. Pride and levity of behaviour 
came under the cognizance of the magistrate. Not only the 
richness but the mode of dress, and cut of the hair were subject 
to state-regulations. Women were forbidden to expose their 
arms or bosoms to view ; it was ordered that their sleeves should 
reach down to their wrist, and their gowns be closed round the 

" negro which he had of Capt. Smytli hither, that lie may be sent home, 
" which this court doth resolve to send back witiiout delay. And if you Jiave 
" any thing to allege, why you sliould not return him to be disposed of by 
" the court, it will be expected you should forthwith make it appear either by 
" yourself or your agent." Massachusetts Records. 

* [The length of time above stated which the Rev. Hugh Peters passed in 
this country may have been a typographical error, lie was here not quite 
si.\ years, having arrived on the (J October, 1(J35, and sailed for England, .i 
August, 1G41.] 



42 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

neck. Men were oblic;cd to cut siioit their hair, that they niighJ 
not resemble women. No person not worth two hundred pounds 
was allowed to wear gold or silver lace, or silk hoods and scari's. 
Offences against these laws were presentable by the grand jury j 
and those who dressed above their rank were to be assessed ac- 
cordingly. Sumptuary laws might be of use in the beginning of 
a new plantation ; but diese pious rulers had more in view than 
the political good. They were not only concerned for the exter- 
nal appearance of sobriety and good order, but thought themselves 
obliged, as far as they were able, to promote real religion and 
enforce die observance of the divine precepts. 

As they were fond of imagining a near resemblance between 
the circumstances of their settlement in this country and the re- 
demption of Israel from Egypt or Babylon ; it is not strange that 
they should look upon their " commonwealth as an institution of 
" God for the preservation of their churches, and the civil rulers 
" as both members and fathers of them."^ The famous John 
Cotton, the first minister of Boston, was the chief promoter of 
this sentiment. When he arrived in 1633, he found the people 
divided in their opinions. Some had been admitted to the privi- 
leges of freemen at the first general court, wlio were not in com- 
munion whh the churches. After this, an order was passed, that 
none but members of the churches should be admitted freemen ; 
whereby all other persons were excluded from every office or 
privilege civil or military. This great man by his eloquence 
confirmed those who had embraced this opinion, and earnestly 
pleaded " that the government might be considered as a theocracy, 
" wherein the Lord was judge, lawgiver and king ; that the laws 
" which he gave Israel might be adopted, so far as they were of 
" moral and perpetual equity ; that the people might be consid- 
" ered as God's people In covenant with him ; that none but per- 
" sons of approved piety and eminent gifts should be chosen 
" rulers ; that the ministers should be consulted in all matters of 
" religion ; and that the magistrate should have a superintending 
" and coercive power over the churches."- * At the desire of 

(1) Increase Mather's Life, p. 57. (2) Mather's Magnalia, lib. 8, p. 20. 

* [There is a very scarce work which was published in ]r)G3, at Cambridge, 
by Samuel Green and Marmaduke Johnson, entitled " A Discourse about 
Civil Government in anew Plantation whose Designe is Religion, Written 
many years since. By that Reverend and Worthy Minister of the Gospel, 
John Cotton, B. D. and now published by some Undertakers of a new Plan- 
tation, for General Direction and Information." The object of it seems to be, 
" to prove the e.\|)ediency and necessity of entrusting free Burgesses which 
are members of churches gathered amongst them according to Christ with the 
power of choosing among themselves, magistrates, and men to whom the 
managing of all public civil artairs of importance is to be committed — and to 
vindicate the same from an imp\itation of an under-power upon the churches 
of Christ which hath been cast u])on it through a mistake ol'the true state of 
the question." The work seems to lie addressed to a brother in the ministr}', 
who had affirmed, that " the limiting of the right and power of choosing civil 
officers unto free burgesses that are members of churches, brought that tyran- 



FIRST SETTLERS OF NEW-ENGLAND. 43 

the court, he compiled a system of laws founded chiefly on tlie 
laws of Moses, which was considered by the legislative body as 
the general standard ; though they never formally adopted it, and 
in some instances varied from it.^ 

These principles were fundamentally the same with those, on 
which were grounded all the persecutions which they had endured 
in England, and naturally led to the same extremes of conduct 
which they had so bitterly complained of in those civil and eccle- 
siastical rulers, from whose tyranny they had fled into this wilder- 
ness. They had already proceeded a step farther than the 
hierarchy had ever attempted. JVo icsi-latv had as yet taken 
place in England ; but they had at one blow cut of all but those 
of their own communion, from the privileges of civil offices, how- 
ever otherwise qualified. They thought that as they had suffered 
so much in laying the foundation of a new state, which was sup- 
posed to be " a model of the glorious kingdom of Christ on earth,"* 
they had an exclusive right to all the honors and privileges of it ; 
and having the power in their hands, tiiey effectually established 
their pretensions, and made all dissenters and disturbers feel the 
weight of their indignation. 

In consequence of the union thus formed between the church 
and state on the plan of the Jewish theocracy, the ministers were 
called to sit in council, and give their advice in matters of religion 
and cases of conscience which came before the court, and with- 
out them they never proceeded to any act of an ecclesiastical 
nature. As none were allowed to vote in the election of rulers 

(1) Hutch. Coll. Papers, p. ICL 

ny intotlie Romish Church, which all the churches of Christ complain of." 
In reply to this, the author saj's, '• it would well have become you to have 
better digested your own thoughts, before such words had passed through 
your lips ; for you will never be able to produce any good author that will con- 
firm what you say. Tlie truth is quite contrary; for that I may instance in 
Rome itself: Had Churches been rightly managed when the most consider- 
able part of that citj' embraced the Christian faith, in the ceasing of the Ten 
Pcrsccutin7is. that only such as had been fit for that estate, had been admitted 
in church-fellowship, and they alone had had power, out of themselves to 
have chosen magistrates, such magistrates would not have been chosen, as 
would have given their power to the Pope ; nor would those churches have 
suffered their pastors to become worldly princes and rulers, as the Pope and 
his Cardinals are ; nor would they have given up the power of the Church 
from the Church into the officers hands, but would have called upon them to 
fulfil their mimstrtj which they had received of the Lord ; and if need were, 
would by the power of Christ have compelled them so to do : and then where 
Jiad the Pope's supremacy been, which is made up of the spoils of the ecclesi- 
astical nnd civil state .' but had by the course which now we plead for, been 
prevented.'"] 

* " I look upon this as a little model of the glorious kingdom of Christ on 
" earth. Christ reigns among us in the commonwealth as well as in the 
" Church, and hath his glorious interest involved in the good of both societies 
" respectively. He that shall be treacherous and false to the civil government, 
" is guilty of high treason against the Lord Jesus Christ, and will be proceed- 
" ed against as a rebel and traitor (o the King of kings, when he shall hold his 
" great assizes at tlie end of the world." President Oakes's Election Ser- 
mon, 1G73. 



44 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

but freemen, and freemen must be church members ; and as none 
could be admitted into the church but by the elders, who first 
examined, and then propounded them to the brethren for their 
vote, the clergy acquired hereby a vast ascendency over both 
rulers and people, and had in efl'ect the keys of the state as well 
as the church in their hands. The magistrates, on the other 
hand, regulated the gulhering of churches, interposed in the set- 
tlemeni and dismission of ministers, arbitrated in ecclesiastical 
controversies and controled synodical assemblies. This coercive 
power in the magistrate was deemed absolutely necessary to pre- 
serve " the order of the gospel." 

The principle on which this power is grounded is expressed hi 
the Cambridge Platform in terms as soft as possible. ^ "The 
" power and authority of magistrates is not for the restraining of 
" churches, or any other good works, but for the helping in, and 
" furthering thereof, and therefore the consent and countenance 
" of magistrates when it may he had, is not to be slighted or 
" lightly esteemed ; but, on the contrary, it is a part of the honor 
" due to christian magistrates to desire and crave their consent 
" and approbation therein : which being obtained, the churches 
" may then proceed in their way with much more encouragement 
" and comfort." This article (like divers others in that work) is 
curiously and artfully drawn up, so that there is an appearance of 
liberty and tenderness, but none in reality : for although the mag- 
istrate was not to restrain any good works, yet he was to be the 
judge of the good or evil of the works to be restrained ; and what 
security could churches have that they should not be restrained in 
the performance of what they judged to be good works ^ They 
might indeed think themselves safe, whilst their rulers were so 
zealous for the purity of the churches of which themselves were 
members, and whilst their ministers were consulted in all ecclesi- 
astical affixirs ; but if the civil powers had acted without such 
consultation, or if the ministers had been induced to yield to the 
opinion of the magistrates, when contrary to the interest of the 
churches, what then would have become of religious liberty .'* 

The idea of liberty in matters of religion was in that day strange- 
ly understood, and mysteriously expressed. The venerable Hig- 
ginson, of Salem, in his sermon on the day of the election, 1GG3, 
speaks thus : " The gospel of Christ hath a right paramount to 
" all rights in the world ; it hath a divine and supreme right to be 
" received in every nation, and tiie knee of niagistj'acy is to bow 
" at the name of Jesus. This right carries liberty along widi it, 
" for all such as profess the gospel, to walk according to the faith 
" and order of the gospel. That which is contrary to the gospel 
" hath no right, and therefore should have no liberty." Here 
the question arises, who is to be the judge of what is agreeable 
or contrary to the gospel.'* If the magistrate, then there is only 

(1) Chap. 17. Sec. 3. 



FIRST SETTLERS OF NEW-ENGLAND. 45;^ 

a liberty to believe and practice what the magistrate thinks right. 
A similar sentiment occurs in the sermon of the learned President 
Oakes on the same occasion, in 1673: "The outcry of some 
" is for liberty of conscience. This is the great Diana of the 
" libertines of this age. But remember that as long as you have 
" liberty to walk in the faith and order of the gospel, and may 
" lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty, you 
" have as much liberty of conscience as Paul desired under any 
" government." Here the question recurs, would Paul have sub- 
mitted to walk according to the opinion which the magistrate 
might entertain of the faith and order of the gospel .'' But this 
was all the freedom allowed by the spirit of these times. Liberty 
of conscience and toleration were offensive terms, and they who 
used them were supposed to be the enemies of religion and gov- 
ernment. " I look upon toleration (says the same author) as the 
" first born of all abominations ; if it should be born and brought 
" forth among us, you may call it Gad, and give the same reason 
" that Leah did for the name of her son, Behold a troop cometh, 
" a troop of all manner of abominations." In another of these 
election sermons,* (which may generally be accounted the echo 
of the public voice, or the political pulse by which the popular 
opinion may be felt) it is shrewdly intimated that toleration had 
its origin from the devil, and the speech of the demoniac who 
cried out, " what have we to do with thee, let us alone, thou 
" Jesus of Nazareth," is styled " Satan's plea for toleration." 
The following admonition to posterity, written by the Deputy- 
Governor Dudley, is another specimen. 

" Let men of God in courts and churches watch 

" O'er such as do a toleration hatch ; 

" Lest that ill egg bring forth a cockatrice, 

" To poison all with heresy and vice. 

" If men be left and otherwise combine, 

" My epitaph's, / di/d no libertine."2* 

The champion of these sentiments was Cotton, who though 
eminently meek, placid and charitable, yet was strongly tinctured 
with the prevailing opinion, that the magistrate had a coercive 
power against heretics. The banishment of Roger Williams, 
minister of Salem, occasioned a vehement controversy on this 
point. Williams having written in favor of liberty of conscience, 
and styled the opposite principle " the bloody tenet ;" was an- 
swered by Cotton, who published a treatise, in 1G47, with this 
strange title, " The bloody tenet washed, and made white in the 
" blood of the Lamb." In this work, he labors to prove the law- 
fulness of the magistrate's using the civil sword to extirpate her- 
etics, from the commands given to the Jews to put to death blas- 

(l) Shepard's Election Sermon, 1672. (2) Morton's Memorial, p. 179. 
[257 of Judge Davis's edition.] 

* [These verses, says Morton, were found in his pocket after his death.] 



4G HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

pheincrs and idolaters. To the objection, that persecution serves 
to make men hypocrites, he says, " better tolerate hypocrites, and 
" tares than briars and thorns. In such cases, the civil sword 
" doth not so much attend the conversion of seducers, as the pre- 
" venting the seduction of honest minds by their means." He 
allows indeed, that " the magistrate ought not to draw the sword 
*' against seducers till he have used all good means for their con- 
" viction : but if after their continuance in obstinate rebellion 
" against the light, he shall still walk toward them in soft and gentle 
" commiseration, his softness and gentleness is excessive large to 
" foxes and wolves ; but his bowels are miserably straitened and 
" hardened against the poor sheep and lambs of Christ. Nor is it 
*' frustrating the end of Christ's coming, which was to save souls, 
" but a direct advancing it, to destroy, if need be, the bodies of 
" those wolves, who seek to destroy the souls of those for whom 
" Christ died." In pursuing his argument, he refines so far as to 
deny that any man is to be persecuted on account of conscience 
" till being convinced in his conscience of his wickedness, he do 
" stand out therein, not only against the truth, but against the light 
" of his own conscience, that so it may appear he is not persecuted 
" for cause of conscience, but punished for sinning against his 
" own conscience." To which he adds, " sometimes it may be 
" an aggravation of sin both in judgment and practice that a man 
" committeth it in conscience." After having said, that " it was 
toleration which made the world anti-chrislian," he concludes his 
book widi this singular ejaculation, " the Lord keep us from being 
" bewitched with the whore's cup, lest while we seem to reject 
" her with open face of profession, we bring her in by a back 
" door of toleration ; and so come to drink deeply of the cup of 
" the Lord's wrath, and be filled with her plagues." 

But the strangest language that ever was used on this, or per- 
haps on any other subject, is to be found in a book printed in 1645 
by the humorous Ward of Ipswich, entitled, " The Simple Cob- 
ler of Aggawam." " My heart (says he) haUi naturally detested 
" four things ; the standing of the Apocrypha in the bible : for- 
" eigners dwelling in my country, to crowd out native subjects in- 
" to the corners of the earth : alchymized coins : toleration of 
" divers religions or of one religion in segregant shapes. He that 
" willingly assents to the last, if he examines his heart by day- 
" light, his conscience will tell him, he is either an atheist, or an 
" heretic, or an hypocrite, or at best a captive to some lust. Poly- 
" piety is the greatest impiety in the world. To authorize an un- 
" truth by toleration of the state, is to build a sconce against the 
" walls of heaven, to batter God out of his chair. Persecution of 
" true religion and toleration of false are the Jannes and Jambres 
" to the kingdom of Christ, whereof the last is by far the worst. 
" He that is willing to tolerate any unsound opinion, that his 
" own may be tolerated though never so sound, will for a need, 



FIRST SETTLERS OF NEW-ENGLAND. 47 

" hang God's bible at the devil's girdle. It is said that men ought 
" to have liberty of conscience and that it is persecution to debar 
" them of it : I can rather stand amazed than to reply to this ; it 
" is an astonishment that the brains of men should be parboiled in 
" such impious ignorance." 

From these specimens, (of which the reader will think he has 
had enough) it is easy to see how deeply the principle of intoler- 
ancy was rooted in the minds of our forefathers. Had it stood 
only in their books as a subject of speculation, it might have been 
excused, considering the prejudices of the times ; but it was drawn 
out into fatal practice, and caused severe persecutions which can- 
not be justified consistently with Christianity or true policy. — 
Whatever may be said in favor of their proceedings against the 
Antinomians, whose principles had such an efiect on the minds of 
the people as materially affected the foundations of government, 
in the infancy of the plantation ; yet the Anabaptists and Quakers 
were so inconsiderable for numbers, and the colony was then so 
well established that no danger could have been rationally appre- 
hended to the commonwealth from them. Rhode-Island vi^as set- 
tled by some of the Antinomian exiles on a plan of entire religious 
liberty ; men of every denomination being equally protected and 
countenanced, and enjoying the honors and offices of government. ^ 
The Anabaptists, fined and banished, flocked to that new settle- 
ment, and many of the Quakers also took refuge there ; so that 
Rhode-Island was in those days looked upon as the drain or sink 
of New-England ; and it has been said that " if any man had lost 
" his religion, he might find it there, among such a general mus- 
" ter of opinionists." Notwithstanding this invective, it is much 
to the honor of that government that there never was an instance 
of persecution for conscience sake countenanced by them. — 
Rhode-Island and Pennsylvania afford a strong proof that tolera- 
tion conduces greatly to the settlement and increase of an infant 
plantation. 

The Quakers at first were banished ; but this proving insufii- 
cient, a succession of sanguinary laws were enacted against them, 
of which imprisonment, whipping, cutting off the ears, boring the 
tongue with an hot iron, and banishment on pain of death, were 
the terrible sanctions. In consequence of these laws, four persons 
were put to death at Boston, bearing their punishment with pa- 
tience and fortitude ; solemnly protesting that their return Irom 
banishment was by divine direction, to warn the magistrates of 
their errors, and inlreat them to repeal their cruel laws ; denounc- 
ing the judgments of God upon them ; and foretelling that if they 
should put them to death, others would rise up in their room to fill 
their hands with work.* ^ After the execution of the fourth per- 

(1) Callenders Century Sermon, 17:18. (2)Se\vers History of tlie Qua- 
kers. 

* The following passages extracted from William Leddra's letter to his 



i(8 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

son, an 'Order from King Charles the second, procured hy their 
friends in England, put a stop to capital executions.* 

Impartiality will not suffer a veil to be drawn over these dis- 
graceful transactions. The utmost that has been pleaded in favor 
of them, cannot excuse them in the eye of reason and justice. 
The Quakers, it is said, were heretics ; their principles appeared 
• to be subversive of the gospel, and derogatory from the honor of 
■ the Redeemer. Argument and scripture were in this case the 
proper weapons to combat them with; and if these had failed of 
success they must have been left to the judgment of an omniscient 
and merciful God. They were complained of as disturbers of 

friends, written tlie day before his execution, Marcli 15, 1 0(10, shew an ele- 
gance of sentiment and expression, not common in their writings. 
" Most dear and inwardly beloved, 

" The sweet influence of the morning star, like a flood, distilling into my 
■*' innocent habitation hath so filled me with the joy of tlie Lord in the beauty 
" of holiness, that my spirit is as if it did not inhabit a tabernacle of clay, but 
■" is wholly swallowed up in the bosom ofeternity from whence it had its being." 

" Alas, alas ! what can the wrath and spirit of man that lusteth to envy, ag- 
" gravated by the heat and strength of the king of the locusts which came out 
" of the pit, do unto one that is hid in the secret places of the Almighty ? or 
*' to them that are gathered under the healing wings of the Prince of Peace ? 
" O my beloved, I have waited as the dove at the window of the ark, and have 
" stood still in that watch, which the master did at his coming reward with the 
" fulness of his love; wherein my heart did rejoice that I might speak a few 
" words to you, sealed with the spirit of promise. As the flowing of the 
" ocean doth fill every creek and branch thereof, and then retires again toward 
" its own being and fulness and leaves a savour behind it ; so doth the life 
" and virtue of God flow into every one of your hearts, whom he hath made 
" partakers of his divine nature ; aed when it withdraws but a little, it leaves 
" a sweet savour behind it, that many can say they are made clean through 
" the word that he has spoken to them. Therefore, my dear hearts, let the 
" enjoyment of the life alone be your hope, your joy and your consolation. 
" Stand in the watch within, in tlie fear of the Lord which is the entrance of 
^' wisdom. Confess him before men, yea before his greatest enemies. Fear 
" not what they can do to you : Greater is he that is in you than he that is 
■" in the world, for he will clothe you with humility and in the power of his 
-" meekness you shall reign over all the rage of your enemies." Sewel's Hist. 
.Quakers, p. ^74. 

* [Tlie Mandamus of King Charles is dated at Whitehall, tlie Dtli day of 
■September, Kifil , and is directed " To our trusty and well-beloved John Eu- 
v<lecott, esquire, and to all and every other the governor or governors of our 
plantations of New-England, and of all the colonies thereunto belonging, that 
now are or hereafter shall be, and to all and every the ministers and olficers 
of our plantations and colonies whatsoever within the continent of New-Eng- 
iand." There is a copy of it in Hazard's Collections, ii. 595, in Sewel's His- 
tory of the Quakers, i. 475, and in tiie Journal of George Fox, pp. 3520,327. 
Fox gives the following account of its being presented to the governor. It 
. was brought over in Ifitil , by Samuel Shattock, who had been banished by the 
government of Massachusetts for being a Quaker. He and Ralph Goldsmith, 
Ihe commander of the ship in whicli they came, " went through the town [of 
Boston] to the governor's, John Endecott's door, and knocked. He sent out 
a man to know tlieir business. They sent him word their business was from 
vthe king of England, and Ihey would deliver their message to none but the 
governor himself Thereupon they were admitted in, and the governor came 
to them; and Jiaving received the "deputation and tlie Mandamus, he put off" 
his hat and looked upon them. Then going out, lie bid the friends follow. 
He went to the deputy governor, and after a siiort consultation, caine out to 
the friends, and said, ' We shall obey iiis jnajestys commands." " George 
iFox, Journal, folio, p. 32G.J 



FIRST SETTLERS OF NEW-ENGLAND. 49 

the peace, rcvilers of magistracy, " malignant and assiduous pro- 
" moters of doctrines, directly tending to subvert both church and 
" state ;" and our fathers thought it hard, when they had fled from 
opposition and persecution in one shape to be again troubled with 
it in another.' But it would have been more to their honor to 
have suffered their magistracy and church order to be insulted, 
than to have stained their hands with the blood of men who de- 
served pity rather than punishment. The Quakers indeed had no 
right to disturb them j and some of their conduct was to an high 
degree indecent and provoking ; but they were under the influ- 
ence of a spirit which is not easily quelled by opposition. Had 
not tlie government appeared to be jealous of their principles, and 
prohibited the reading of their books before any of them appeared 
in person, there could not have been so plausible a pretext for 
their reviling government. It was said, that the laws by which 
they were condemned, were grounded on the laws in England 
against Jesuits. But the case was by no means parallel, (as 
the Quakers pleaded) their principles and practices not being 
equally detrimental to society.- It was moreover urged in excuse 
of die severities exercised against the Quakers, that the magis- 
trates thought themselves "bound in conscience to keep the pas- 
sage with the point of the sword : this (it was said) could do no 
harm to him that would be warned by it : their rushing on it was 
their own act, and they brought the blood on their own heads. 
Had they promised to depart the jurisdiction and not return with- 
out leave, the country would have been glad to have rid them- 
selves of the trouble of executing the laws upon them. It was 
their presumptuous returning after banishment, that caused them 
to be put to death. "3 This was the plea which the court used in 
their address to the king ; and in another vindication pubhshed 
by their order, the unhappy sufferers are styled " felones de se," 
or self-murderers.'' But this will not justify the putting them to 
death, imless the original crimes for which they uere banished 
had deserved it.'^ The pri-anible to the act, by which they were 
condemned, charges them with "altering the received laudable 
custom of giving respect to equals and reverance to superiors ; 
that their actions tend to undermine the civil government and 
destroy the order of the churches, by denying all established 
forms of worship, by withdrawing from orderly church fellowship, 
allowed and approved by all orthodox professors of the truth, 
and instead tiiereof, and in opposition thereto, frequently meet- 
ing themselves, insinuating themselves into the minds of the sim- 
ple, whereby divers of our inhabitants have been infected." 
Did these offences deserve death ? Had any government a right 
to terrify with capital laws persons guilty of no other crimes than 

(1) Tlutcli. Coll. Papers, p. 327. (■>) Sewel's History Quakers. (3) Mass. 
Records. (4) Sewel, b. G, p. ^72. (5) Ibid. p. 199. 



50 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

tliesc, especially, nhon they professed that they were obliged to 
go tiie greatest lengths in maintaining those tenets which they 
judged sacred, and J'ollowing the dictates of that spirit which they 
thought divine ? Was not tiie mere " holding the point of the 
sword" to them, realiy inviting them to " rush on it," and seal 
their testimony with their blood ? and was not this the most likely 
way to strengthen and increase their party ? Such punishment 
for ollbnccs which proceeded from a misguided zeal, increased 
and inflamed by opposition, will never rellect any honor on the 
policy or moderation of the government ; and can be accounted 
for only by the strong predilection for coercive power in religion, 
retained by most or all of the reformed churches ; a prejudice 
which time and experience were necessary to remove.* 

* From the following authorities, it will appear that the jrovernnient of New- 
England, however severe and unjustifiable in their jiroceedings against the 
Quakers, went no fartijer than the most eminent reformers ; particularly tlm 
Bohemians, the Lutiierans, the celebrated Calvin and the martyr Cranmer. 

In tlie war which the Emperor Sigismond excited against the Bohemian 
reformers, who had tlie famous Zisca for their general ; " The acts of barbarity 
wliich were conunitted on both sides were shocking and terrible beyond ex- 
])ression. For nolM'ithstanding the irreconcileable opposition between the re- 
ligious sentiments of the contending parties, they botli agreed in this one hor- 
rible point, that it was innocent and lawful to persecute and extirpate with 
fire and sword, the enemies of the true religion, and such they reciprocally 
ap])eared to be in eacli others eyes." Mosheim's Eccl. Hist. vol. 3. p. 201. 

" It were indeed ardently to be wished, that the Lutherans had treated 
with more mildness and charity those who differed from them in religious 
opinions. But they had unhappily imbibed a spirit of persecution in their 
early education. This was too jnuch the spirit of the times, and it was even 
a leading maxim with our ancestors (this author was a Lutheran) that it was 
both lawful and expedient to use severity and force against those whom they 
looked upon as heretics. Tliis maxim was i}crivcil from Rome ; and even 
those who separated from tliat church did not find it easy to throw off all of a 
sudden that desj)otic and nncjiaritable spirit, that had so long been the main 
spring of its government and the general characteristic of its members. Nay 
in their narrow view of things, their very piety seemed to suppress the gen- 
erous movements of fraternal love and forbearance, and the more they felt 
themselves animated with a zeal for the divine glory, the more difficult did 
they find it to renounce that ancient and favorite maxim, that whoever is 
found to be an enemy to God, ought also to be declared an enemy to liis 
country.'' Mosheiin, vol. 4, j)age 4H7. 

*• Michael Servetus, a Spanish physician, published seven books in which 
he attacked the sentiments adopted by far the greatest part of the cliristian 
church, in relation to the divine nature and a trinity of persons in the God- 
head. Few innovaters have set out with a better prospect of success : But 
all his views were totally disappointed by the vigilance and severity of Cal- 
vin, who, when Servetus was ])assing through Switzerland, caused him to be 
apprehended at Geneva in the year 1553, and had an accusation of blasphemy 
brought against him before the council. Servetus adhering resolutely to the 
opinions he had embraced, was declared an obstinate heretic and condemned 
to the flames." JNIosheim, vol. 4. page 171. 

Dr. Macclaine in liis note on this passage, says, '•' It was a remaining por- 
tion oi the spirit of popery in the breast of Calvin that kindled his unchristian 
zeal against the wretched Servetus, whose death will be an indelible re- 
proach upon the character of tliat great and emiru-nt, reformer." 

In the reign of Edward the Sixth of England, anno, 154!), "A woman 
" called Joan Bocher, or Joan of Kent, was accused of heretical pravity. Her 
*• doctrine was, " that Christ was not truly incarnate of the virgin, whose 
'• flesli being the outward man was sinfully begotten and born in sin ; and 



FIRST SETTLERS OF NEW-ENGLAND. 51 

The mistakes on which their conduct was grounded cannot be 
detected in a more masterly manner, than by transcribin<;; the 
sentiments of Doctor Increase IMadier, who hved in those times, 
and was a strong advocate for the coercive power of the magis- 
trate in matters of religion ; but afterward changed his opinion on 
this point. " He became sensible that the example of the Israel- 
" itish reformers inflicting penalueson false worshipjjers would not 
*' legitimate the hke proceedings among christian gentiles : for the 
*' holy land of old was, by a deed of gift from the glorious God, 
" miraculously and indisputably granted to the Israelitish nation, 
*• and the condition on which they Iwid it was their observance of 
" the IMosaic institutions. To violate them was high treason 
" against the king of the theocracy, an iniquity to be punished by 
" the judge. At the same time, sojourners in the land were not 
*' compelled to the keeping those rites and laws which J\Ioses had 
" given to the people. Nay, the Israelites themselves fell, many 
" of them, into the worst of heresies, yet whilst they kept the 
" laws and rites of Moses, the magistrate would not meddle with 
" them. The heresy of the Sadducees in ])articular struck at the 
" foundation of all religion ; yet we do not find that our Saviour 
" ever blamed the Pharisees for not persecuting them. The 
" christian religion brings us not into a temporal Canaan, it knows 
" no weapons but what are purely spiritual. He saw that until 
" persecution be utterly banished out of the world, and Cain's 

" consequently lie could take none of it ; but the word by the consent of the 
" inward man of the virg^in was made flesh." A scholastic nicety, not capa- 
ble of doing much mischief! but there was a necessity for dehvering the wo- 
man to the flame.s for maintaining it. The young king thoTigh in such ten- 
der years, had more sense than all his counsellors and preceptors ; and he 
long refused to sign the warrant for her execution. Cra.nmek, with his su- 
perior learning, was employed to persuade him to compliance, and he said, 
that the prince, being God's deputy, ought to repress impieties against God, 
in like manner as the king's deputies were bound to punish offenders acrainst 
the king's person. He also argued from the practice of the Jewish church iii 
stoning blasphemers. Edward overcome by importunity more than reason 
at last submitted, and told Cranmer with tears in his eyes, that if any wrong 
was done, the guilt should lie entirely on his head. The primate was struck 
with surprize ; but after making a new effort to reclaim the woman and find- 
ing her obstinate, he at last <;ommitted her to the flames. Nor did he ever 
renounce his burning principles so long as he continued in power." Hume's 
Hist. Eng. 4to. vol. 3. p. 320. Neal's Hist. Puritans, 4to. vol. 1. p. 41. 

It ought also to be remembered, that at the same time that the Quakers 
suffered in New-England, ])pnal laws against them were made and rigorously 
executed in England ; and though none of them suffered capital executions, 
yet they were thrown into prison and treated with other marks of cruelty, 
which in some instances proved the means of their death. And thomrh the 
lenity of King Charles the lid. in putting a stop to capital executions here 
has been much celebrated, j-et in his letter to the Massachusetts irovernment 
the next year, wherein he requires liberty for the ciuirch of England among 
them, he adds, " Wee cannot be understood hereby to direct, or wish that 
*' any indulgence should be graunted to Quakers, whose ])rinciples, being in- 
" consistent with any kind of government. Wee have found it necessary 
" with the advise of our parliament here to make a sharp law against them, 
" and are well content you doe, the like there." Records of Deeds, Province 
Maine, hb. i. fol. 1'2'J. 



52 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

" club taken out of Abel's hand, 'tis ini])ossible to rescue the 
" world from endless confusions. He that has the power of the 
" sword will always be in the right and always assume the power 
" of persecuting. In his latter times, therefore, he looked upon 
" it as one of the most hopeful among the signs of the times, that 
" people began to be ashamed of a practice which had been a 
" mother of abominations, and he came entirely into that golden 
" maxim, Errantis poena doceriy 

Divers others of the principal actors and abettors of this tragedy 
lived to see the folly and incompetency of such sanguinary laws, 
to which the sufferings of their brethren, the nonconformists in 
England, did not a little contribute. Under the arbitrary govern- 
ment of King James, the Second, when he, for a shew of liberty 
and as a leading step to the introduction of popery, issued a proc- 
lamation of indulgence to tender consciences, the principal men 
of die country sent him an address of tlianks, for granting to 
them what they had formerly denied to others. It is but justice 
to add, that all those disgraceful laws were renounced and repeal- 
ed, and the people of New-England are now as candidly disposed 
toward the Quakers as any other denominations of christians. To 
keep alive a spirit of resentniBnt and reproach to the country, on 
account of those ancient transactions which are now universally 
condemned, would discover a temper not very consistent with 
that meekness and forgiveness which ought to be cultivated by all 
who profess to be influenced by the gospel. 

But though our ancestors are justly censurable for those in- 
stances of misconduct, yet they are not to be condemned as un- 
worthy the christian name, since some of the first disciples of our 
Lord, in a zealous imitation of the prophet Elias, would have 
called for fire from Heaven to consume a village of the Samaritans 
who refused to receive him. Their zeal was of the same kind ; 
and the answer which the benevolent author of our religion gave 
to his disciples on that occasion, might wiUi equal propriety be 
addressed to them, and to all persecuting christians, " Ye know 
" not what spirit ye are of, for the Son of man is not come to 
" destroy men's lives but to save them." 



1G43.] 



UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 



CHAPTER IV. 

Mode of Government under Massachusetts. Mason's efTorts to recover (lie 
property of liis aiice.stor. Transactions of the Kinof's Commissioners. Op- 
position to them. Political principles. Internal transactions. Mason 
discouraged. 

During the union of these plantations with IMassachusetts, 
they were governed by the general laws of the colony, and the 
terms of the union were strictly observed.* Exeter and Hamp- 

* [One of the most important events of this period was the confederacy of 
the colonies of Massachusetts, (which included New-Hampshire) New-Ply- 
mouth, Connecticut and New-Haven, which continued nearly f 'rty years. 
This union was proposed hy the colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven, as 
early as 1638, but was not finally completed until 164:1 " Besides its agency 
in guiding the events of the time, it was the prototype of the confederacy of 
the states during the revolution, which was in fact the germ and vivifyino- 
principle of our existence as a nation." The features of this confederacy are 
thus described by Mr. Pitkin, in his Civil and Political History of the United 
States. " By the articles of confederation, as they were called, these colo- 
nies entered into a firm and ])erpetual league ci£ friendship and amitii. for of- 
fence and defence, mutual advice and succor, upon all just occasion.?, both for 
preserving and propagating the truth and liberties of the Gospel, and for their 
own mutual safet}' and welfare. Each colony was to retain its own peculiar 
jurisdiction and government, and no other plantation or colony was to be re- 
ceived as a confederate, nor any two of the confederates to be united into one 
jurisdiction, without the consent of the rest. The affairs of the united colo- 
nies were to be managed by a legislature to consist of two persons, styled' 
commissioners, chosen from each colony. These commissioners had power 
to hear, examine, weigh, and determine all affairs of war or peace, leafues 
aids, charges, and number of men for war, — division of spoils, and whatsoever 
is gotten by conquest — receiving of more confederates for plantations into 
combination with any of the confederates; and all things of a like nature 
which are the proper concomitants and cnnsnrji/rnccs of such a confederation 
for amity, oflence, and defence; not intermeddling with the government or 
any of the jurisdictions, which, by the third article, is preserved entirely to 
themselves. The commissioners were to meet annually, in each colony, in 
succession, and when met, to choose a president, and the determination of any 
six to be binding on all. 

" The expenses of nil just wars to be borne by each colony, in proportion to 
its number of male inhabitants of whatever quality or condition, between the 
ages of sixteen and sixty. 

'• In case any colony should be suddenly invaded, on motion and request of 
three magistrates of such colony, the other confederates were immediately to 
send aid to the colony invaded in men, Massachusetts one hundred, and the 
other colonie.s forty-five each, or for a less number, in the same proportion. 

" The commissioners, however, were very properly directed, afterwards to 
take into consideration the cause of such war or invasion, and if it should ap- 
pear that the fault was in the colony invaded, such colony was not only to 
make satisflvctlon to the invaders, hut to bear all the expenses of the war. 

The commissioners were also authorised " to frame and establish aoree- 
ments and orders in general cases of a civil nature, wherein all the planta- 
tions were interested, for preserving peace amonir themselves, and prevent- 
ing as much as may be all occasions of war, or diflerenee with others, as 
about the free and speedy passage of justice, in every jurisdiction, to all the 
confederates equally as to tlieir own, receiving those that remove from one 
plantation to another, without due certificates. 

" It was also very wisely provided in the articles that runaway servants. 



54 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1643. 



ifd'i wicli, lill the cslablishincnt of a new county wlii( 
called Norfolk, and comprehended Salisbury, Ha 



ton were at first annexed lo the jinlsdiction of the courts at Ips- 

lich was 
Haverhill, 
Hampton, Exeter, Portsmouth, and Dover. These towns were 
then of such extent as to contain ail the lands between the rivers 
Merrimack and Pascataqua, The shire town was Salisbury ; 
but Dover and Portsmouth had always a distinct jurisdiction, 
tiiough they were considered as part of this new county ; a court 
being held in one or the other, sometimes once and sometimes 
twice in the year, consisting of one or more of the magistrates or 
assistants, and one or more commissioners, chosen by the General 
Court out of the principal gentlemen of each town. This was 
called the court of associates ; and their power extended to 
causes of twenty pounds value. From them, there was an ap- 
peal to the board of Assistants, which being found inconvenient, 
it was, in 1 G70, ordered to be made to the county court of Nor- 
folk.* Causes under twenty shillings in value were settled in 
each town, by an Inferior Court, consisting of three persons. 
After some time, they had liberty to choose their Associates, 
^ .„ which was done by the votes of both towns, opened at a 
joint meeting of their selectmen, though sometimes they 
requested the court to appoint them as before.'^ That mutual 
confidence between rulers and people, which springs from the 
genius of a republican government, is observable in all their 
transactions.* 

(1) Mass. General Court Records. (2) Dover and Porlsmovitli Records. 

and fugitives from justice, should be returned to the colonies whore thej' be- 
longed, or from which they had Hed. 

'• If any of the confederates should violate any of the articles, or, in any 
way injure any one of the other colonies, " such breach of agreement, or inju- 
ry, was lobe considered and ordered" by the commissioners of the other col- 
onies. This confederacy, which was (K^clared to be perpetual, continued 
without any essential alteration, until the New-England colonies were de- 
prived of their ciiarter by the arbitrary proceedings of James II. In the year 
1(548, some of the inhabitants of Rhode-Island rerpiested to be admitted into 
the confederacy, but they were informed that the island was witiiiti the pa- 
tent granted to New-Plymouth, ami tlierefore their request was denied." — 
Pitkin, Hist. U. S.,50, 51.] 

^ In 1()52. the number of people in Dover was increased so that they were 
allowed by law to send two deputies to the General Court. Hanijjlon con- 
tinued sending but one till 10(1:), and Portsmouth till IC>72. The names of 
the representatives wliich I have been able to recover, are as follows : [As 
the years for whicii the representatives were chosen, and the names of a 
number of them are onutted by Dr. Belknap, his list is lefl out, and the fol- 
lowing, which is nearly complete, substituted. 

Dorcr. Portsmouth. Ihimptnn. 

1C)42 William Hayward 

ir>4H r.dward Starbuck William I-Iayward 

K)44 William Hilton Stephen Winthrop AVilliam Hayward 

U;4r) William Heath William Hayward 

W-lti William W.ildron William English 

Edward Starbuck 



1652.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 55 

This extension of the colony's jurisdiction over New-Hamp- 
shire, could not tail of being noticed by the heirs of Mason : but 
the distractions caused by the civil wars in England were invinci- 
ble bars to any legal inquiry. The first heir named in Mason's 
will dying in infancy, the estate descended after the death of the 
executrix to Robert Tufton, who was not of age till 1G50. j ^-^ 
In two years after this, Joseph jMason came over as agent 
to the executrix, to look after the interest of her deceased husband. 
He found the lands at Newichwannock occupied by Richard 



Dover. 


Portsmouth. 


Hampton. 


1647 




William EiKrlish 






1648 

1649 

1650 John Baker 




William Estowo 




William Estowe 




Jeoifry Mingay 




1651 




Roger Shaw 




1652 Valentine Hill 




Roger Shaw 




1653 Valentine Hill 


Bryan Pendleton 


Roger Shaw 


1654 Richard Waldron 


Bryan Pendleton 


Anthony Stanyan 


Valentine Hill 






1655 Valentine Hill 




Henry Dow 




1656 Richard Waldron 




Henry Dow 




1657 Richard Waldron 




Roger Page 




1658 Richard Waldron 


Bryan Pendleton 


Christopher Hussey 


165!) Richard Waldron 




Christopher Hussey 


1660 Richard Waldron 


Henry Sherburne. 
Bryan Pendleton (2) 


Christopher Hussey 


16GI Richard Waldron 


Bryan Pendleton 


William Fuller 


166-2 Ricliard Waldron 




Samuel Dalton 


1663 Richard Waldron 

1 L^n.i 


Bryan Pendleton 


William Cerrish 
William Cerrisli 


1001 




Samuel Dalton (2) 


1665 Richard Waldron 


Ricliard Cutt 


Samuel Dalton 


1666 Richard Waldron 


Nathaniel Fryer 


Samuel Dalton 


1667 Richard Waldron 


Elias Stilenian 


William Fuller 


1668 Richard Waldron 


Elias Stilenian 


Robert Page 


1669 Richard Waldron 


Richard Cutt 


Samuel Dalton 
Joshua Gilman 


1670 Richard Waldron 


Richard Cutt 


Samuel Dalton 


Richard Cooke 






1671 Richard Waldron 


Elias Stilenian 


Samuel Dalton 


Richard Cooke 






1672 Richard Waldron 


Richard Cutt 


Joseph Hussey 


Peter Cothiv 


Richard Marty n 




1673 Richard Waldron 


Elias Stileman 


Samuel Dalton 


Peter Coffin 






1674 Richard Waldron 


Richard Cutt 


Samuel Dalton 


Anthony Miller 






lt;75 Richard Waldron 


Richard Cutt 


Samuel Dalton 


Anthony Miller 






1676 Anthony Miller 


Ricliard Cutt 


Samuel Dalton 


1677 Richard Waldron 


Elias Stileman 


Thomas Marston 


1678 

1679 Richard Waldron 




Samuel Dalton 


Richard Marty n 


Samuel Dalton 



Peter Coffin 

Richard Waldron was speaker of the house of deputies or representatives 
in the years lC)6(i. 1667, 1668. 1673, 1674, 1675 and lt;79. A dash under the 
town against the year shows that no representative was chosen that year. — 
Where (2) is annexed, it shows that the person was elected for the 2d session 
of the court. It does not appear that E.xeter sent any deputies to court du- 
ring this union.] 



56 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1652 

Leader,* against whom he brought actions in the county court of 
Norfolk ; but a dispute arising whether the lands in question 
were within the jurisdiction of iMassachusetts, and the court of 
Norfolk judging the action not to be within their cognizance, re- 
course was had to the general court ; who, on this occasion, or- 
dered an accurate survey of the northern bounds of their patent 
to be made ; a thing which they had long meditated. ^ A com- 
mitleef of the general court, attended by Jonadian Ince, and John 
Sherman surveyors, and several Indian guides, went up the river 
Merrimack to find the most northerly part thereof, which the In- 
dians told them was at Aquedochtan, the outlet of the lake Win- 
nipiseogee.J The latitude of this place was observed to be 43 

(1) Massa. Records. 

* [One of tliis name was agent for the Iron Works at Lynn about this time 
LeAvis, Hist. Lynn, !)(!.] 

t [Tlie committee of tlie general court were Capt. Edward Johnson, author 
of the History of New-Enghmd, and Capt. Simon Willard, afterwards an as- 
sistant and commander of a portion of the Massacliusetts forces in the Indian 
war of tG75. The expedition took up nineteen days in tlie months of July 
and August, and the wliole expense was not less than £84. The report of 
the surveyors, written bj' a neat chirogvaphist, has been obtained from the 
Massachusetts colony files, and a copy of it is here added : 

" The Answer of John Sherman, serjt. at Watertown, and Jonathan Ince, 
student at Harvard College, in Cambridge, to Captain Simon Willard and 
Captain Edward Johnson, Commissioners of the General Court, held at Bos- 
ton, May 27, l{Jb2, concerning the Latitude of the Northermost pt. of Merri- 
mack River — 

" Whereas wee John Sherman and Jonathan Ince were procured by the 
aforesaid Commissioners to take the latitude of the place abovenamed. Our 
Answer is, that at Arjuedalican, the name of the head of Merrimack, wliere it 
issues out of the l^ake called Wiunapusseakit, upon the first of August, one 
thousand, six hundred and fifty two, wee observed and by observation found 
that the Ijalilude of the i)lace was iburty three degrees, fourty minutes and 
twelve seconds, besides those minutes which are to be allowed for the three 
miles more North well, run into the Lake. In witnesse whereof, wee have 
subscribed our names this nineteenth of October, one thousand, six hundred, 
fifty two. JOHN SHERMAN, 

JONATHAN INCE. 
Jur. coram me, JOII. ENDECOTT, Gubr.] 

+ [The variations in the orthography of this word, which was probably pro- 
nounced Win-nc-pis-.sc-ock-cc, are somewhat remarkable. Tlie following have 
.occurred in the course of my investigations. 

Winnepisseockegee. Captain Alden's Treaty with Indians, ICJOO. 3 CoH. 

Winnopisseag. blather, Magnalia, ii. 513. [Mass. Hist. See. i. 112, 

Wenapesioche. Douglass. Summary, i. 420. 

Winnepasiake. Ibid. i. 423. 

Winnapissiaukee. Hutchinson, Hist. Mass. i. 358. 

Winne])issiaukee. Ibid. ii. 'Mi). 

Winnepissocay. Peiihallow, in Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc. i. 112. 

Winnepesiaukee. Trumbull, Hist, Connecticut, ii. 78. 

Winnapuseakit. Sherman and luce's Report, above. 

Wiunipesocket. Bartlett, Narrative of Captivity, ">. 

Wiiinipishoky. Petition in Moore's Annals of Concord. 

Winnipisioke. MS. Cliarterof Kingswood. 

Wennepisseoka. MS. Letter of Lieut. Gov. Wentworth. 

Winipisseoca. MS. Records of General Assembly of N. H. 

Winipisiuket. Douglass, Summary, i. 45G. 

Winipisiakit. Ibid. i. 31)0. 

Winipisiackit. Ibid, ii, 34G. 

Winnipessioke. N. II. Gazette, 18 March, 1789.] 



1C53.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 57 

degrees, 40 minutes niid 12 seconds, to which three miles being 
added, made the line of the patent, according to their construc- 
tion, fall within the lake, in the latitude of 43 degrees, 43 minutes 
and 12 seconds. Two experienced ship-masters, Jonas ^rrcy 
Clarke and Samuel Andrews, were then dispatched to 
the eastern shore, who found the same degrees, minutes, and 
seconds, on the northern point of an island in Casco Bay, called 
the Upper Clapboard Island. An east and west line, drawn 
through these points from the Atlantic to the South sea, was 
therefore supposed to be the northern boundary of the Massa- 
chusetts patent, widiin which the whole claim of Mason, and the 
greater part of that of Gorges were comprehended. When this grand 
point was determined, the court were of opinion, that " some 
" lands at Newichwannock, with the river, were by agreement of 
" Sir Ferdinand© Gorges and others, apportioned to Captain Ma- 
" son, and that he also had right by purchase of the Indians, as 
" also by possession and improvement ;" and they ordered " a 
" quantity of land proportionable to his disbursements, wiUi the 
" privilege of the river, to be laid out to his heirs." The agent 
made no attempt to recover any other part of the estate ; but 
having tarried long enough in the country to observe the temper 
of the government, and the management used in the determina- 
tion of his suit, he returned ; and the estate was given up for lost 
unless the government of England should interpose.* 

* [The !) June, 1654, there was a storme of thunder and liaile, such as hath 
not been heard of in N. E. since the first planting thereof, which iiaile fell in 
the bounds of Hampton betwixt the towne and the mills at ye falles — the 
which haile was so violent as that where the strength of the storm went, it 
shaved the leaves, twigs and fruit from the trees, and beat down the come, 
both rye and Indian, and pease and otiier things, so battering and burying the 
same as that men had beaten it down with tlirashing instruments ; the haile 
being to admiration for the multitude thereof, so as tiuit in some places it re- 
mained after the storm was over. I'i inches in thickness above the ground, 
and was not all dissolved 2 days after the storme in many places, as we are in- 
formed by many eye witnesses and many of which haile were said to be "3 or 
4 inches in length. Hampton Town Records, copied by Mr. Joshua Coffin, 
S. H. S. Mass. 

Kiod. The delusion respecting witclicraft, which extended itself generally 
throughout New-England, appeared in a few instances in New-Hampshire, 
Mr. Adams, in his Annals of Portsmouth, gives the following account of one 
case which occurred in that town, this year. 

" Goodwife Walford was brought before the court of assistants for this of- 
fence, upon the complaint of Susannah Trimmings. A recital of the testimo- 
ny will shew how far a disordered imagination contributed to make a person 
believe she was bewitched ; and what degree of credulity was necessary, to 
fix the offence upon the person accused. Mrs. Trimmings testified, '' As I 
was going home on Sunday night, the 30th of March, I lieard a rustling in the 
woods, whicii I supposed tn be occasioned by swine, and presently there ap- 
peared a woman, whom 1 a|)|)reiiended to be old Goodwife Walford. She 
asked me to lend her a pound of cotton ; I told her I had but two pounds in the 
liouse, and 1 would not sj)are anj^ to my mother. She said 1 had better have 
done it. for I was going a great jouriU'v, but should never come there. She 
then left me, and I was struck as with a clap of fire on the back ; and she 
vanished toward the water side, in my ajiprehension. in the shape of a cat. 
She had on her head a white linen hood, tied under her chin, and her waist- 

10 



58 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1G5J. 

During the coiiimonwoaltli, and the piotectoiate of Croiinvell, 
there could be no hope of relief, as the family liad always been 
attached to the royal cause, and the colony stood iiigh in the fa- 
vor of the parliament and of Cromwell. But the restoration of 
. ^^^ K'ms; Charles the second encouraged Tufton, who now took 
the surname of JMason, to look up to the throne for favor 
and assistance. For though the plan of colonization adopted by 
his grandfadier was in itself chimerical, and proved fruitless, yet 
he had expended a large estate in the prosecution of it, which 
must have been wholly lost to his heirs, unless they could recover 
the possession of his American territories. Full of this idea, Ma- 
son petitioned the king ; setting fordi ' the encroachment of the 
' Massachusetts colony upon his lands, their making grants and 
' giving titles to the inhabitants, and thereby disposessing him and 
keeping him out of his right.' The king referred the petition to 
to his attorney-general Sir Geoffrey Palmer, who reported that 

coat and petticoat were red, with an old green apron, and a black hat upon 
her head.'' Oliver Trimmings, her husband, said, '• m}' wife came home in 
a sad condition. She passed bj' nie with her child in her arms, laid the child 
on the bed, sat down on the chest, and leaned upon her elbow. Three times I 
asked her how slie did. She could not speak. I took her in my arms, and 
held her up, and repeated the question. She forced breath, and something 
stopped in lier tliroat, as if it would have stopped her breath. 1 unlaced her 
clothes, and soon she spake, and said. Lord have mercy upon me, this wicked 
woman will kill me. I asked her what woman. She said Goodwife Walford. 
I tried to persuade her, it was onl}' her weakness. She told me no, and rela- 
ted as above, that her back was as a flame of fire, and her lower parts, were, 
as it were, numb and without feeling. T pinched her, and she felt not. She 
continued th:it niglit,and the day and night following, very ill; and is still baQ" 
of her limbs, and complains still daily of it." 

Nicholas Itowe testified. " liiat Jane Walford, shortly after she was accused, 
came to the dejionent in bed. in the evening, and put her hand upon his 
breast, so that he could not speak, and was in great pain till the next day. 
Ry the li<rht of the fire in the next room, it appeared to be Goody Walford, 
but she did not speak. She repeated her visit about a week after, and did as 
before ; but said nothing." 

I'jliza Barton deposed, " that she saw Susannah Trimmings at the time she 
was ill, and hor face was colored and spotted with several colors. She 
told the deponent the story, wlio replied that it was nothing but her tantasy ; 
her eyes looked as if they iiad been scalded." 

Jolin Pnddington deposed, that " three years since, Goodwife Walford 
come to his mother's. She said that her own husband called her an nld witch ; 
and wlien slie came to her cattle, her husband w<iuld bid her begone, for she 
did overlook the cattle, which is as much as to say in our country, bewitching." 

Agnes Puddington deposes, that " on the Itth of April, the wife of W. Ev- 
ans came to her house, and lay there all night ; and a little after sunset the 
deponent saw a yellowisli cat; and Mrs. E, said she was followed by a cat, 
wherever she went, .tohn came and saw a cat in the garden — took down his 
gun t<> shoot her ; the cat got up on a tree, and the gun would not take fire, 
and afterward the cock would not stand. She afterwards saw three cats. — 
the yellow one vanished away on the plain ground ; she could not tell which 
way they went." 

On the 20 October, 1G57, '• a boat going out of Hampton River, was cast 
away, and the persons drowned, wiio were eight in number, who all perished 
in the Sea." Records of Norfolk County. The records give the names of 
seven who were lost, viz. Em. Hilliar. .lohn Philbrick, Anne Philbrick. his 
wife, Sarah Philbrick, their daughter, Alice Cox, wife of Moses Cox, John 
Cox, his eon, and Robert Read.] 



1660.1 UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 59 

" Robert Mason, grandson and heir to Captain Joiin Mason, had 
" a good and legal title to the province of New-Hanip- 
" shire. "^ Nothing farther was done at this time, nor was 
the matter mentioned in the letter which the king soon after sent 
to the colony, though some oftensive things in their conduct . ^^ ,, 
were therein reprehended, and divers alterations enjoined. " 
But die direcdons contained in this letter not being strictly attend- 
ed to, and complaints being made to the king, of disputes which 
had arisen in divers parts of New-England concerning the limits 
of jurisdiction, and addresses having been presented by several 
persons, praying for tiie royal interposition ; a commission was is- 
sued under the great seal to Colonel Richard Nicholls, Sir 
Robert Carr, kniaiht, George Cartwrieht* and Samuel 1064. 
Maverick, esquires, impowering them " to visit the several p • • • 
" colonies of New-England ; to examine and determine all com- 
" plaints and appeals in matters civil, military and criminal ; to 
*' provide for the peace and security of the country, according to 
" their good and sound discretion, and to such instructions as Uiey 
" should receive from the king, and to certify him of their pro- 
" ceedings.""^ f 

This commission was highly disrelished by the colony, as in- 
consistent with the rights and privileges which they enjoyed by 
their charter, and which the king had sacredly promised to con- 
firm. It is therefore no wonder that the commissioners were 
treated with much coolness at their arrival ; but they severely re- 
paid it in their report to the king."* 

(1) Ms. in Sup. Court files. (2) H ulch. Coll. of papers, p. 377. (3) Hutch. 
Hist. Mass. vol. i. p. 53-"). (4) Hutch. Coll. papers, 417. 

^ [This name is Carteret in the former editions, but it should doubtless be 
Cartwright as will appear from 2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. viii. 5d-U0.] 

t [Rev. Timothy Dalton, minister of Hampton, died 28 December, 1661, 
being somewiiat advanced in years. Mr. Savage, in Winthrop, ii. 28, has 
given him descendants, but none are named in a copy of his last will and tes- 
tament which I have seen. He gave a portion of his properly to Samuel, the 
son of Pliilemon Dalton, who was probably brollier to tlie minister, and from 
a sermon of Rev. Jonathan French of Nortii-Hampton, 1S20. it appears that 
the ministerial fund in that town and Hampton arose from a liberal donation 
he made to the last named town. Mrs. Ruth Dalton, his widow, died at 
Hampton, 12 May, Klfid. Johnson (Hist. N. E. 135) has bestowed some verserf 
upon him, which will conclude this brief note on one of the earliest and most 
worthy of the ecclesiastical fathers of New-JIam])shire. 

'■ DouLTON doth teach perspicuously and sound. 

'• With wholesome truths of Christ thy flock doth feed, 

•■ Tliy honour with tiiy labour dotii abound, 

'• Age crounes thy head in rigiiteousnesse, proceed. 

" To hatter doune, root up, and quite destroy 

" All Heresies and Errors, that drawback 

'• Unto perdition, and Christ's folk annoy ; 

" To warre for him, thou weapons dost not lack ; 

" Long dayes to see, that long'd-for day to come, 

" Oi' Babel's fall, and Is/ael's ((uiet peace : 

" Thou yet maist live of dayes so great a sum 

'• To see this work, let not thy warfare cease."] 



(50 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1G65. 

In tbcir progress through the country, they came to Pascata- 
qua, and inquired into tlie bounds of Mason's patent. They heard 
the allegation of Wheelwright, who when banished by the 
""^' colony, was permitted to reside immediately beyond what 
was called the bound-house, three large miles to the northward of 
the river Merrimack. They look the ailidavit of Henry Jocelyn 
concerning the agreement between Governor Cradock and Cap- 
tain Mason, that the river should be the boundary of their respec- 
tive patents. They made no determination of this controversy in 
their report to the king ; but having called together the inhabi- 
tants of Portsmoulh, Sir Robert Carr, in the name of the 
rest, told them that " they would release them from the 
" government of Massachusetts, whose jurisdiction should come 
" no farther than the bound-house."^ They then proceeded to 
appoint justices of the peace and other officers, with power to act 
according to the laws of England, and such laws of their own as 
were not repugnant thereto, until the king's pleasure should be 
farther known. 

There had always been a party here who were disaffected to 
the government of IMassachusetts.^ One of the most active among 
them was Abraham Corbett, of Portsmouth, who, since the arri- 
val of the commissioners at Boston, and probably by authority de- 
rived from them, had taken upon him to issue warrants in the 
king's name on several occasions, which was construed a high 
misdemeanor, as he had never been commissioned by the author- 
ity of the colony.^ Being called to account by the general court, 
he was admonished, fined five pounds, and committed till the sen- 
tence was performed. Irritated by this severity, he was the fitter 
instrument for the purpose of the commissioners, who employed 
him to frame a petition to the king in the name of the four towns, 
complaining of the usurpation of Massachusetts over them, and 
praying to be released from their tyranny. Corbett, in a secret 
manner, procured several persons both in Portsmouth and Dover 
to subscribe this petition, but the most of those to whom he offer- 
ed it refused. 

The sensible pari of the inhabilanls now saw with much con- 
cern, that they were in danger of being reduced to the same un- 
happy state, which they had^ been in before their union with the 
colony. Awed by the' supercilious behaviour of the commission- 
ers, they knew not at first how to act ; for to oppose the king's 
authority was construed treason, and it was said that Sir Robert 
Carr had threatened a poor old man with death for no other crime 
than forbidding his grandchild to open a door to them. But when 
the rumor was spread that a petition was drawn, and that Corbett 
was procuring subscribers, the people, no longer able to bear tlic 
abuse, earnestly applied to the general court, praying " that in 

(1) Mass. Records. (2) Hutch. Coll. pnpcrB, -Itftf. (3) Mass. Uecord.s. 



1665.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. fix 

" some orderly way they might have an opportunity to clear thcm- 
*' selves of so great and unjust aspersions, as were by this j)etition, 
" drawn in their name, cast upon the government under which 
" they were settled ; and also to manifest dieir sense of such per- 
" fidious actions, lest by their silence it should be concluded ihey 
" were of the same mind with those who framed the petition." 
In consequence of diis petition, the court commissioned Thomas 
Danforth, Eleazar Lusher, and JNIajor General Leverett to inquire 
into the matter, and settle the peace in these places according to 
their best discretion. 

These gentlemen came to Portsmouth, and having assembled 
the inhabitants, and published their commission, they told them 
that they were informed of a petition subscribed in behalf 
of that and the neighboring towns, complaining of the 
government ; and desired them if they had any just grievances to 
let them be known, and report should be immediately made to the 
general court. The next day, they assembled the people of Do- 
ver and made the same challenge. Both towns respectively pro- 
tested against the petition, and professed full satisfaction with the 
government, which they signified in addresses to the court. Dud- 
ley, the minister of Exeter, certified under his hand to the com- 
mittee, that the people of that town had no concern directly nor 
indirectly with the obnoxious petition.* They received also full 
satisfaction with regard to Hampton ; a certificate of which might 
have been obtained, if they had thought it necessary. 

They then proceeded to summon Corbett before them for se- 
ditious behaviour ; but he eluded the search that was made for him, 
and they were obliged to leave a warrant with an officer to cite 
him to the court at Boston. The commissioners had now gone 
ov er into the province of Maine, from whence Sir Robert Carr in 
their name sent a severe reprimand to this committee, forbidding 
them to proceed against such persons as had subscribed the peti- 
tion, and inclosing a copy of a letter which the said commissioners 
had written to the governor and council on the same subject. 

Tlie connnittee returned and reported their proceedings to the 
court, and about the same time,' the commissioners came from their 
eastern tour to Boston 5 where the court desired a conference 
with them, but received such an answer from Sir Robert Carr as 
determined them not to repeat their request. A warrant was then 
issued by the secretary, in the name of the whole court, to appre- 
hend Corbett and bring him before the governor and magistrates, 

' [The certificate of Mr. Dudle}^, in the files of the Massachusetts colony 
records, is as follows : •• This may certify whom it may concern, that con- 
cerninjr the Question that is in hand, whether the town "of Exeter hath sub- 
scribed to that petition sent to his Majesty for the taking of Portsmouth, Do- 
ver, Hampton and Exeter under his immediate frovernment, I do afiirm to my 
best apprehension and that by more than prol):ible conjecture, that the town 
of Kxeter hath no hand in that petition directly or indirectly. Witness my 
hand, JO. fc'. (Jo. Sa.muel Dldlev."] 



%2 HISTORY or NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1666. 

'" to answer for his tuinultiioiis and seditious practices against the 
" government." The next spring, he was seized and 
I606. Ijrought before tlieni ; and alter a lull hearing was adjudg- 
^ '^^ ■ ed guilty of sedition, and exciting others to discontent 
with the government and laws, and of keeping a disorderly house 
of entertainment, for which crimes he was sentenced to give a bond 
of one hundred pounds, with security for his peaceable behaviour 
and obedience to the laws ; he was prohibited retailing liquors ; 
disabled from bearing any office in the town or commonwealth, 
during the pleasure of the court ; and obliged to pay a fine of 
twenty pounds, and five pounds for the costs of his prosecution. 

This severity in vindication of their charter-rights, they thought 
fit to temper with something that had the appearance of submis- 
sion to the royal commands. The king's pleasure had been sig- 
nified to the commissioners, that the harbors should be fortified. 
This instruction came to hand while they were at Pascataqua, and 
•they immediately issued warrants to the four towns, requiring 
diem to meet at a time and place appointed to receive his majes- 
ty's orders. 1 One of these warrants was sent by express to Bos- 
ton, from whence two officers were dispatched by the governor 
and council to forbid the towns on their peril to meet, or obey the 
commands of the commissioners. But by their own authority, 
they ordered a committee to look out the most convenient place 
for a fortification, upon whose report " the neck of land on the 
" eastward of the Great Island, where a small fort had been al- 
" ready built, was sequestered for the purpose, taking in the Great 
" Rock, and from thence all the easterly part of the said island." ~ 
The court of associates being impowered to hear and determine 
the claims of those who pretended any title to this land ; a claim 
was entered by George Walton,* but rejected ; and the appropri- 
ation confirmed. The customs and imposts on goods imported 
into the harbor were applied to the maintenance of the fort, and 
the trained bands of Great-Island and Kittery-Point were dis- 
charged from all other duty to attend the service of it, under 
Richard Cutt, esquire, who was appointed captain. 

The people of Massachusetts have, both in former and latter 
limes, been charged wiUi disloyalty to the king in their conduct 
towards these conmiissioners, and their disregard of authority de- 
rived from the same source with their charter. To account for 
their conduct on this occasion, we must consider the ideas they 
had of dieir political connexion with the parent state. They had 

(1) Hutch. Coll. papers, 410. (-2) Ma.ss. Records. 

* [George Walton appears to have been of E.xeter in 1030, having pre- 
viously resided at Pascataqua. He finally settled on Great Island, where he 
died in 10^0, aged about 71 years. See Mather, ii. Magnalia, IW3. Adams, 
Annals of Portsnioutj}, 44, ;^!>8. Coll. N. H. Hist. Sue. i. :\22. It is probabl« 
that he was the father of Col. Shadrach Walton, who is several times men- 
tioned in this history.] 



1G66.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 63 

been forcp<l from it by persecution : tlicy came at their own charg- 
es into a wilderness, claimed indeed by the crown of England-; 
but really in })osscssion of its native lords ; from whom they had pnr- 
chased the soil and sovereignty, which gave them a title, consid- 
ered in a moral view, superior to the grant of any European })rince.. 
For convenience only, they had sohcited and accepted a patent, 
from the crown, which in their opinion constituted the only bond 
of union between them and their prince, by which the nature and 
extent of their allegiance to him was to be determined. This pa- 
tent they regarded as a solenm compact, by which the king had 
granted them undisturbed possession of the soil, and power of 
government within certain limits 5 on condition that they shonld 
settle the country, christianize the natives, yield a fifth of all gold 
and silver mines to the crown, and make no laws repugnant to 
those of England. They had, on their part, sacredly performed 
these conditions ; and therefore concluded that the grant of title, 
property and dominion which the crown had made to them was 
irrevocable. And although they acknowledged themselves sub- 
jects of the reigning prince, and owned a dependence on the royal 
authority ; yet they understood it to be only through the mediun> 
of their charter. 

The appointment of commissioners who were to act within the 
same limits, independently of this authority, and to receive ap- 
peals from it : whose rule of conduct was not established law, 
but their own " good and sound discretion," was regarded as a 
dangerous stretch of royal power, militating with and superseding 
their charter. If the royal authority was destined to flow through 
the patent, it could not regularly be turned into another channel : 
if they were to be governed by laws made and executed by offi- 
cers of their own choosing, they could not at the same time be 
governed by the " discretion" of men in whose appointment they 
had no voice, and over whom they had no control. Two- ruling 
powers in the same state Vvas a solecism which they could not di- 
gest. The patent was neither forfeited nor revoked ; but the king 
had solennily promised to confirm it, and it subsisted in full force. 
The commission therefore was deemed an usurpation and infringe- 
ment of those chartered rights, which had been solemnly pledged 
on the one part, dearly purchased and justly paid for on the other. 
They regarded " a royal donation under the great seal (to use 
their own words) as the greatest security that could be had in hu- 
man affairs ;"i and they had confidence in the justice of the su- 
preme ruler, that if they held what they in their consciences 
thought to be their rights, and performed the engagements by 
which they had acquired them, they should enjoy the protection 
of his providence,* though they should be obliged to abandon the 

(1) Ilutcli. Hist. Mass. vol. i. p. 543. 

" '• Keep to your patent. Your patent was a royal ofrant indeed ; and it is 
*' instrutnenlally your defence and security. Recede from that, one way or 



04 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1666. 

country, whicli I'hey had planted with so much labor and expense, 
and seek a new setllcnieiit in some other part of the globe. 

These were the j)rinciplcs which they had imbibed, which they 
openly avowed and on u hich they acted. Policy might have dic- 
tated to them the same llexibilily of conduct, and softness of ex- 
j)ression, by which the other colonics on this occasion gained the 
royal favor. But they had so long held the sole and uninterrupt- 
ed sovereignly, in which they had been indulged by the late pop- 
ular government in England ; and were so fully convinced it was 
their right ; that they chose rather to risk the loss of all, than to 
make any concessions ; thereby exposing themselves farther to the 
malice of their enemies and the vengeance of power. 

The commissioners, having finished their business, were recall- 
ied by the order of the king, who was much displeased with the ill 
treatment they had received from the Massachusetts government, 
which was the more heinous, as the colonics of Plymouth, Rhode- 
Island and Connecticut had treated the commission with acknowl- 
edged respect. By a letter to the colony, he commanded 
'"^' ■ them to send over four or five agents, promising " to hear 
" in person, all the allegations, suggestions, and pretences to right 
" or favor, that could be made on behalf the colony," intimating 
that he was far from desiring to invade their charter ; and com- 
manding that all things should remain as the commissioners had 
settled them until his farther order ; and that those persons who 
had been imprisoned for petitioning or applying to them should be 
released.^ The court, however, continued to exercise jurisdiction, 
.appoint ofiicers, and execute the laws in these towns as they had 
done for twenty-five years, to the general satisfaction of the peo- 
ple who were united widi them in principles and affection. 

This affection was demonstrated by their ready concurrence 
with the proposal for a general collection, for the purpose of 
ififO erecting a new brick building* at Harvard college, the old 
wooden one being small and decayed. The town of 
Portsmouth, which was now become the richest, made a subscrip- 
tion of sixty pounds per annum for seven years ; and after five 
years, passed a town vote to carry this engagement into effect. — 
Dover gave Uiirty-two, and Exeter ten pounds for the same laud- 
able purpose.- 

The people of Portsmouth, having for some time employed 

j^«, Joshua Moodey as a preacher among them, and erecteil 

a new meeting house, proceeded to settle him in regular 

(1) Hutch, p. r)47. (2) Harvard College Records. 

" the other, and you will e.\[)ose yourself to the wrath of God and the rage of 
" man. Fix upon the patent, and stand for tlie lil)erties and iinnninities con- 
" ferred upon you therein ; and you have don and the kinjj witli you. both 
" a ;ro()d cause and a f;oo(I interest ; and may witli oood ciiuscience set your 
" footaijainsl any footof ])ri(le and violence tjiat shall come against you." — 
President Oakes's J\iection Sermon, l(i7;5. 

' This building was erected in 107".^, and consumed by fire in 17(»4. 



1G74.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. C5 

order. A church consisting of nine brethren* was first p;ather- 
ed ; then the general court having been duly informed of it, and 
having signified their approbation, according to the established 
practice, JMoodey was ordained in the presence of Governor Lev- 
erett and several of the magistrates.' f 

The whole attention of the government in England being at 
this time taken up with things that more immediately con- ir^^A 
cerned themselves, nothing of moment relating to Ma- 
son's interest was transacted. He became discouraged, and 
joined with the heirs of Gorges in proposing an alienation of their 
respective rights in the provinces of New-Hampshire and Maine 
to the crown, to make a government for the duke of Monmouth. 
The duke himself was greatly pleased with the scheme, as he 
had been told that an annual revenue of five thousand pounds or 
more might be collected from these provinces. But by the more 
faithful representations of some persons who were well acquainted 
with the country, he was induced to lay aside the project. Many 
complaints were made against the government of Massachusetts; 
and it was thought to be highly expedient that more severe meas- 
ures should be used widi them ; but the Dutch wars, and other 
foreign transactions, prevented any determination concerning 
them, till the country was involved in all the horrors of a general 
war with the natives,- 



CHAPTER V. 

Remarkg on the temper and manners of the Indians. The first general war 
witli them called Pliilip's war. 

At the time of the first discovery of the river Pascataqua by 
Captain Smith, it was found that the native inhabitants of these 
parts differed not in language, manners, nor government, from 
their eastern or western neighbors. Though they were divided 
into several tribes, each of which had a distinct sachem, yet they 
all owned subjection to a sovereign prince, called Bashaba, whose 
residence was at Penobscot. It was soon after found that the 

(I) Portsmouth Chiircii Records. [Adams, Annals of Portsmouth, 51 — 55. 
where is a particular account of the measures preparatory to the ordination of 
Mr. Moodey.] (2) Hutch. Collection of papers, 451, 472. 

• Joshua Moodey, John Cutt, Richard Cutt, Richard Martyn. Elias Slile- 
raan, Samuel Haynes, James Pendleton, John Fletcher, John Tucker. 

t [1671. April 1. A great storme of driving snow came out of the N. W. 
and drove up in drifts about 6 feet deep, as appeared by those that measured 
the banks of snow. For the space of 14 days after, it was a sad time of rain, 
not one whole fair day, and much damage done to mills and other things by 
the flood which followed. Town Records of Hampton. J 
11 



66 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

Tarraleens, who lived farther eastward, had invaded his country, 
surprised and slain him, and all the people in his neighborhood, 
and carried oft' his women, leaving no traces of his authority. ' 
Upon which the subordinate sachems, having no head to unite 
them, and each one striving for the pre-eminence, made war among 
themselves ; by which means many of their people, and much of 
their provision were destroyed. When Sir Richard Hawkins 
visited the coast in 1615, this war was at its height; and to this 
succeeded a pestilence, which carried them off in such nvmibers 
that the living were not able to bury the dead ; but their bones 
remained at the places of their habitations for several years. ^ 
During this pestilence, Richard Vines and several others, whom 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges had hired, at a great expense, to tarry in 
the country through the winter, lived among them and lodged in 
their cabins, without receiving the least injury in their heahh, 
" not so much as feeling their heads to ache the whole time." ^ 
By such singular means did divine providence prepare the way 
for the peaceable entrance of the Europeans into this land. 

When the first settlements were made, the remains of two 
tribes had their habitations on the several branches of the river 
Pascataqua ; one of their sachems lived at the falls of Squamscot, 
and the other at those of Newichwannock ; their head quarters 
being generally seated in places convenient for fishing. Both 
these, together with several inland tribes, who resided at Paw- 
tucket and Winnipiseogee, acknowledged subjection to Passacon- 
away the great sagamore of Pannukog, or (as it is commonly 
pronounced) Penacook. He excelled the other sachems in sa- 
gacity, duplicity and moderation ; but his principal qualification 
was his skill in some of the secret operations of nature, which 
gave him the reputation of a sorcerer, and extended his fame 
and influence among all the neighboring tribes. They believed 
that it was in his power to make water burn, and trees dance, and 
to metamorphose himself into flame ; that in winter he could raise 
a green leaf from the ashes of a dry one, and a living serpent 
from the skin of one that was dead."* 

An English gentleman, who had been much conversant among 
the Indians, was invited in 1660, to a great dance and feast ; on 
which occasion, the elderly men, in songs or speeches recite their 
histories, and deliver their sentiments, and advice, to the younger. 
At this solemnity, Passaconaway, being grown old, made his 
farewell speech to his children and people ; in which, as a dying 
man, he warned them to take heed how they quarrelled with their 
English neighbors ; for though they might do them some damage, 
yet it would prove the means of their own destruction. He told 
them that he had been a bitter enemy to the English, and by tlie 

(1) Smith's Voyage. (2) Gorges's Narrative, p. 17, 54. Prince's An- 
nals. (;<) Gorges, page 12. (4) Hutch. Hist. Mass. vol. i. p. 474. 



UNION WITH MASSACflUSETTS. 67 

arts of sorcery had tried his utmost to hinder their settlement and 
increase ; but could by no means succeed. This caution per- 
haps often repeated, had such an effect, that uj)on the breaking 
out of the Indian war fifteen years afterwards, Wonolanset, his 
son and successor, withdrew himself and his people into some re- 
mote place, that they might not be drawn into the quarrel. ^ 

Whilst the British nations had been distracted with internal 
convulsions, and had endured the horrors of a civil war, produced 
by the same causes which forced the planters of New-England 
to quit the land of their nativity ; this wilderness had been to them 
a quiet habitation. They had struggled with many hardships; 
but providence had smiled upon their undertaking ; their settle- 
ments were extended and their churches multiplied. There had 
been no remarkable quarrel with the savages, except the short 
war with the Pequods, who dwelt in the south-east part of Con- 
necticut. They being totally subdued in 1637, the dread and 
terror of the English kept the other nations quiet for near forty 
years. During which time, the New-England colonies being 
confederated for their mutual defence, and for maintaining the 
public peace, took great pains to propagate the gospel among the 
natives, and bring them to a civilized way of living, which, with 
respect to some, proved effectual ; others refused to receive the 
missionaries, and remained obstinately prejudiced against the 
English. Yet the object of dieir hatred was at the same time the 
object of their fear ; which led them to forbear acts of hostility, 
and to preserve an outward shew of friendship, to their mutual 
interest. 

Our historians have generally represented the Indians in a most 
odious light, especially when recounting the effects of their ferocity. 
Dogs, caitiffs, miscreants and hell-hounds, are the politest names 
which have been given them by some writers, who seem to be in 
a passion at the mentioning their cruelties, and at other times speak 
of them with contempt.- Whatever indulgence may be allowed 
to those who wrote in times when the mind was vexed with their 
recent depredations and inhumanities, it ill becomes us to cherish 
an inveterate hatred of the unhappy natives. Religion teaches 
us a better temper, and providence has now put an end to the 
controversy, by their almost total extirpation. We should there- 
fore proceed with calmness in recollecting their past injuries, and 
forming our judgment of their character. 

It must be acknowledged that human depravity appeared in 
these unhappy creatures in a most shocking view. The principles 
of education and the refinements of civilized life either lay a 
check upon our vicious propensities, or disguise our crimes ; but 
among them human wickedness was seen in its naked deformitJ^ 

(1) Hubbnrd's printed Narrative, page 9, 31. (2) Hubbard's Narrative and 
Mather's Magnalia. 



J^V, 



68 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMrSIIIRi:. 

Yet, bad as they were, it will be difficult to find tliem guilty of 
any crime which cannot he paralleled amonn; civilized nations. 

They arc always described as remarkably cruel ; and it cannot 
be denied that this disposition indulged to the greatest excess, 
strongly marks their cliarncter. We are struck with horror, 
when we hear of their binding the victim to the stake, biting off 
his nails, tearing out his hair by the roots, pulling out his tongue, 
boring out his eyes, sticking his skin full of lighted pitch-wood, 
half roasting him at the fire, and then making him run for their 
diversion, till he faints and dies under the blows which they give 
him on every part of his body. But is it not as dreadful to read 
of an unhappy wretch, sewed up in a sack full of serpents and 
thrown into the sea, or broiled in a red hot iron chair; or mang- 
led by lions and tigers, after having spent his strength to combat 
them for die diversion of the spectators in an amphitheatre ? and 
yet these were punishments among the Romans in the politest 
ages of the empire. What greater cruelty is there in the Ameri- 
can tortures, than in confining a man in a trough, and daubing 
him with honey that he may be stung to death by wasps and 
other venomous insects ; or fleaing him alive and stretching out 
his skin before his eyes, which modes of punishment were not 
inconsistent with the softness and elegance of the ancient court of 
Persia ? or, to come down to modern times ; what greater misery 
can there be in the Indian executions, than in racking a prisoner 
on a wheel, and breaking his bones one by one with an iron bar ; 
or placing his legs in a boot and driving in wedges one after 
another ; which tortures are still, or have till lately been used in 
some European kingdoms ? I forbear to name the torments of 
the inquisition, because they seem to be beyond the stretch of 
human invention. If civilized nations, and those who profess the 
most merciful religion that ever blessed the world, have practised 
these cruelties, what could be expected of men who were stran- 
gers to every degree of refinement either civil or mental ? 

The Indians have been represented as revengeful. When any 
person was killed, the nearest relative thought himself bound to 
be the avenger of blood, and never left seeking, till he found an 
opportunity to execute his pm-pose. Whether in a state, where 
government is confessedly so feeble as among them, such a con- 
duct is not justifiable, and even countenanced by the Jewish law 
may deserve our consideration.^ 

The treachery with which these people are justly charged, is 
exactly the same disposition which operates in the breach of sol- 
emn treaties made between nations which call themselves chris- 
tians. Can it be more criminal in an Indian, than in an Europe- 
an, not to diink himself bound by promises and oaUis extorted 
from him when under duress .'' 

(1) Numbers, cli. 35. V. 19. Deuteronoinv, cli. !'.>. v. 12. 



1G75.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. g9 

Their jealousy and haired of tlieir English neighbors ni;iy 
easily be accounted for, if we allow them to have thy same; feel- 
ings with ourselves. How natural is it for us to form a disagree- 
able idea of a whole nation, from (he had conduct of some indi- 
viduals with whom we are acquainted ? and though others of 
tiiem may be of a different character, yet will not that prudence 
which is esteemed a virtue, lead us to suspect the fairest appear- 
ances, as used to cover the most fraudulent designs, especially if 
pains are taken by the most politic among us, to forraent suclv 
jealousies to subserve their own ambitious purposes ? 

Though the greater part of the English settlers came hither 
with religious views, and fairly purchased their lands of the In- 
dians, yet it cannot be denied that some, especially in the eastern 
parts of New-England, had lucrative views only ; and from the 
beginning used fraudulent methods in trade with them. Such 
things were indeed disallowed by the government, and would 
always have been punished if the Indians had made complaint : 
but they knew only the law of retaliation, and when an injury was 
received, it was never forgotten till revenged. Encroachments 
made on their lands, and fraud committed in trade, afforded suf- 
ficient grounds for a quarrel, though at ever so great a length of 
time ; and kept alive a perpetual jealousy of the like treatment 
again.* 

Such was the temper of the Indians of New-England when 
the first general war began. It was thought by the English ^ ^^^ 
in that day, that Philip, sachem of the Wompanoags, a 
crafty and aspiring man, partly by intrigue, and partly by example, 
excited them to such a general combination. He was the son of 
Massassoit, the nearest sachem to the colony of Plymouth, with 
whom he had concluded a peace, which he maintained more 
through fear than good will, as long as he lived. His son and 
immediate successor Alexander, preserved the same external 
show of friendship ; but died with clioler on being detected in a 
plot against them. Philip, it is said, dissembled his hostile pur- 
poses ; he was ready, on every suspicion of his infidelity, to re- 
new his submission, and testify it even by the delivery of his arms, 
till he had secretly infused a cruel jealousy into many of die 
neighboring Indians ; which excited them to attempt the recover- 
ing their country, by extirpating the new possessors. The plot, it 
is said, was discovered before it was ripe for execution : and as 
he could no longer promise himself security under the mask of 
friendship, he was constrained to shew himself in his true charac- 

* INIons. (lu Pratz gives nearly the same account of the Indians on tlie Miss- 
issippi. " There needs nothino; but prudence and o-ood sense to pursuade 
" these people to what is reasonable, and to preserve tlieir friendship without 
'• interruption. We may safely affirm, that the differeiirfs we Iiave jiad with 
" them have been more owinjv to tiie Frencli than to them. When tliey are 
" treated insolently, or oppressively, they have no less sensibility of injurieti 
" than others." History of Louisiana, lib. 4, cap. 3. 



70 HISTORY UF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1675. 

ter, and accordingly began hostilities upon the plantation of 
Svvanzc)', in the colony of Plymouth, in the month of June, 1C75. 
Notwithstanding this general opinion, it may admit of some 
doubt, whether a single sachem, whose authority was limited, 
could have such an extensive inlUience over tribes so remote and 
unconnected with him as the eastern Indians ; much more im- 
probable is it, that those in Virginia should have joined in the con- 
federacy, as it hath been intimated. The Indians never travelled 
to any greater distance than their hunting required ; and so ig- 
norant were they of the geograj)hy of their country, that they 
imagined New-England to be an island,' and could tell the name 
of an inlet or strait by which they supposed it was separated from 
the main land. But what renders it more improbable that Philip 
was so active an instrument in exciting this war, is the constant 
tradition among the posterity of those people who lived near him, 
and were familiarly conversant with him, and with those of his 
Indians who survived the war : which is, that he was forced on 
by the fury of his young men, sorely against his own judgment 
and that of his chief counsellors ; and that as he foresaw that the 
English would, in time, establish themselves and extirpate the In- 
dians, so he thought that the making war upon them would only 
hasten the destruction of his own people. It was always a very 
common, and sometimes a just excuse with the Indians, when 
charged with breach of faith, that the old men were not able to 
restrain the younger from signalizing their valor, and gratifying 
their revenge, though they disapproved their rashness. 'I'his 
want of restraint was owing to the weakness of their government ; 
their sachems having but the shadow of magistradcal authority. 

The inhabitants of Bristol shew a pardcular spot where Philip 
received the news of the first Englishmen that were killed, with 
so much sorrow as to cause him to weep ; a few days before 
which he had rescued one who had been taken by his Indians, 
and privately sent him home.- Whatever credit may be given to 
this account, so different from die current opinion, it must be own- 
ed, that in such a season of general confusion as the first war oc- 
casioned, fear and jealousy might create many suspicions, which 
would soon be formed into reports of a general confederacy, 
through Philip's contrivance ; and it is to be noted that die prin- 
cipal histories of this war, (Increase Mather's and Hubbard's) 
were printed in 1G76 and 1677, when the strangest reports were 
easily credited, and the people were ready to believe every thing 
that was bad of so formidable a neighbor as Philip. But as the 
fact cannot now be precisely ascertained, I shall detain the reader 
;io longer from the real causes of die war in these eastern parts. 

There dwelt near the river Saco, a sachem named Squando, 

<1) Hubbard's Narrative, pjipc 12. Ncal'a Hist. N. E. vol. i. p. 21. (2) Cal- 
lender's Century Sermon, p. 76. 



1675.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 71 

a noted enthusiast, a leader in the devotions of their religion, and 
one who pretended to a i'atniliar intercourse with the invisible 
world. These qualifications rendered iiim a person of the high- 
est dignity, importance and influence among all the eastern Indians. 
His squaw passing along the river in a canoe, with her infant 
child, was met by some rude sailors, who having heard that the 
Indian children could swim as naturally as the young of the brutal 
kind, in a thoughtless and unguarded humor overset the canoe. 
The child sunk, and the mother instantly diving fetched it up 
alive, but the child dying soon after, its death was imputed to die 
treatment it had received from the seamen ; and Squando was so 
provoked that he conceived a bitter antipathy to the English, and 
employed his great art and influence to excite the Indians against 
them.i Some other injuries were alleged as the ground of the 
quarrel ; and, considering the interested views and irregular lives 
of many of the eastern settlers, their distance from the seat of 
government, and the want of due subordination among them, it is 
not improbable that a great part of the blame of the eastern war 
belonged to them. 

The first alarm of the war in Plymouth colony spread great 
consternadon among the distant Indians, and held diem awhile in 
suspense what part to act ; for there had been a long external 
friendship subsisting between them and the English, and they 
were afraid of provoking so powerful neighbors. But the seeds 
of jealousy and hatred had been so effectually sown, that the crafty 
and revengeful, and those who were ambitious of doing some ex- 
ploits, soon found means to urge them on to an open rupture ; so 
that within twenty days after Philip had begun the war at the 
southward, the flame broke out in the most northeasterly part of 
the country, at the distance of two hundred miles." 

The English inhabitants about the river Kennebeck, hearing of 
the insurrection in Plymouth colony, determined to make trial of 
the fidelity of their Indian neighbors, by requesting them to deliv- 
er their arms. They made a show of compliance ; but in doing 
it, committed an act of violence on a Frenchman, who lived in an 
English family ; which being judged an offence, both by the En- 
glish and the elder Indians, the ofiender was seized ; but upon a 
promise, with security, for his future good behaviour, his life was 
spared, and some of them consented to remain as hostages; who 
.soon made dieir escape, and joined with their fellows in robbing 
the house of Purchas, an ancient planter at Pegypscot. 

The quarrel being thus begun, and their natural hatred of the 
English, and jealousy of their designs, having risen to a great height 
under the malignant influence of Squando and other leading men ; 
and being encouraged by the example of the western Indians, 

(1) Hubbard, [Wars with the Eastern Indians, p. CI.] Magnaiia, lib. 7, p. 
55. (2) Hubbard, [Indian Wars] page 13. 



75 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1675. 

who were daily making depredations on the colonies of Plymouth, 
and IMassachiisetts ; they took every opportunity to rob and mur- 
der the people in ib-c scattered settlements of the province of 
Maine ; and having dispersed themselves into many small parties, 
that they might be the more extensively mischievous, in the month 
of September, they approached the plantations at Pascataqua, and 
made their fust onset at Oyster river, then a part of the town of 
Dover, but now Durham. Here, they burned two houses belong- 
ing to two jiersons named Chesley ; killed two men in a canoe, 
and carried away two captives ; both of whom soon after made 
their escape. About the same time, a party of four laid in ambush 
near the road between Exeter and Hampton, where they killed 
one,* and took another, | who made his escape. Within a few 
days an assault was made on the house of one Tozer at Newich- 
wannock, wherein were fifteen women and children, all of whom, 
except two, were saved by the intrepidity of a girl of eighteen. 
She first seeing the Indians as they advanced to the house, shut 
the door and stood against it, till the others escaped to the next 
house, which was better secured. The Indians chopped the door 
to pieces with their hatchets, and then entering, they knocked her 
down, and leaving her for dead, went in pursuit of the others, of 
whom two children, w'ho could not get over the fence, fell into 
theii- hands. The adventurous heroine recovered, and was per- 
lectly healed of her wound. ^ 

The two following days, they made several appearances on both 
sides of the river, using much insolence, and burning two houses 
and three barns, with a large quantity of grain. Some shot were 
exchanged without efiect, and a pursuit was made after them into 
the woods by eight men, but night obliged them to return without 
success. Five or six houses were burned at Oyster river, and 
two more men killed. J These daily insults could not be borne 
without indignation and reprisal. About twenty young men, 
chiefly of Dover, obtained leave of Major Waldron, then com- 
mander of the militia, to try their skill and courage with the In- 
dians in their own way." Having scattered themselves in the 
woods, a small party of them discovered five Indians in a field 
near a deserted house, some of whom were gathering corn, and 
others kindling a fire to roast it. The men were at such a dis- 
tance from their fellows that they could make no signal to them 
without danger of a discovery ; two of them, dierefore, crept along 

(1) Hubbard, [Wars with Eastern Indians] p. 19. (2) [Hubbard, Eastern 
Wars; 20.] (a) Hubbard, [Eastern Wars] page 21. 

' [Goodman Robinson, of E.xetcr. who, with his son, was going to Hampton. 
He was shot through his back, tlic bullet having pierced througii his body- 
Th* son escaped by running into a swamp, and reached Hampton about mid- 
night. Hubbard, VVars wiln E.istern Indians, 10, 20.] 

/ [Charles Uaulet, who escaped by the help of an Indian. Ibid. 20.] 

i [William Roberts and his son-in-law. Ibid. 21] 



1675.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. tS 

silently, near to the house, from whence they suddenly rushed 
upon those two Indians, who were busy at the fire, and knocked 
them down with the butts of their guns ; the other three took the 
alarm and escaped. 

All the plantations at Pascataqua, with the whole eastern coun- 
try, were now filled with fear and confusion. Business was sus- 
pended, and every man was obliged to provide for his own and 
his family's safety. The only way was to desert their habitations, 
and retire together within the larger and more convenient houses, 
which they fortified with a timber wall and flankarts, placing a 
sentry-box on the roof. Thus the labor of the field was exchang- 
ed for the duty of the garrison, and they, who had long lived in 
peace and security, were upon their guard night and day, subject 
to continual alarms, and the most fearful apprehensions. ^ 

The seventh of October was observed as a day of fasting and 
prayer ; and on the sixteenth, the enemy made an assault upon 
the inhabitants at Salmon-falls, in Berwick. Lieutenant Roger 
Plaisted, being a man of true courage and of public spirit, imme- 
diately sent out a party of seven from his garrison to make dis- 
covery. They fell into an ambush ; three were killed, and the 
rest retreated. The Lieutenant then despatched an express to 
Major Waldron and Lieutenant Coflin at Cochecho, begging most 
importunately for help, which they were in no capacity to afford, 
consistently with their own safety. The next day, Plaisted ven- 
tured out with twenty men, and a cart to fetch the dead bodies of 
their friends, and unhappily fell into another ambush. The cattle 
affrighted ran back, and Plaisted being deserted by his men, and 
disdaining either to yield or fly, was killed on the spot, with his 
eldest son and one more ; his odier son died of his wound in a 
few weeks.* Had the heroism of this worthy family been imitated 
by the rest of the party, and a reinforcement arrived in season, 
the enemy might have receiv^ed such a severe check as would 
have prevented them from appearing in small parties. The gal- 
lant behaviour of Plaisted, diough fatal to himself and his sons, had 
this good effect, that the enemy retreated to the woods ; and the 
next day. Captain Frost came up with a party from Sturgeon 
creek, and peaceably buried the dead. But before the month 
had expired a mill was burned there, and an assault made on 
Frost's garrison, who though he had only three boys with him, 
kept up a constant fire, and called aloud as if he were command- 
ing a body of men, to march here and fire there : the stratagem 
succeeded, and the house was saved. The enemy then proceed- 

(]) Ibid. 22. 

* [Soon after this, llipy a.ssaulled a house at Oyster River, which was gar- 
risoned. MeetinjT with a good old man without the g-arrison, whose name 
was Beard, they killed him upon the place, and in a barbarous manner cut off 
his head and set it on a pole in derision. Hubbard, Eastern Wars, 22.] 

12 



74 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [\615, 

ed down the river, killing and plundering as they found people off 
their guard, till they came opposite to Portsmoudi ; from whence 
some cannon being fired they dispersed, and were pursued by 
the help of a light snow which fell in the night, and were overta- 
ken by the side of a swamp, into which they threw themselves, 
leaving their packs and plunder to the pursuers. They soon af- 
ter did more mischief at Dover, Lamprey river* and Exeter ; 
and with these small, but irritating assaults and skirmishes, the au- 
tumn was spent until the end of November ; when the number of 
people killed and taken from Kennebeck to Pascataqua amount- 
ed to upwards of fifty. ^ 

The Massachusetts government being fully employed in de- 
fending die southern and western parts, could not seasonably send 
succors to the eastward. Major General Denison, who comman- 
ded the militia of the colony, had ordered the majors who com- 
manded the regiments on this side of die country, to draw out a 
sufficient number of men to reduce the enemy, by attacking them 
at their retreat to their head-quarters at Ossipce and Pequawet.f 
But the winter setting in early and fiercely, and the men being 
unprovided wiUi rackets to travel on the snow, which by the tenth 
of December was four feet deep in the woods, it was impossible 
to execute the design. This peculiar severity of the season how- 
ever proved favorable. The Indians were pinched with famine, 
and having lost by their own confession about ninety of their 
number, partly by the war, and partly for want of food, they 
were reduced to the necessity of suing for peace. With this 
view, they came to Major Waldron, expressing great sorrow for 
what had been done, and promising to be quiet and submissive. 
By his mediation, a peace was concluded with the whole body of 
eastern Indians, which continued till the next August ; and might 
have continued longer, if the inhabitants of die eastern parts had 
not been too intent on private gain, and of a disposition too un- 
governable to be a barrier against an enemy so irritable and vin- 
dictive. The restoraUon of the captives made the peace more 
pleasant. A return from the dead could not be more welcome 
than a deliverance from Indian captivity. 

The war at the southward, though renewed in the spring, drew 

toward a close. Philip's affairs were desj)erate ; many 

of his allies and dependents forsook him ; and in the month 

of August, he was slain by a party under Captain Church. " 

(1) Hubbard, [Eastern Wars] p. 23, 24, 25. (2) Church's Memoirs, p. 44. 

* [One was killed near this place ; and between Exeter and Hampton, they 
killed one or two men in the woods as they were travelling homewards. — 
Hubbard's Eastern Wars, 25.] 

t [This name was spelled Pi.gwachet in the former editions, but the true 
orthography, which conveys the aboriginal pronunciation, is said to be as given 
above in the text. It is variously written by the early historians. Winthrop 
has it Pefftnnirgetl ; Hubbard, Pigxcauchct ; and Sullivan, Pechcalket and 
PiekicockcL] 



1676.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 75 

Those western Indians who had been engaged in the war, now 
fearing a total extirpation, endeavored to conceal themselves 
among their brethren of Penacook who had not joined in the war, 
and with those of Ossipee and Pcquawket, who had made peace. 
But they could not so disguise themselves or their behaviour as to 
escape the discernment of those who had been conversant with 
Indians. Several of them were taken at different times and de- 
livered up to public execution. Three of them, Simon, Andrew 
and Peter, who had been concerned in killing Thomas Kimball 
of Bradford, and captivating his family, did, within six weeks, 
voluntarily restore the woman and five children. It being doubt- 
ed whether this act of submission was a sufficient atonement for 
the murder, they were committed to Dover prison till their case 
could be considered. Fearing that this confinement was a pre- 
lude to fardier punishment, they broke out of prison, and going to 
the eastward, joined with the Indians of Kennebeck and Ameris- 
coggin in those depredations which they renewed on the inhabit- 
ants of those parts, in August, and were afterward active in dis- 
tressing the people of Pascataqua. 

This renewal of hostilities occasioned the sending of two com- 
panies to the eastward under Captain Joseph Syll, and Captain 
William Hathorne. In the course of their march, they came to 
Cochecho, on the sixth of September, where four hundred mix- 
ed Indians were met at the house of Major Waldron, with whom 
they had made the peace, and whom the}' considered as their 
friend and father. The two captains would have fallen upon 
them at once, having it in their orders to seize all Indians, who 
had been concerned in the war. The major dissuaded them 
from that purpose, and contrived the following stratagem. He 
proposed to the Indians, to have a training the next day, and a 
sham fight after the English mode ; and summoning his own men, 
with those under Capt. Frost of Kittery, they, in conjunction with 
the two companies, formed one party, and the Indians another. 
Having diverted them a while in this manner, and caused the In- 
dians to fire the first volley ; by a peculiar dexterity, the whole 
body of them (except two or three) were surrounded, before they 
could form a suspicion of what was intended. They were imme- 
diately seized and disarmed, without the loss of a man on either 
side. A separation was then made : VVonolanset, with the Pen- 
acook Indians, and others who had joined in making peace the 
winter before, were peaceably dismissed ; but the strange Indians, 
(as they were called) who had fled from the southward and ta- 
ken refuge among them, were made prisoners, to the number of 
two hundred ; and being sent to Boston, seven or eight of them, 
who were known to have killed any Englishmen, were condemned 
and hanged ; the rest were sold into slavery in foreign parts. 



•J 6 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1676. 

This action was highly applauded by the general voice of the 
colony ; as it gave them opportunity to deal with their enemies 
in a judicial way, as rebels, and, as they imagined, to extirpate 
those troublesome neighbors. The remaining Indians, however, 
looked upon the conduct of Major Waldron as a breach of faith ; 
inasmuch as they had taken those fugitive Indians under their 
protection, and had made peace with him, which had been scrict- 
ly observed with regard to him and his neighbors, though it liad 
been broken elsewhere. The Indians had no idea of the same 
government being extended very far, and thought they might 
make peace in one place, and war in another, without any impu- 
tation of infidelity ; but a breach of hospitality and friendship, as 
they deemed this to be, merited, according to their principles, a 
severe revenge, and was never to be forgotten or forgiven. The 
major's situation on this occasion was indeed extremely critical ; 
and he could not have acted either way without blame. It is said 
that his own judgment was against any forcible measure, as he 
knew that many of those Indians were true friends to the colony ; 
and that, in case of failure, he should expose the country to their 
resentment ; but had he not assisted the forces in the execution 
of their commission, (which was to seize all Indians who had been 
concerned widi Philip in the war) he must have fallen under 
censure, and been deemed accessary, by his neglect, to the mis- 
chiefs which might afterward have been perpetrated by them. 
In this dilemma, he finally determined to comply with the orders 
and expectations of government ; imagining that he should be 
able to satisfy those of the Indians whom he intended to dismiss, 
and that the others would be removed out of the way of doing 
any further mischief; but he had no suspicion that he was laying 
a snare for his own life. It was unhappy for him, that he was 
obliged in deference to the laws of his country, and the orders of 
government, to give offence to a people who, having no public 
judicatories and penal laws among themselves, were unable to 
distinguish between a legal punishment and private malice.* 

Two days after this surprisal, the forces proceeded on their 
route to the eastward, being joined with some of Waldron's and 
Frost's men ; and taking with them Blind Will, a sagamore of the 
Indians who lived about Cochecho, and eight of his people for 
pilots. The eastern settlements were all either destroyed or de- 
serted, and no enemy was to be seen ; so that the expedition 
proved fruitless, and the companies returned to Pascataqua. 

It was then thought advisable, that they should march up to- 

* The above accovint of the seizure of the Indians is (jiven from the most 
authentic and credible tradition that conld be obtained witliin tlie last sixteen 
years, from the posterity of those persons who were concerned in the aftair. 
It is but just mentioned by Hubbard and Mather, and not in connexion with 
its consequences. Neal, for want of better information, has given a wrong- 
turn to the relation, and so has Wynne who copies from him. Hutchinson 
has not mentioned it nt all. 



1C76.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 77 

ward the Ossipee ponds ; where tlie Indians had a strong fort of 
timber fourteen feet high, widi flankarts ; which they had a few 
years belore hired some English carpenters to build for them, as 
a defence against the Mohawks, of whom they were always afraid. 
It was thought that if the Indians could be surprised on their first 
return to their head-quarters, at die beginning of winter, some 
considerable advantage might be gained against them ; or if they 
had not arrived there, that the provisions, which they had laid in 
for their winter subsistence, might be destroyed. Accordingly, 
the companies being well provided for a march at that season, set 
off on the first of November ; and after travelling four days through 
a rugged, mountainous wilderness, and crossing several rivers, 
they arrived at the spot ; but found the fort and adjacent places 
entirely deserted, and saw not an Indian in all die way. Think- 
ing it needless for the whole body to go further, the weather being 
severe, and the snow deep, a select party was detached eighteen 
or twenty miles above ; w'ho discovered nothing but frozen ponds, 
and snowy mountains ; and supposing die Indians had taken up 
their winter quarters nearer the sea, they returned to Newich- 
wannock, within nine days from their first departure. 

They had been prompted to undertake this expedidon hy the 
false accounts brought by Mogg, an Indian of Penobscot, W'ho had 
come in to Pascataqua, with a proposal of peace ; and had re- 
ported that an hundred Indians were assembled at Ossipee. 
This Indian brought with him two men of Portsmouth, Fryer* and 
Kendal, who had been taken on board a vessel at the eastward ; 
he was deputed by the Penobscot tribe to consent to articles of 
pacification ; and being sent to Boston, a treaty was drawn and 
subscribed by the governor and magistrates on the one part, and 
by Mogg on the other ; in which it was stipulated, that if the In- 
dians of the other tribes did not agree to this transaction, and 
cease hostilides, they should be deemed and treated as enemies 
by both parties. This treaty was signed on the sixth of Novem- 
ber ; ]\Iogg pledging his life for the fulfilment of it. Accordingly, 
vessels being sent to Penobscot, the peace was ratified by Madok- 
awando the sachem, and two captives were restored. But 
Mogg, being incautiously permitted to go to a neighboring tribe, 
on pretence of pursuading them to deliver their captives, though 
he promised to return in three days, was seen no more. It was 
at first thought that he had been sacrificed by his countrymen, as 
he pretended to fear when he left the vessels ; but a cap- ^_ 
tive who escaped in January, gave a different account of 
him ; that he boasted of having deceived the English, and laughed 

* [James Fryer was the eldest son of Nathaniel Fryer, who was afterwards 
one of the council. He had received a wound in his knee from the Indians 
at Richmond's island, which proved mortal a few days after his return to liis 
father's house, at Great Island. Kendal, whose name accordiu<r to liubhard 
should be Gendal, was taken prisoner at the same time with Fryer. Hub- 
bard, Indian Wars from Pascataqua to Peinaquid, 40, 47. J 



78 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1677. 

at their kind enteitaiiimenl of him. There was also a design 
talked of among them to hreak the peace in the spring, and join 
with the other Indians at the eastward in ruining the fishery. — 
About the same time, it was discovered that some of the Narra- 
ganset Indians were scattered in the eastern parts ; three of them 
having been decoyed by some of the Cochecho Indians into their 
wigwams, and scalped, were known by the cut of their hair. — 
This raised a fear in the minds of the people, that more of them 
might have found their way to the eastward, and would prosecute 
their revenge against them. 

From these circumstances, it was suspected, that the truce 
would be but of short continuance. The treachery of IMogg, who 
was surety for the performance of the treaty, was deemed a full 
justification of the renewal of hostilities; and the state of things 
was, by some gendemen of Pascataqua, represented to be so dan- 
gerous, that the government determined upon a winter expedition. 
Two hundred men, including sixty Natick Indians, were enlisted 
and equipped, and sailed from Boston the first week in February, 
imder the command of Major Waldron ; a day of prayer having 
been previously appointed for the success of the enterprise. 

At Casco, the major had a fruitless conference, and a slight 
skirmish with a few Indians, of whom some were killed and 
wounded. At Kennebcck, he built a fort, and left a garrison of 
forty men, under the command of Captain Sylvanus Davis.* At 
Pemaquid, he had a conference with a company of Indians, who 
promised to deliver their captives on the payment of a ransom : 
Part of it being paid, three captives were delivered, and it was 
agreed that the conference should be renewed in the afternoon, 
and all arms be laid aside. Some suspicion of their infidelity had 
arisen, and when the major went ashore in the afternoon with 
five men, and the remainder of the ransom, he discovered the 
point of a lance hid under a board, which he drew out and ad- 
vanced with it toward them ; charging them with treachery in 
concealing their arms so near. They attempted to take it from 
him by force ; but he threatened them with instant death, and 
waved his cap for a signal to the vessels. While the rest were 
coming on shore, the major with his five men secured the goods. 
Some of the Indians snatching up a bundle of guns which they 
had hid, ran away. Captain Frost, who was one of the five, 
seized an Indian, who was well known to be a rogue, and with 

* [Sylvanus Davis resided some time at Sheepscot in Maine. He was an 
officer in the war of 1G75, and received a wound from tiie Indians, as related 
by Hulibard in his Account of ftie Wars witii the Eastern Indians in H'u'k p. 
41. Hutchinson (ii. 21) says that lie was '' the commander of the fort at Cas- 
co, where he was taken prisoner and carried to Canada." He was nominated 
by Rev. Increase Mather as one of the counsellors in the charter of William 
and Mary, granted in 1601, and his name was inserted as one of the twenty- 
eight appointed. There is an account written by him, of the management of 
the war against the English in the Eastern parts of New-England by the In- 
dians, in 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. See. i. 101—112.] 



1G77.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 79 

Lieutenant Nutter, carried liim on board. The major searching 
about, found three guns, with which he armed his remaining three 
men ; and the rest being come on shore by this time, they pursued 
the Indians, killed several of them before they could recover their 
canoes, and after they had pushed off, sunk one with five men, 
who were drowned ; and took four prisoners, with about a thou- 
sand pounds of dried beef, and some other plunder. The whole 
number of the Indians was twenty-five. 

Whether the casual discovery of their arms, which they had 
agreed to lay aside, was sufficient to justify this severity, may be 
doubted ; since, if their intentions had really been hostile, they 
had a fine opportunity of ambushing or seizing the major and his 
five attendants, who came ashore unarmed ; and it is not likely 
that they would have waited for the rest to come ashore before 
they opened the plot. Possibly, this sudden suspicion might be 
groundless, and might inflame the prejudice against the major, 
which had already been excited by the seizure of their friends at 
Cochecho some time before. 

On the return of the forces, they found some wheat, guns, an- 
chors and boards at Kennebeck, which they took with them. — 
They killed two Indians on Arrowsick Island, who, with one of 
the prisoners taken at Pemaquid, and shot on board, made the 
number of Indians killed in this expedition thirteen. They re- 
turned to Boston on the Ilth of March, without the loss of a man, 
bringing with them the bones of Captain Lake,* which they found 
entire in the place where he was killed. -j- 

There being no prospect of peace at the eastward, it became 
necessary to maintain great circumspection and resolution, and ta 
make use of every possible advantage against the enemy. A long 
and inveterate animosity had subsisted between the Mohawks and 
the eastern Indians, the original of which is not mentioned, and 
perhaps was not known by any of our historians ; nor can the 
oldest men among the Mohawks at this day give any account of 
it. These Indians were in a state of friendship with their English 
neighbors ; and being a fierce and formidable race of men, their 

* [Capt. Thomas Lake was a merchant of good character, and was the joint 
owner with Major Clarke of Boston of Arrowsick island, in Maine, where h& 
had a house and occasionally resided. It was while residing here, that he was, 
killed by the Indians on the 14 of August, l(57t!. Hubbard, Eastern Wars, 
41.42. Hutch. Hist. Mass. i. 200. Records of the 2d church in Boston.— " 
Hubliard, page 72, states that " the body of Capt. Lake, was preserved entire 
and whole and free from putrefaction by the coldness of the long winter." By 
what means the body could be so long preserved from decomposition, Captaia 
Lake having been killed in the preceding August, it may be difficult to ex- 
plain, but we must seek for an additional cause to the one assigned by Hub- 
bard.] 

t Here ends Hubbard's printed Narrative. The account of the remainder 
of this war is taken from his MS. history, from sundry original letters, and 
copies of letters, and from a MS. journal found in Prmce's collection, and 
supposed to have been written by Capt. Lawrence Hammond of Charlestown. 



80 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1677. 

name carried terror wliere ever it was known. It was now tliouglit, 
that if they could be induced to prosecute their ancient quarrel 
with the eastern Indians, the latter might be awed into peace, or 
incapacitated for any farther mischief. The propriety of this 
measure became a subject of debate ; some questioning the law- 
fulness of making use of their help, " as they were heathen ;" 
but it was urged in reply, that Abraham had entered into a con- 
federacy with the Amorites, among whom he dwelled, and made 
use of their assistance in recovering his kinsman Lot from the 
hands of their common enemy.* With this argument, the object- 
ors were satisfied ; and two messengers, Major Pynchon of Spring- 
field, and Richards of Hartford were dispatched to the country of 
the Mohawks ; who treated them with great civility, expressed 
the most bitter hatred against the eastern enemy, and promised to 
pursue the quarrel to the utmost of their power.^ 

Accordingly, some parties of them came down the country a- 
bout the middle of March, and the first alarm was given at Amus- 
keag falls ; where the son of Wonolanset being hunting, discover- 
ed fifteen Indians on the other side, who called to him in a lan- 
guage which he did not understand ; upon which he fled, whilst 
they fired near thirty guns at him without effect. Presently after 
this, they were discovered in the woods near Cochecho. Major 
Waldron sent out eight of his Indians, whereof Blind Will was 
one, for farther information. ^ They were all suprised together by 
a company of the Mohawks ; two or three escaped, the others 
were either killed or taken : Will was dragged away by his 
hair ; and being wounded, perished in the woods, on a neck 
of land, formed by the confluence of Cochecho and Ising-glass 
rivers, which still bears the name of Blind Will's Neck. This 
fellow was judged to be a secret enemy to the English, though 
he pretended much friendship and respect ; so that it was im- 
possible to have punished him, without provoking the other 
neighboring Indians, with whom he lived in amity, and of whose 
fidelity there was no suspicion.'* It was at first thought a fortunate 
circumstance that he was killed in this manner ; but the conse- 
quence proved it to be otherwise ; for two of those who were ta- 
ken with him escaping, reported that the Mohawks threatened de- 
struction to all the Indians in these parts without distinction.'^ So 
that those who lived in subjection to the English grew jealous of 
their sincerity, and imagined, not without very plausible ground, 
that the Mohawks had been persuaded or hired to engage in the 
war, on purpose to destroy them ; since they never actually exer- 
cised their fiiry upon those Indians who were in hostility with the 
English, but only upon those who were in friendship with them ; 
and this only in such a degree as to irritate, rather than to weaken 

(1) Genesis, chap. 14. (2) Hwbbard's MS. Jlisl. [p. 620 of printed copy.] 
(3) MS. Journal. March 30. (4) Hubbard's MS. Hist. [p. 630 of printed 
copy.] (f)) MS. Journal. 



1677.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 81 

or distress ihem. It cannot therefore be thought strange tliat the 
friendly Indians were alienated from their English neighbors, and 
disposed to listen to the seducing stratagems of the French ; who, 
in a few years after, made use of them in conjuction with others, 
sorely to scourge these unhappy people. The English, in reality, 
had no such design ; but the event proved, that the scheme of 
engaging the Mohawks in our quarrel, however lawful in itself, 
and countenanced by the example of Abraham, was a pernicious 
source of innumerable calamities. 

The terror which it was thought this incursion of the Mohawks 
would strike into the eastern Indians was too small to prevent then- 
renewing hostilities very early in the spring. Some of the garri- 
son who had been left at Kennebeck were surprised by an am- 
bush, as they were attempting to bury the dead bodies of their 
friends, who had been killed the summer before, and had lain un- 
der the snow all winter. ^ The remainder of that garrison were 
then taken off and conveyed to Pascataqua ; whither a company 
of fifty men and ten Natick Indians marched, under Captain 
Svvaine, to succor the inhabitants, who were alarmed by scattered 
parties of the enemy, killing and taking people, and burning houses 
in Wells, Kittery, and within the bounds of Portsmouth.* A 
young woman who was taken from Rawling's house, made her 
escape and came into Cochecho, informing where the enemy lay. 
Three parties were dispatched to ambush three places, by . 09 
one of which they must pass. The enemy appearing at 
one of these places, were seasonably discovered ; but by the too 
great eagerness of the party to fire on them, they avoided the 
ambush and escaped. 

Soon after this, the garrisons at Wells and Black Point were 
beset, and at the latter place, the enemy lost their leader 
Mogg, who had proved so treacherous a negotiator. Upon ^ 
his death they fled in their canoes, some to the eastward and oth- 
ers toward York, where they also did some mischief. On a 
sabbath morning, a party of twenty, under the guidance of ^ 
Simon, surprised six of our Indians, who lay drunk in the 
woods, at a small distance from Portsmouth. They kept all day 
hovering about the town, and if they had taken advantage of the 
people's absence from home, in attending the public worship, they 
might easily have plundered and burned the outmost houses ; but 
they were providentially restrained." At night, they crossed the 
river at the Long Reach, killed some sheep at Kittery, and then 

(1) Hubbard's MS. [p. G30 of printed copy.] (2) MS. Letter of Mr. Moodey. 

* The following extract from the before mentioned Journal, shews some- 
thing of the spirit of the times. 

" April l(i. The house of John Keniston was burnt, and he killed at Green- 
" land. The Indians are Simon, Andrew and Peter, those three we had iu 
" prison, and should have killed. The good Lord pardon us." 

13 



82 HISTORY OF NgW-HAMPSHIRE. [1677. 

went toward Wells ; but, being afraid of the ^Mohawks, let their 
prisoners go. Four men were soon after killed at North 
Hill, one of whom was Edward Colcord, whose deaUi 
was much regretted.' 

More mischief being expected, and the eastern settlements 
needing assistance, the government ordered two hundred Indians 
of Natick, with forty English soldiers, under Captain Benjamin 
Swett of Hampton, and Lieutenant Richardson, to march to the 
falls of Taconick on Kennebeck river ; where it was said the In- 
dians had six forts, well furnished with ammunition. The vessels 
came to an anchor off Black Point ; where the captain being 
"^' informed that some Indians had been seen, went on shore 
vviUi a party ; and being joined by some of the inhabitants, so as 
to make about ninety in all, marched to seek the enemy ; who 
shewed themselves on a plain in three parties. Swett divided 
his men accordingly, and went to meet them. The enemy re- 
treated till they had drawn our people two miles from the fort, 
and then turning suddenly and violently upon them, threw them 
into confusion, they being mostly young and inexperienced sol- 
diers. Swett, with a iew of the more resolute, fought bravely on 
the retreat, till he came near the fort, when he was killed ;* sixty 
more were left dead or wounded, and the rest got into the fort. ^ 
The victorious savages then surprised about twenty fishing ves- 
sels, which put into the eastern harbors by night ; the crews, not 
being apprehensive of danger on the water, fell an easy prey to 
them. Thus the summer was spent with terror and perplexity on 
our part ; whilst the enemy rioted without control, till they had 
satiated their vengeance, and greatly reduced the eastern settle- 
ments.'^ 

At length, in the month of August, Major Andros, governor of 
New- York, sent a sloop with some forces to take possession of 
the land which had been granted to the Duke of York, and build 
u fort at Pemaquid, to defend die country against the encroach- 
ment of foreigners. Upon their arrival, the Indians appeared 
friendly ; and in evidence of their pacific disposition, restored 
fifteen prisoners vvidi the fishing vessels. They confinued quiet 
all the succeeding autumn and winter, and Hved in harmony witli 
the new garrison. 

In the spring, Blajor Shapleigh of Kittery, Captain Champer- 

(]) [Hubbard, Hist. N. E. fin:!. The names of the four persons Itilled ac- 
cordinir to the Town records of Hampton, were Abraham Colcord, jun., Abra- 
ham Perkins, jun., Benjamin Hilliard and Caleb Towle. Edward in the text 
is doubtless a inistake for Ahraluuu. MS. Letter of Rev. Josiali Webster, of 29 
January l,b30.] (2) MS. Letter of Mr. Gookin of Hampton. (:i) Hubbard's MS. 
Hist. [p. ti34 of printed copy.] 

* [Capt. Benjamin Swett had formerly been an inhabitant of Newbury, 
where several of his children were born. A record of his death, in the Nor- 
folk County records, says, he " was slayn att Black point by the barberus In- 
dians, the 2(Hh of June, 1(177. "1 



1678.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 33 

noon* and Mr. Fryerf of Portsmouth, were appointed commis- 
sioners to settle a formal treaty of peace with Squando and . ^.g 
the other chiefs, which was done at Casco, whither they 
brought the remainder of the captives. ^ It was stipulated in the 
treaty that the inhabitants should return to their deserted sclde- 
ments, on condition of paying one peck of corn annually for each 
family, by way of acknowledgment to the Indians for the posses- 
sion of Uieir lands, and one bushel for Major Pendleton, who was 
a great proprietor. J Thus an end was put to a tedious and dis- 
tressing war, which had subsisted three years. The terms of 
peace were disgraceful, but not unjust, considering the former 
irregular conduct of many of the eastern settlers, and the native 
propriety of the Indians in the soil. Certainly they were now 
masters of it ; and it was entirely at their option, whether the 
English should return to their habitations or not. It was there- 
fore thought better to live peaceably, though in a sort of sulijec- 
tion, dian to leave such commodious settlements and forego the 
advantages of trade and fishery, which were very considerable, 
and by which the inhabitants of that part of the country had 
chiefly subsisted. 

It was a matter of great inquiry and speculation how the In- 
dians were supplied with arras and ammunition to carry on this 
war. The Dutch at New- York w'ere too near the Mohawks for 
the eastern Indians to adventure thither. The French in Canada 
were too feeble, and too much in fear of the English, to do any 
thing which might disturb the tranquillity ; and there was peace 
between the two nations. It was therefore supposed that the In- 
dians had long premeditated the war, and laid in a stock before- 
hand.- There had formerly been severe penalties exacted by the 
government, on the selling of arms and ammunition to the Indians ; 
but ever since 1657, licenses had been granted to particular per- 
sons to supply them occasionally for the purpose of hunting, on 

(1) MS. Journal, April 12. (2) Hubbard's printed Narrative, page 82. 

* [Francis Cliampernoon, who was in 1G84, appointed a Counsellor. It is 
said that he was a cousin of Ferdinando Gorges. He died about the year 
1686.] 

1 [Nathaniel Fryer lived some time at New-Castle. He had been a repre- 
sentative of Portsmoutii to the General Court in 166G. He was appointed a 
counsellor in 1683, and died 13 August, 1705.] 

{ [Bryan Pendleton was born about the year 1599, and came early to New- 
England, and fixed his residence at Watertown, in Massachusetts. He was 
admitted a freeman in 1634, and was the deputy or representative of Water- 
town from 1636 to 1639, ]()47 and 1648. He was a member of the Ancient 
and Honorable Artillery Comjjany in 164(). and tlie principal military officer 
in the place. He removed to Portsmouth before 16.">4. and was the deputy 
of that town to the Court at Boston in 16.'j4, 1658, 1()60, 1661 and 1663. In 
1658, he purchased a neck of land at the mouth of Saco river, and removed 
thither in 166.'), but returned to Portsmouth in 1676. He was appointed a 
counsellor under President Danfortli in l(i80,in wiiicli, or the following year, 
he died, leaving one son, James, and a daughter who married Seth Fletcher, 
minister of Saco.] 



84 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1678. 

paying an acknowledgment to the public treasury-^ This indul- 
gence, having been much abused by some of the eastern traders, 
who, far from the seat of government, were impatient of the re- 
straint of law, was supposed to be the source of the mischief. 
But it was afterward discovered that the Baron de St. Castine, a 
reduced French olHcer, who had married a daughter of Madok- 
awando, and kept a trading house at Penobscot, where he con- 
sidered himself as independent, being out of the limits of any 
established government, was the person from whom they had 
their supplies ; which needed not to be very great as they always 
husbanded their ammunition with much care, and never expended 
it but when they were certain of doing execution.^ 

The whole burden and expense of this war, on the part of the 
colonies, were borne by themselves. It was indeed thought 
strange by their friends in England, and resented by those in 
power, that they made no application to the king for assistance. 
It was intimated to them by Lord Anglesey, ' that his majesty 
' was ready to assist them with ships, troops, ammunition or 
* money, if they would but ask it ;' and their silence was constru- 
ed to their disadvantage, as if they were proud, and obstinate, and 
desired to be considered as an independent state.^ They had 
indeed no inclination to ask favors from thence ; being well aware 
of the consequence of laying themselves under obligations to those 
who had been seeking to undermine their establishment ; and re- 
membering how they had been neglected in the late Dutch wars, 
when they stood in much greater need of assistance. The king 
had then sent ammunition to New-York, but had sent word to 
New-England, ' that they must shift for themselves and make 
' the best defence they could. '^ It was therefore highly injurious 
to blame them for not making application for help. But if they 
had not been so ill treated, they could not be charged with disre- 
spect, since they really did not need foreign assistance. Ships of 
war arid regular troops must hav^e been altogether useless ; and 
no one who knew tlio nature of an Indian war could be serious 
in proposing to send them. Ammunition and money were neces- 
sary^, but as they had long enjoyed a free trade, and had coined 
the bullion which they imported, there was no scarcity of money, 
nor of any stores which money could purchase. The method of 
fighting with Indians could be learned only from themselves. 
After a little experience, few men in scattered parties were of 
more service than the largest and best equipped armies which 
Europe could have afforded. It ought ever to be remembered 
for the honor of New-England, that as their first settlement, so 
their preservation, increase, and defence, even in their weakest 

{\) Raiulolpli's Narrative in Hutchinson's col. papers, page 492. (2) Ibid, 
p. 502. (3) Hutch. History vol. i. p, 309. (4) Hutch, collection of papers, 
p. 506. 



1678.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 85 

infancy were not owing to any foreign assistance, but luitler God, 
to their own magnanimity and perseverance. 

Our gravest historians have recorded many omens, predictions, 
and other alarming circumstances, during this and the Pecjuod 
war, which in a more philosophical and less credulous age would 
not be worthy of notice. When men's minds were rendered 
gloomy by the horrors of a surrounding wilderness, and the con- 
tinual apprehension of danger from its savage inhabitants } when 
they were ignorant of the causes of many of the common appear- 
ances in nature, and were disposed to resolve every unusual ap- 
pearance into prodigy and miracle, it is not to be wondered that 
they should imagine they heard the noise of drums and guns in 
the air, and saw flaming swords and spears in the heavens,* and 
should even interpret eclipses as ominous. Some old Indians 
had intimated their apprehensions concerning the increase of the 
English, and the diminution of their own people, which any ra- 
tional observer in a course of forty or fifty jears might easily have 
foretold, without the least pretence to a spirit of prophecy ; yet 
these sayings were recollected, and recorded, as so many predic- 
tions by force of a supernatural impulse on their minds, and many 
persons of the greatest distinction were disposed to credit them 
as such. These things would not have been mentioned, but to 
give a just idea of the age. If mankind are now better enlight- 
ened, superstition is the less excusable in its remaining votaries. 



CHAPTER VI. 

Mason's renewed efforts. Randolph's mission and transactiona. Attempts 
for the trial of Mason's title. New-Hampshire separated from Massachu- 
setts, and made a royal province. Abstract of the commission. Remarks 
on it. 

Whilst the country was laboring under the perplexity and 
distress arising from the war, measures were taking in ,p,-r 
England to increase their difficulties and divide their at- 
tention. The scheme of selling the provinces of New-Hampshire 
and Maine to the crown being laid aside. Mason again jietitioned 
the king for the restoration of his property ; and the king refer- 
red the matter to his attorney general. Sir William .Tones, 
and his solicitor general. Sir Francis Winnington, who re- ^^ 
ported, that " John Mason, esq., grandfather to the petitioner, 
" by virtue of several grants from the council of New-England 

*[ The rays of the rising or setting sun. illuminating the edge of a cloud, 
frequently produce appearances of this kind. Marginal Note ot the Author 
in the corrected copy.] 



86 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1676. 

" under their common seal was instated in fee in sundry great 
" tracts of land in New-England, by the name of New-Hampshire ; 
" and that the petitioner being heir at law to the said John, iiad a 
" good and legal title to said lands. "^ Whereupon, a letter was 
fiir dispatched to the Massachusetts colony, requiring them to 
jyj A send over agents within six months, fully empowered to 
answer the complaints, which Mason and the heirs of 
Gorges had made, of their usurping jurisdiction over the territo- 
ries claimed by them ; and to receive the royal determination in 
that matter. Copies of the complaints were enclosed ; and Ed- 
ward Randolph, a kinsman of Mason, a man of great address and 
penetration, resolute and indefatigable in business, was charged 
with the letters, and directed by tiie Lords of Trade to make in- 
I quiry into the state of die country. When he arrived, 

' he waited on Governor Leverett, who read the king's let- 
ter, with the petitions of INIason and Gorges, in council, Randolph 
being present, who could obtain no other answer than that " they 
would consider it."- 

He tlien came into New-Hampshire, and as he passed along, 
freely declared the business on which he was come, and publicly 
read a letter which Mason had sent to the inhabitants. — 
Some of them he found ready to complain of the govern- 
ment, and desirous of a change ; but the body of the people were 
highly enraged against him ; and the inhabitants of Dover, in 
public towji-meeting, ' protested against the claim of Mason ; de- 
' dared Uiat they had honajide purchased their lands of the In- 
' dians ; recognized their subjection to the government of Massa- 
' chusetts, under whom they had lived long and happily, and by 
' whom they were now assisted in defending their estates and 

* families against the savage enemy.' They appointed Major 
Waldron " to petition the king in their behalf, that he would in- 
" terpose his royal authority and afford them his wonted favor ; 
" that they might not be disturbed by Mason, or any other per- 
" son, but continue peaceably in possession of their rights under 
" the government of Massachusetts."-^ A similar petition was 

sent by the inhabitants of Portsmouth, who appointed 
*"'' ■ ' John Cutt and Richard Martyn, Esqrs., Captains Daniel 
and Stileman to draught and forward it."* 

When Randolph returned to Boston, he had a severe reproof 
from the governor, for publishing his errand, and endeavoring to 
raise discontent among the people. To which he made no other 
answer than that ' if he had done amiss, they might complain to 

* the king.'^ 

After about six weeks stay, he went back to England and re- 
ported to the king, that " he had found the whole country com- 

(1) MS. Copy in Stiperior^Court files. (2) Hutch, col. papers, p. 504. — 
(3) DovtT Records. (1) Portsmouth Records. (.')) Hut<;h. col. papers p. 510. 



1676.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 87 

" plaining of the usurpation of the magistrates of Boston ; earn- 
" estly hoping and expecting that his majesty would not permit 
" them any longer to be oppressed ; but would give them relief 
"according to llie promises of the commissioners in 1GG5." — 
With the same bitterness of temper, and in the same strain of 
misrepresentation, he inveighed against the government in a long 
report to the Lords of Trade ; which farther inflamed the preju- 
dice that had long been conceived against the colony, and pre- 
pared the way for the separation which was meditated. 

After his departure, a special council being summoned, at 
which the elders of the churches were present, the question was 
proposed to them, " whether the best way of making answer to 
" the complaints of Gorges and Mason about the extent of their 
" patent, be by sending agents, or by writing only .^" To which 
they answered, " That it was most expedient to send agents, to 
" answer by way of information, provided they were instructed 
" with much care and caution to negotiate the affair with safety 
" to the country, and loyalty to his majesty, in the preservation 
" of their patent liberties." Accordingly, William Stoughton, af- 
terward lieutenant-governor, and Peter Bulkley, then speaker of 
the house of deputies, were appointed agents and sailed for Eng- 
land.i 

At their arrival, an hearing was ordered before the lords chief 
justices of the King's bench and common pleas; when ir^j^ 
the agents in the name of the colony disclaimed all title to 
the lands claimed by the petitioner, and to the jurisdiction beyond 
three miles northward of the river Merrimack, to follow the course 
of the river, as far as it extended.'^ The judges reported to the 
king, ' that they could give no opinion as to the right of soil, in 
' the provinces of New-Hampshire and Maine, not having the 
' proper parties before them ; it appearing that not the Massachu- 
' setts colony, but the ter-tenants had the right of soil, and whole 
' benefit thereof, and yet were not summoned to defend their tides. 
' As to Mason's right of government within the soil he claimed, 
' their lordships, and indeed his own counsel, agreed he had none ; 
' the great council of Plymouth, under whom he claimed, having 
' no power to transfer government to any. It was determined 
' that the four towns of Portsmouth, Dover, Exeter and Hampton 
' were out of the bounds of Massachusetts.'^ This report was ac- 
cepted and confirmed by the king in council. 

After this, at the request of the agents, Sir William Jones, the 

attorney general, drew up a complete state of the case to -^-.^ 

be transmitted to the colony ; by which it seems that he _ ^'A: 
111 IT- • • -I 1-11 Sept. 18. 

had altered his opmion smce the report which he gave to 

the king in 1675, concerning the validity of Mason's tide.'* It was 

(1) Hutch. Hist. vol. i. p. 311. (2) Narrative of Allen's Title, p. 5.— 
(3) Hutch, vol. i. p. 317. (4) Hutch, vol. i. p. 317. 



88 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1679. 

also admitted that the title could be tried only on the place, there 
being no court in England that had cognizance of it. 

It became necessary then to the establishment of Mason's title, 
that a new jurisdiction should be erected, in which the king might 
direct the njode of trial and appeal at his pleasure. This being 
resolved upon, the colony of Massachusetts was informed, by a 
letter from the secretary of state, of the king's intention to 
^ " separate New-Hampshire from their government, and re- 
quired to revoke all commissions which they had granted there, 
and which were hereby declared to be null and void.^ To prevent 
any extravagant demand, the king obliged the claimant to declare, 
under his hand and seal, that he would require no rents of the 
inhabitants for the time passed, before the twenty-fourth of 
June, 1679, nor molest any in their possessions for the time to 
come ; but would make out titles to them and their heirs forever, 
provided they would pay him sixpence in the pound, according 
to the yearly value of all houses which they had built and lands 
which they had improved. 

Things being thus prepared, a commission passed the great 
seal on the eighteenth of September, for the government of New- 
Hampshire ; which ' inhibits and restrains the jurisdiction exer- 
cised by die colony of Massachusetts over the towns of Ports- 
mouth, Dover, Exeter and Hampton, and all other lands extend- 
ing from three miles to the northward of the river Merrimack 
and of any and every part thereof, to the province of Maine ; 
constitutes a president and council to govern the province ; ap- 
points John Cutt, esq., president, to continue one year, and till 
another be appointed by the same authority ; Richard Martyn, 
William Vaughan, and Thomas Daniel of Portsmouth, John Gil- 
man of Exeter, Christopher Hussey of Hampton and Richard 
Waldron of Dover, esquires, to be of the council, who were au- 
thorised to choose three oUier qualified persons out of the sev- 
eral parts of the province to be added to them. The said pres- 
ident and every succeeding one to appoint a deputy to preside 
in his absence ; the president or his deputy with any five to be a 
quorum. They were to meet at Portsmoudi in twenty days af- 
ter the arrival of the commission, and publish it. They were 
constituted a court of record for the administration of justice, 
according to the laws of England, so far as circumstances would 
permit ; reserving a right of appeal to the king in council for 
actions of fifty pounds value. They were empowered to appoint 
military officers, and take all needful measures for defence a- 
gainst enemies. Liberty of conscience was allowed to all pro- 
testants, those of the church of England to be particularly en- 
couraged. For the support of government, they were to con- 
tinue the present taxes, till an assembly could be called ; to 

(1) H\itch. col. pap. 522. 



1679.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. g^ 

' which end, they were within three months to issue writs under 
' the province seal, for calling an assembly, to whom the prenldenl 
' should recommend the passing such laws as should establish their 

* allegiance, good order and defence, and the raising taxes in l ^ch 
' manner and proportion as they should see fit. All laws to be 
' approved by the president and council, and then to remain in 
' force till the king's pleasure should be known, for which purpose, 
' they should be sent to England by the first ships. In case of 
' the president's death, his deputy to succeed, and on the death 
' of a counsellor, the remainder to elect another, and send over 
' his name, with the names of two other meet persons, that the 
' king migiit appoint one of the three. The king engaged for 
' himself and successors to continue the privilege of an assembly, 
' in the same manner and form, unless by inconvenience arising 
' therefrom he or his heirs should see cause to alter the same. If 
' any of the inhabitants should refuse to agree with Mason or his 
' agents, on the terms before mentioned, the president and council 

* were directed to reconcile the difference, or send the case stated 

* in writing with their own opinions, to the king, that he with his 
' privy council might determine it according to equity.'^ 

The form of government described in this commission consid- 
ered abstractedly from the immediate intentions, characters, and 
connections of the persons concerned, appears to be of as simple a 
kind as the nature of a subordinate government and the liberty of the 
subject can admit. The people, who are the natural and original 
source of power, had a representation in a body chosen by them- 
selves ; and the king was represented by a president and council of 
his own appointment ; each had the right of instructing their repre- 
sentative, and the king had the superior prerogative of disannulling 
the acts of the whole at his pleasure. The principal blemish in the 
commission was the right claimed by the king of discontinuing the 
representation of the people, whenever he should find it incon- 
venient, after he had solemnly engaged to continue this privilege. 
The clause, indeed, is artfully worded, and might be construed to 
imply more or less at pleasure. Herein, Charles was consistent 
with himself, parliaments being his aversion. However, there 
was in this plan as much of the spirit of the British constitution 
as there could be any foundation for in such a colony ; for here 
was no third branch to form a balance between the king or his 
representatives, and the people. The institution of an house of 
peers in Britain was the result of the feudal system : the barons 
being lords of the soil and enjoying a sovereignty within their own 
territories and over their own vassals ; the constitution was formed 
by the union of these distinct estates under one common sovereign. 
But there was nothing similar to this in New-England. The set- 
tlements began here by an equal division of property among ind©- 

(1) Commission. 
14 



90 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1679. 

pendent freemen. Lordship and vassalage were held in abhor- 
rence. The yeomanry were the proprietors of the soil and the 
natural defenders of their own rights and property ; and they 
knew no superior but the king. A council, wliether appointed 
by him or chosen by the people could not form a distinct body, 
because they could not be independent. Had sucii a simple form 
of colony government been more generally adopted, and perse- 
veringly adhered to, and administered only by the most delicate 
hands, it might have served better than any other, to perpetuate 
the dependence of the colonies on the British crown. 



CHAPTER Vn. 

The administration of the first council. Opposition to the acts of trade. — 
Mason's arrival. Opposition to him. His departure. State of trade and 
navigation. 

The commission was brought to Portsmouth on the first of 
January, by Edward Randolph,^ than whom there could not be a 
1 fiftn 'i^o''*3 unwelcome messenger. It was received with great 
reluctance by the gentlemen therein named ; who, though 
they were of the first character, interest and influence, and had 
sustained the principal offices civil and military under the colony 
government;*- yet easily saw that their appointment was not 

(1) Council Records. (2) Fitch's MS. 

* The president John Cutt was a principal merchant, of great probity and 
esteem in Portsmouth ; but then aged and infirm. 

Richard Martyn, was of good character, and great influence. He had been 
very active in procuring the settlement of a minister in the town of Ports- 
mouth. 

Williavfi Vaughan was a wealthy merchant, generous and public spirited, 
and of undaunted resolution. He was of Welch extraction, but was bred in 
London under Sir Josiah Child, who had a gre.at regard for him, and whose 
interest he made use of for the good of the province. 

Thomas Daniel, was a person of such note and importance, that when he 
died in a time of general sickness and mortality, Mr. Moodey preached his 
funeral sermon from 2 Sam.ii. 30. " There lacked of David's servants, nine- 
teen men and Asahel." Fitch's MS. 

John Gibnan, was a principal man in Exeter, as was Christopher Ilussey, 
in Hampton. [Christoplier Hussey was born in Darking, in Surry, came to 
New-England as early as 1G34, in which year he was admitted a freeman by 
the Massachusetts colony. He settled at Hampton in 1038, and represented 
that town in the General Court in J Gad, 1659 and ItUJO. In KiS"), he was cast 
away and lost on the coast of Florida. He had three sons. Stephen, born in 
1630, who died in Nantucket in 17].^, aged tii<; John, who removed to New- 
Castle in Delaware, and Joseph, who remained in Hampton, and was the 
representative in l(i72. Lewis, Hist. Lynn, 29.] 

Richard H'aldron, was a native of Somersetshire, and one of the first set- 
tlers in Dover. He was much respected and eminently useful, having sus- 
tained divers important offices civil and militar^v, and approved his courage 
and- fidelity in the most hazardous enterprises. 



IGSO.] PROVINCE. JOHN CUTT. 91 

from any respect to them or favor to the people ; but merely to 
obtain a more easy introduction to a new form of government, for 
a particular purpose, which they knew would be a source of per- 
plexity and distress. They would gladly have declined acting in 
their new capacity ; but considering the temper of the government 
in England, the unavoidable necessity of submitting to the change, 
and the danger (upon their refusal) of others being appointed 
who would be inimical to the country, they agreed to qualify 
themselves, determining to do what good, and keep off what harm 
they were able. They therefore published the commission, and 
took the oaths on the twent3^-first day of January, which was the 
utmost time limited, and published the commission the next day. ^ 
Agreeably to the royal direction, they chose three other gentlemen 
into the council ; Elias Stileman of Great Island, who had been a 
clerk in the county courts, whom they now appointed secretary, 
Samuel Dalton of Hampton, and Job Clements of Dover. The 
president nominated Waldron to be his deputy or vice president ; 
Martyn was appointed treasurer, and John Roberts, marshal. 

This change of government gratified the discontented few, but 
was greatly disrelished by the people in general ; as they saw 
themselves deprived of the privilege of choosing their own rulers, 
which was still enjoyed by the other colonies of New-England, 
and as they expected an invasion of their property soon to follow. 

When writs were issued for calling a general assembly, the 
persons in each town who were judged qualified to vote were 
named in the writs ;* and the oath of allegiance was administered 
to each voter. A public fast was observed, to ask the di- p . gg 
vine blessing on the approaching assembly, and " the con- 
" tinuance of their precious and pleasant things." The assem- 
bly! "^6t at Portsmouth on the sixteenth of March, and was open- 
ed with prayer and a sermon by Mr. Moodey. 

To express their genuine sentiments of the present change, 
and invalidate the false reports which had been raised against 

(1) Council Records. 

* Tlie number of qualified voters in each town was, 

In Portsmouth 71 

Dover 61 

Hampton 57 

Exeter 20 

209 
t The Deputies in this first Assembly were, for 

Portsmouth. Hampton. 

Robert Elliot, Anthony Stanyan, 

Philip Lewis, Tlionias Marston, 

Jolin Pickering. Edward Gove. 

Dover. Er.etcr. 

Peter Coffin, Bartholeniew Tippen, 

Anthony Nutter, Ralph Hall. 

Richard Waldron, jun. 



93 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE [1680. 

them, as well as to shew their gratitude and respect to their form- 
er protectors, they wrote to the general court at Boston, " ac- 
*' knovvledging the kindness of that colony in taking them under 
" their protection and ruling them well ; assuring them, that it 
" was not any dissatisfaction vvidi their government, but merely 
" their submission to divine providence and his majesty's com- 
" mands, without any seeking of their own, which induced them 
" to comply with the present separation, which they should have 
" been glad had never taken place ; signifying their desire that 
" a mutual correspondence might be continued for defence against 
" the common enemy, and offering their service when it should 
" be necessary, "*i 

Their next care was to frame a code of laws, of which the 
first, conceived in a style becoming freemen, was " that no act, 
" imposition, law or ordinance should be made or imposed upon 
" them, but such as should be made by the assembly and approved 
" by the president and council." Idolatry, blasphemy, treason, 
rebellion, wilful murder, manslaughter, poisoning, witchcraft, sod- 
omy, bestiality, perjury, man-stealing, cursing and rebelling against 
parents, rape and arson were made capital crimes. The other 
penal laws were in their main principles the same that are now 
in force. To prevent contentions that might arise by reason of 
the late change of government, all townships and grants of land 
were confirmed, and ordered to remain as before ; and contro- 
versies about the titles of land were to be determined by juries 
chosen by the several towns, according to former custom. The 
president and council with the assembly were a supreme court of 
Judicature, with a jury when desired by the parties ; and three 
inferior courts were constituted at Dover, Hampton and Ports- 
mouth.^ The military arrangement was, one foot company in 
each town, one company of artillery at the fort, and one troop of 
horse, all under the command of Major Waldron. 

During this administration, things went on as nearly as possible 
in the old channel, and with the same spirit, as before the sepa- 
ration. A jealous watch was kept over their rights and privileges, 
and every encroachment upon them was withstood to the utmost. 
The duties and restrictions established by the acts of trade and 

(1) Council Records. (2) MS. Laws. 

* This letter fully sliews tlie absurdity of the reason assigned by Douglass 
in his Summary, vol. ii. page 2"^. for erecting tliis new government. '• The 
" proprietors and inhabitants of New-Hampshire not capable of protecting 
" themselves against the Canada Krencli and their Indians, desired of the 
" crown to take them under its immediate protection." A random assertion, 
unsupported by any proof and contrary to plain fact ! The crown could af- 
ford them no protection against Indians. With tlie French, the crown was in 
alliance, and the nation was at peace. [Tlie Letter of the General Assembly 
of N. H., addressed '• to the honourable Governour and Council of tlie Ma«- 
Bachusetts Colony to be rommunicated to the General Court," is given en- 
tire by Mr. Adams, Annals of Portsmouth, 05 — G7.] 



1680.] PROVINCE. JOHN CUTT. jJ3 

navigation were universally disgustful, and tiie more so as Ran- 
dolph was appointed collector, surveyor and searcher of the cus- 
toms throughout New-England. In the execution of his com- 
mission, he seized a ketch belonging to Portsmouth, but bound 
from Maryland to Ireland, which had put into this port for 
a few days. The master, Mark Hunking, brought an ac- 
tion against him at a special court before the president and coun- 
cil, and recovered damages and costs to the amount of thirteen 
pounds. Randolph behaved on this occasion with such insolence^ 
that the council obliged him publicly to acknowledge his offence 
and ask their pardon. He appealed from their judgment to the 
king; but what the issue was doth not appear. ^ Having consti- 
tuted Captain Walter Barefoole his deputy at this port, an adver- 
tisement was published requiring that all vessels should be entered 
and cleared with him. Upon which, Barefoote was brought to 
examination, and afterward indicted before the president ^ ^j^„ 
and council, for ' having m an high and presumptuous ^^^ t^' 

* manner set up his majesty's office of customs without 

' leave from the president and council ; in contempt of his majesty's 
' authority in this place ; for disturbing and obstructing his majes- 

* ty's subjects in passing from harbor to harbor, and town to town ; 
' and for his insolence in making no other answer to any question 
' propounded to him but " my name is Walter." ' He was sen- 
tenced to pay a fine often pounds, and stand committed till it was 
paid. But though Randolph's authority was denied, yet they 
made an order of their own for the observation of the acts of 
trade, and appointed officers of their own to see them executed. 
They had been long under the Massachusetts government, and 
learned their political principles from them ; and as they had been 
used to think that all royal authority flowed in the channel of the 
charter, so they now thought that no authority derived from the 
crown could be regularly exercised in the province but through 
their commission. In this, they reasoned agreeably not only to 
their former principles, but to their fundamental law, to which they 
steadily adhered, though they had no reason to think it would be 
allowed by the crown ; and though they knew that a rigid adher- 
ence to rights, however clear and sacred, was not the way to re- 
commend themselves to royal favor. But they were not singular 
in these sentiments, nor in their opposition to the laws of trade. 
Randolph was equally hated, and his commission neglected at 
Boston ; where the notary refused to enter his protest against the 
proceedings of the court ; and he was obliged to post it on the 
exchange.- 

In the latter end of the year. Mason arrived from England with 
a mandamus, requiring the council to admit him to a seat p^j. 3Q 
at the board, which was accordingly done. He soon en- -_ 
tered on the business he came about ; endeavoring to pcr- 

(l) Council Records and Files. (2) MSS. in filas. 



94 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPSIIIRK. [1G81. 

suade some of the people to take leases of him, threatening others 
if they did not, forbidding them to cut firewood and timber, as- 
serting his right to the province and assuming the title of lord- 
protector. His agents, or stewards as they were called, had ren- 
dered themselves obnoxious by demanding rents of several per- 
sons and threatening- to sell their houses for payment. These 
proceedings raised a general uneasiness ; and petitions were sent 
from each town, as well as from divers individuals, to the council 
for protection ; who, taking up the matter judicially, published an 
order prohibiting Mason or his agents at their peril to repeat such 
irregular proceedings, and declaring tiieir intention to transmit the 
grievances and complaints of the people to the king. Upon this, 
Mason would no longer sit in council, though desired, nor appear 
when sent for ; when they threatened to deal with him as an of- 
fender, he threatened to appeal to the king, and published a sum- 
mons to the president and several members of the council, and 
others to appear before his majesty in three months. This was 
deemed " an usurpation over his majesty's audiority here 
^ ^^' ■ " established," and a warrant was issued for apprehending 
him ; hut he got out of their reach and went to England. 

During these transactions, president Cutt died, and Major 
. . r Waldron succeeded him, appointing Captain Stileman for 

''^* ''■ his deputy, who had quitted his place of secretary upon 
the appointment of Richard Chamberlain to that office by royal 
Dec. 30. commission. The vacancy made in the council by the 

1C80. president's death was filled by Richard Waldron, junior. 
On the death of Dalton, Anthony Nutter was chosen. Henry 
Dow was appointed marshal in the room of Roberts who re- 
signed. 

During the remainder of the council's administration, the com- 
mon business went on in the usual manner, and nothing remark- 
able is mentioned, excepting another prosecution of Barefoote, 
with his assistants, William Haskinsand Thomas Thurton 
for seizing a vessel " under pretence of his majesty's name, 
" without the knowledge of the authority of the province, and 
" without shewing any breach of statute though demanded." 
Barefoote pleaded his dej)utation from Randolph ; but he was 
amerced twenty pounds to be respited during his good behaviour, 
and his two assistants five pounds each ; the complainant being 
left to the law for his damages. This affair was carried by appeal 
to the king ; but the issue is not mentioned. 

It will be proper to close the account of this administration with 
a view of the state of the province as to its trade, improvements 
and defence, from a representation thereof made by the council 
to the lords of trade, pursuant to their order. 

" The trade of the province, (say they) is in masts, planks, 
boards and staves and all other lumber, which at present is of 
little value in other plantations, to which they are transported ; so 



1G82.] PROVINCE. RICHARD WALDRON. 95 

that we see no other way for the advantage of the trade, unless 
his majesty please to make our river a free port. 

" Importation by strangers is of little value ; ships commonly 
selling their cargoes in other governments, and if they come here, 
usually come empty to fill with lumber : but if haply they are at 
any time loaded with fish, it is brought from other ports, there 
being none made in our province, nor likely to be, until his maj- 
esty please to make the south part of the Isles of Shoals part of 
this government, they not being at present under any.* 

" In reference to the improvement of lands by tillage, our soil 
is generally so barren, and the winters so extreme cold and long 
that there is not provision enough raised to supply the inhabitants, 
many of whom were in die late Indian war so impoverished, their 
houses and estates being destroyed, and they and others remain- 
ing still so incapacitated for the improvement of the land, (several 
of the youth being killed also) that they even groan under the tax 
or rate, assessed for that service, which is, great part of it, unpaid 
to this day.f 

" There is at the Great Island in Portsmouth, at the harbor's 
mouth, a fort well enough situated, but for the present too weak 
and insufficient for the defence of the place ; the guns being 
eleven in number are small, none exceeding a sacre (six pound- 
er) nor above twenty-one hundred weight, and the people too 
poor to make defence suitable to the occasion that may happen 
for the fort. 

" These guns were bought, and the fortification erected, at the" 
proper charge of the towns of Dover and Portsmouth, at the be- 
ginning of the first Dutch war, about the year 1G65, in obedience 
to his majesty's command in his letter to the government under 
which this province then was. 

" There are five guns more lying at the upper part of Ports- 
mouth, purchased by private persons, for their security and de- 

* When these islands were first settled is uncertain, but it must have been 
very early, as they are most commodiously situated for the fishery, which was 
a principal object with the first settlers. Wliile New-Hampshire was united 
to Massachusetts, tliey were under the same jurisdiction, and the town there 
erected was called Appledore. (Mass. Rec.) They are not named in Cutt's 
nor Cranfield's commission : but under Dudley's presidency, causes were 
brought from thence to Portsmouth, which is said to be in the same county. 
In Allen's and all succeeding commissions, they are particularly mentioned ; 
the south half of them being in New-Hampshire. 

+ Taxes were commonly paid in lumber or provisions at stated prices ; and 
whoever paid them in money was abated one-third part. The prices in lUfciO, 
were as follows : 

Merchantable white pine boards per in. 30s. 

White Oak pine staves per ditto £3. 

Red Oak ditto per ditto 3()s. 

Red Oak Hhd. ditto per ditto 258. 

Indian Corn per bushel 3s. 

Wheat per ditto r>s. 

Malt per ditto 4s. 

N. B. Silver was 6s. and 8d. per oz. 



<)fi HISTORY OF NblW-HAMPSHIRE. [1682. 

frnce against ihc Indians in the late war with them, and whereof 
the owners may dispose at their pleasure. To supply the fore- 
said defect and weakness of the guns and fort, we humbly suppli- 
cate his majesty to send us such guns as shall be more serviceable, 
with powder and shot." 

By an account of the entries in the port annexed to the above, 
it appears, that from the fifteenth of June 1680, to the twelfth of 
April 1681, were entered, twenty-two ships, eighteen ketches, 
two barks, tiiree pinks, one shallop and one fly-boat ; in all forty- 
seven.' 



CHAPTER VIII. 

The administration of Cranfiold. Violent measures. Insurrection, trial and 
imprisonment of Gove. Mason's suits. Vauohan's imprisonment. Pros- 
erution of Moodey and his imprisonment. Arbitrary proceedings. Com- 
plaints. Tumults. Weare's agency in England. Cranlield's removal. 
Barefoote's administration. 

Experience having now convinced Mason, that the govern- 
inent which he had procured to be erected, was not likely to be 
administered in a manner favorable to his views, he made it his 
business, on his return to England, to solicit a change ; in conse- 
quence of which it was determined to commission Edward Cran- 
field, Esq., lieutenant-governor and commander in chief of New- 
Hampshire. By a deed enrolled in the court of chancery, Mason 
surrendered to the king one fifth part of the quit-rents, 
which had or should become due. These, with the fines 
and forfeitures which had accrued to the crown since the estab- 
lishment of the province, and which should afterward arise, were 
appropriated to the support of the governor. But diis being 
deemed too precarious a foundation. Mason by another deed 
mortgaged the whole province to Cranfield, for twenty -one years, 
as security for the payment of one hundred and fifty pounds per 
annum, for the space of seven years.^ On this encouragement, 
Cranfield relinquished a profitable office at home, with the view of 
bettering his fortune here.*^ 

By the commission, which bears date the ninUi of May, the 
governor was empowered to call, adjourn, prorogue and dissolve 
general courts ; to have a negative voice in all acts of government ; 
to suspend any of the council when he should see just cause (and 
every counsellor so suspended was declared incapable of being 
elected into the general assembly ;) to appoint a deputy-governor, 
judges, justices, and other officers, by his sole authority ; and to 

(1) Council Record.s. (2) MSS. in the files. (H) Fitchs MS. 



1682.] PROVINCE. EDWARD CRANFIELD. 97 

execute the powers of vice-admiral. The case of Mason was 
recited nearly in the same words as in the former commission, 
and the same directions were givento the governor to reconcile dif- 
ferences, or send cases fairly stated to the king in council for his 
decision. The counsellors named in this commission were Ma- 
son, who was styled proprietor, Waldron, Daniel, Vaughan, Mar- 
tyn, Oilman, Stileman and Clements : these were of the former 
council, I nd to diem were added Walter Barefoote, and Richard 
Chamberlain. 

Cranfield arrived and published his commission on die fourth 
of October, and within six days, Waldron and Martyn were sus- 
pended from the council, on certain articles exhibited against them 
by Mason. ^ This early specimen of the exercise of power must 
have been intended as a public affront to them, in revenge for 
their former spirited conduct ; otherwise their names might have 
been left out of the commission when it was drawn. 

The people now plainly saw the dangerous designs formed a- 
gainst them. The negative voice of a governor, his right of sus- 
pending counsellors, and appointing officers, by his own authority, 
were wholly unprecedented in New-England ; and they had the 
singular mortification to see the crown not only appointing two 
branches of their legislature, but claiming a negative on the elec- 
tion of their representative, in a particular case, which might 
sometimes be essentially necessary to their own security. They 
well knew that the sole design of these novel and extraordinary 
powers was to facilitate the entry of the claimant on the lands, 
which some of them held by virtue of grants from the same au- 
thority, and which had all been fairly purchased of the Indians ; 
a right which they believed to be of more validity than any other. 
Having by their own labor and expense subdued a rough wilder- 
ness, defended their families and estates against the savage enemy, 
without the least assistance from the claimant, and held possession 
for above fifty years ; they now thought it hard and cruel, that 
when they had just recovered from the horrors of a bloody war, 
they should have their hberty abridged, and their property de- 
manded, to satisfy a claim which was at best disputable, and in 
their opinion groundless. On the other hand, it was deemed un- 
just, that grants made under the royal authority should be disre- 
garded ; and that so great a sum as had been expended by the 
ancestor of the claimant, to promote the settlement of the country, 
should be entirely lost to him ; especially as he had foregone some 
just claims on the estate as a condition of inheritance.^ Had the 
inhabitants by any fraudulent means impeded the designs of the 
original grantee, or embezzled his interest, there might have been 
a just demand for damages ; but the unsuccessfulness of that ad- 
venture was to be sought for in its own impracticability ; or the 

(1) Council Records. (2) Mason's Will. 
15 



98 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1682. 

negligence, inability or inexperience of those into whose hands 
the management ot it fell after Captain Mason's death, and dur- 
ing the minority of his successor. 

An assembly being summoned, met on the fourteenth of Nov- 
ember ; with whose concurrence a new body of laws was enacted, 
in some respects different from the former ; the fundamental law 
being omitted and an alteration made in the appointment of jurors, 
which was now ordered to be done by the sheriff, after the custom 
in England.^ 

Cranfield, who made no secret of his intention to enrich him- 
self by accepting the government, on the first day of the assembly 
restored Waldron and Martyn to their places in the council ; hav- 
ing, as he said, examined the allegations against them and found 
them insufficient.^ In return for this show of complaisance, and 
taking advantage of his needy situation, the assembly having 
ordered an assessment of five hundred pounds, appropriated one 
half of it as a present to the governor ; hoping tliereby to detach 
him from Mason, who they knew could never comply with his 
engagements to him. Preferring a certainty to an uncertainty, he 
passed the bill, though it was not presented to him till after 
' he had given order for adjourning the court, and after 
Mason, Barefoote and Chamberlain were withdrawn from the 
council.^ 

This appearance of good humor was but short-lived ; for at 
the next session of the assembly, the governor and council having 
ifiR'^ tendered them a bill for the support of government, which 
J n '^0 ^^^^y "^'^ "°'' ^PP^'ove, and they having offered him several 
bills which he said were contrary to law, he dissolved them ; 
having previously suspended Stileman from the council and dis- 
missed him from the command of the fort, for suffering a vessel 
under seizure to go out of the harbor. Barefoote was made cap- 
tain ot the fort in his room.'* 

The dissolution of the Assembly, a thing before unknown, ag- 
gravated the popular discontent, and kindled the resentment of 
some rash persons in Hampton and Exeter ; who, headed by 
Edward Gove, a member of the dissolved assembly, declared by 
sound of trumpet for " liberty and reformation." There had 
been a town meeting at Hampton, when a new clerk was chosen 
and their records secured. Gove went from town to town pro- 
claiming what had been done at Hampton, carrying his arms, 
declaring that the governor was a traitor and had exceeded his 
commission, and that he would not lay down his arms, till matters 
were set right, and endeavoring to excite the principal men in 
the province to join in a confederacy to overturn the government. 
His project appeared to them so wild and dangerous, that they not 

(1) MS. Laws. (2) Vaughan's Journal. Council Records. (3) MSS. in 
the files. (4) Council Records. 



ICSJ.J PROVINCE. EDWARD CRANFIELD. 99 

only disapproved of it, but informed against him and assisted in 
apprehending him. Hearing of their design, he collected his 
company, and appeared in arms ; but on the persuasion of some 
of his friends he surrendered. A special court was immediately 
commissioned for his trial, of which Major Waldron sat as judge, 
with William Vaughan and Thomas Daniel assistants. The grand 
jury presented a bill, in which Edward Gove, John Gove, his son, 
and William Hely, of Hampton ; Joseph, John and Robert 
Wadleigh, three brothers, Thomas Rawlins, ]Mark Baker and 
John Sleeper, of Exeter, were charged with high-treason. Gove, 
who behaved with great insolence before the court, and pretended 
to justify what he had done, was convicted and received sentence 
of death in the usual hideous form ; and his estate was p , j 
seized, as forfeited to the crown. The others were con- 
victed of being accomplices, and respited.^ The king's pleasure 
being signified to the governor that he should pardon such as he 
judged objects of mercy ; they were all set at liberty but Gove, 
who was sent to England, and imprisoned in the tower of Lon- 
don about three years. On his repeated petitions to the king, 
and by the interest of Randolph with the Earl of Clarendon, then 
lord chamberlain, he obtained his pardon and returned home in 
1686, with an order to the tlien president and council of New- 
England to restore his estate. 

Gove in his petitions to the king pleaded " a distemper of mind" 
as the cause of those actions for which he was prosecuted. He 
also speaks in some of his private letters of a drinking match at 
his house, and that he had not slept for twelve days and nights, 
about that time.- When these things are considered, it is not hard 
to account for his conduct. From a letter which he wrote to tho 
court while in prison, one would suppose him to have been dis- 
ordered in his mind.* His punishment was by much too severe, 

(1) Records of Special Courts. (2) Gove's papers. 

" [The letter alluded to, addressed to the justices of the court of sessions, 
and found in the Recorder's office, was copied by Dr. Belknap, for the Ap- 
pendix to the first volume, but it was, with several other papers, excluded for 
want of room. It is here added, printed from the copy made by the author. 

" A Letter from Edward Gove in Prison to the Justices of the Court of 
Sessions. 

From the great Island in Portsmouth in New-PIampshire, 29 Jany. 1682-3. 
To the much bond. Justices of the Peace as you call yourselfs by your indite- 
ment, in which eleven mens names subscribed namelv Ed. Gove, John Gove, 
Jo. Wadly, John Wadly, Rob. Wadly, Ed. Smith, Will. Ely, Tho. Rawlins, 
John Sleeper, Mark Baker, John Young. Gentlemen excuse me I cannot 
petision you as persons in authority by the name of Juslises of the peace, for 
now 1 am upon a serious account for my Life and the Life of those that are 
witli me. Therefore pray consider well and take good advice of persons in 
Government from whence you came. I pray God that made the Heavens, 
the Earth, the sease and all that in them is to give you wisdom and corag in 
your plases to discharg such duty as God requires of you and 2dly I hartyly 
pray God to direct you to do that which our grasious i<ing Charls the 2d. of 
blessed memory reijuires of you. Gentlemen, it may be I may be upon a 



100 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1G83. 

and his trial was hurried on too fast, it being only six days after 
the commission of his crime. Had he been indicted only for a 
riot there would have been no difhcMlty in the proof, nor hardship 
in inflicting the legal penalty. Waldron, it is said, shed tears 
when jirononncing the sentence of death upon him. 

On the fourteenth of February, the governor, by advertisement, 
called upon the inhabitants to take out leases from Mason within 
one month, otherwise he must, pursuant to his instructions, certify 
the refusal to the king, that Mason might be discharged of his 
obligation to grant them. Upon this summons, and within the 
time set, Major Waldron, John Wingel* and Thomas Roberts, 

mistake, but according to what I know and believe I am falsly indited and I 
am abused nolwitlistanding by another Inditement, by being in lornsbyCap. 
Barelbot's order whicli [orns are called billbose, exceeding large. Pray con- 
sider we are men like yourselves made of the same earth and I know who 
made the difference. 

And I verily believe tliat the holy righteous just God will have an account 
of you for your Justis in this matter. I'ray consider. When this last change 
was I writ to one man in tliis Province, I tould him wee were a hapy people 
if all was right in the Bottom. Time was that 1 said all was right in the bot- 
tom. I believed it, but now I see otherwise. Who knows what shall be on the 
morrow. Though it bee appointed a solemn day of fasting, I know that when 
it was .appointed there was not the election of cries and teares that will ap- 
pear when the day comes. If ever New-England had need of a Solomon, or 
David, or Moses, Caleb or Joshua it is now. My tears are in my eyes I can 
hardly see. 

Yet will I say I do believe how it will com. You and they with siths and 
grones must out do the ministry ; The Ministry must endeavor to out do you, 
but if you and they do any thing in hipocrisy, God will find you out and deliv- 
erance will com som other way. 

We have a hard prison, a good keeper, a hard Captain, iorns an inch over, 
five foot and several inches long, two men locked together ; yet I had I thank 
God for it a very good nights lodging, beter tlian I had fourteene or fiveteene 
nio-hts before. I pray God direct you and let me here from you by a messen- 
ger that your honors shall imploy and consider. I am your honors humbel 
Servant in all duty to l)e connnanded. Edward Gove. 

I know those that will have a blessing from God must endeavor to stand in 
the way of a blessing. This Doctrin I heard about 32 yeares ago. 

Edward Gove. 

Excuse any thing writ amiss for the Lord's sake. I would you all were as 
I am and as fitt to recieve reward for innosensy. I humbly beg your Prayers 
to God in our behalfe. Edward Gove. 

If any thing be amiss in what is written, lett the subscriber bear the blame, 
for the rest are surprized with feare. Edward Gove. 

I humbly and hartily desire some of your honors would speak to Mister 
Mody to pray to God in the behalfe of all his pore prisoners the world over 
and especially for us before named the men of this Province who ly under 
hevi burdens. Edward Govi:. 

The original of this Letter is in ye Recorder's office." 

It is now (1830) in the Secretary's office.] 

* [He is the ancestor of the Wingate families in New-Hampshire and Maine. 
He w<is admitted freeman hy t!u" Massachusetts colony in l(il")(i, and died about 
the year 1()*^'.). His children were Ann, born 18 February. ItitiT; John, born 
13 July, 1(170 ; Joshua and Caleb. Joshua married and lived in Hampton, 
where hie died at the age of 00 years or upwards. He was at the conquest of 
Louisburgin 1715, was afterwards a colonel, and a representative from Hamp- 
ton in the General Assembly. He wrote his name as in the text, but it seems 
to have been altered to Winrratt: hy his sons, two of whom were educated at 
Harvard College. Rev. Paine Wingate, the eldest, graduated in 1723, and 



1683.] TROVINCE. EDWARD CRANFIELD. IQI 

three of the principal landholders in Dover, waited on the e;ov- 
ernor to know his pleasure, who directed them to agree with Ala- 
son. They then retired into anotiier room where Mason was 
and proposed to refer the matter to the governor, that he might 
according to his commission, state the matter to the king for his 
decision. This proposal, IMason rejected, saying that unless they 
would own his title, he would have nothing to do with them. — 
Whilst they were in discourse, the governor came in and desired 
them to depart.^ 

This piece of conduct is difficult to be accounted for, it being 
directly in the face of the commission. Had the method therein 
prescribed, and by these men proposed, been adopted, it was 
natural to expect that the king, who had all along favored Mason's 
pretensions, would have determined the case as much to his wish 
as upon an appeal from a judicial court ; besides, he had now 
the fairest opportimity to have it decided in the shortest way, to 
which his antagonists must have submitted, it being their own 
proposal. His refusal to accede to it was a capital mistake, as it 
left both him and Cranfield exposed to the charge of disobedience. 
But it afforded a powerful plea in behalf of the people ; whose 
confidence in the royal justice would have induced them to com- 
ply with the directions in the commission. It being now impossi- 
ble to have the controversy thus decided they determined to 
hearken to none of his proposals. As he generally met with op- 
position and contradiction, he was induced to utter many rash 
sayings in all companies. He threatened to seize the principal 
estates, beggar their owners, and provoke them to rebellion, by 
bringing a frigate into the harbor, and procuring soldiers to be 
quartered on the inhabitants.^ These threats were so far from 
intimidating the people, that they served the more firmly to unite 
them in their determination not to submit ; and each party was 
now warm in their opposition and resentment. 

The governor on some fresh pretence suspended Waldron, 
Martyn and Gilman from the council. The deaths of Daniels and 
Clements made two other vacancies. Vaughan held his seat the 
longest, but was at length thrust out for his non-compliance with 
some arbitrary measures. So that the governor had it in his 
power to model the council to his mind, which he did by appoint- 
ing at various times Nathaniel Fryer, Robert Elliot, John Hinckes, 

(1) Weare's MS. (2) Ibid. 

was ordained the minister of Amesbury, in Massachusetts, 15 June, 1726, and 
died 19 February, 1780, aged 83. John, the youngest, was born at Hampton, 
4 January, 1725, graduated in 1744, and died 4 September, 1812, aged 88. A 
son of tlie Rev. Paine Wingate, is the Hon. Paine Wingate of Stratham, who 
was born 14 May, 1739, graduated at Harvard college 1759, and is now tiie 
oldest living graduate of that institution. He was one of the first Senators 
from New-Hampsliire under tlie Federal Constitution, and for many years 
was Judge of the SupremeCourt of the State.] 



102 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [IG80. 

James Sherlock, Francis Champenioon and Edward Randolph, 
esquires. The judicial courts were also filled with ofiicers proper 
for die intended business. 13arefoote, the deputy governor, was 
judge : IMason was chancellor ; Chamberlain was clerk and pro- 
ihonotary ; Randolph was attorney general, and Sherlock provost 
marshal and sheriff.' Some who had always been disaffected to 
the country, and others who had been awed by threats or flattered 
by promises took leases from IMason ; and these served for under 
sheriffs, jurors, evidences, and other necessary persons. 

Things being dius prepared. Mason began his law-suits by a 
writ agaiiist Major Waldron, (who had always distinguished him- 
self in opposition to his claim) for holding lands and felling timber 
to the amount of four thousand pounds. The major appeared in 
court, and challenged every one of the jury as interested persons, 
some of them having taken leases of Mason, and all of them 
living upon the lands which he claimed. The judge then caused 
the oath of voire dire to be administered to each juror, purport- 
ing " that he was not concerned in the lands in question, and that 
" he should neither gain nor lose by the cause." Upon which 
the major said aloud to die people present, " that his was a lead- 
" ing case, and that if he were cast they must all become tenants 
" to Mason ; and that all persons in the province being interested, 
'' none of them could legally be of the jury."- The cause how- 
ever went on ; but he made no defence, asserted no tide, and 
gave no evidence on his part. Judgment was given against him 
and at the next court of sessions he was fined five pounds for 
*' mutinous and seditious words." 

Suits were then instituted against all the principal landholders 
in the province, who, following Waldron's example, never made 
any defence. Some, chiefly of Hampton, gave in writing dieir 
reasons for not joining issue ; which were, the refusal of jMason to 
comply with the directions in the commission ; the impropriety of 
a jury's determining what the king had expressly reserved to 
himself; and Uie incompetency of die jury, they being all inter- 
ested persons, one of whom had said tliat " he would spend his 
" estate to make Mason's right good." These reasons were irri- 
tating radier dian convincing to the court. The jury never hesi- 
tated in their verdicts. From seven to twelve causes were des- 
patched in a day, and the costs were multiplied from five to twenty 
pounds. Executions were issued, of which two or three only 
were levied ; but Mason could neither keep possession of the 
premises nor dispose of them by sale, so that die owners still 
enjoyed them. Several threatened to appeal to the king, but 
Major Vaughan alone made the experiment.^ 

A suit was also commenced against Martyn who had been 
treasurer, for the fines and forfeitures received by him, during the 

(1) Council Records. (2) MS. in files. (3) MS. in files and Weare's MSS. 



]683.] I'ROVINCE. EDWARD CRANFIELD. IQJ 

former administration ; and judgment was recovered for seventy 
one pounds, with costs. Martyn petitioned Mason as chancellor, 
setting forth that he had received and disposed of tlie money ac- 
cording to the orders of the late jiresident and council, and pray- 
ing that the whole burden might not lie upon him. A decree 
was then issued for the other surviving members of the late coun- 
cil, and the heirs of those who were dead, to bear their propor- 
tion.^ This decree was afterward reversed by the king in council. 

Cranfield with his council had now assumed the whole legisla- 
tive power. They prohibited vessels from Massachusetts to enter 
the port, because the acts of trade were not observed in that 
colony : they fixed the dimensions of merchantable lumber ; alter- 
ed the value of silver money, which had always passed by weight 
at six shillings and eight pence per ounce ; and ordered that 
dollars should be received at six shillings each, which was then a 
great hardship ; as many of them were greatly deficient in weight. 
They also changed the bounds of townships ; established fees 
of office ; made regulations for the package of fish, and ordered 
the constables to forbear collecting any town or parish taxes till 
the province tax was paid, and the accounts settled with the 
treasurer.^ 

The public grievances having become insupportable, the people 
were driven to the necessity of making a vigorous stand for their 
liberties. The only regular way was by complaint to the king. 
Having privately communicated their sentiments to each other, 
and raised money by subscription, they appointed Nathaniel 
Weare, esq., of Hampton,* their agent ; and the four towns having 
drawn and subscribed distinct petitions of the same tenor, Weare 
privately withdrew to Boston from whence he sailed for England. 
Major Vaughan who accompanied him to Boston, and was ap- 
pointed to procure depositions to send after him, was upon his 
return to Portsmouth, brought to an examination, treated with 
great insolence and required to find sureties for his good behav- 
iour ; which, having broken no law, he refused ;f and was by the 
governor's own warrant immediately committed to prison ; where 
he was kept nine months to the great damage of his health, and 
of his own as well as the people's interest.'^ 

Amidst these multiplied oppressions, Cranfield was still disap- 

(1) MSS. in files. (2) Council Records. (3) MSS. in files. 

* [Nathaniel Weare is supposed to have been son of Peter Weare. He wa« 
born about the year 1631, and lived sometime in Newbury, where several of 
his children were born. He was admitted freeman in KiOG, at which time he 
belonged to Hampton. He was appointed a counsellor of the province in 
16JI2, and died 13 May, 1718, aged 87. His son Peter, who was born at New- 
bury, I.'") November, 1600, was also a counsellor of New-Hampshire, being ap- 
pointed to that office in 1698.] 

t In this refusal he is countenanced by the example of the great Selden. and 
other members of parliament who were imprisoned by order of Charles I. in 
1629. Macaulay's Hist. Eng. 8vo. vol. 2, page 72. 



104 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1684. 

pointed of the gains he had expected to reap from his office ; and 
^fQA found to his §reat mortification, that there was no way of 
supplying his wants, but by application to the people, 
through an assembly. He had already abused them so much 
that he could hope nothing from their favor ; and was therefore 
obliged to have recourse to artifice. On a vague rumor of a 
foreign war, he pretended much concern for the preservation of 
the province from invasion ; and presuming that they would show 
the same concern for themselves, he called an assembly 
■ at Great-Island, where he resided, to whom he tendered 
a bill, which in a manner totally unparliamentary, had been drawn 
and passed by the council, for raising money to defray the ex- 
pense of repairing the fort, and supplying it with ammunition, and 
for other necessary charges of government. The house* debated 
a while, and adjourned for the night, and the tide serving, the 
members went up to the town. In die morning, they returned 
the bill with their negative ; at which the governor was highly en- 
raged, and telling them that they had been to consult with Moodey, 
and other declared enemies of tlie king and church of England, 
he dissolved them ; and afterward by his influence with the court 
of sessions, divers of the members were made constables for the 
following year.i Some of them took the oath, and odiers paid 
the fine, whicli was ten pounds. Thus by a mean and execrable 
revenge, he taxed those whom he could not persuade to tax their 
constituents for his purpose. 

But Moodey was marked as an object of peculiar vengeance. 
He had for some time rendered himself obnoxious by the freedom 
and plainness of his pulpit discourses, and his strictness in admin- 
istering the discipline of the church ; one instance of which merits 
particular notice. Randolph having seized a vessel, she was in 
the night carried out of the harbor. The owner, who was a 
memberf of the church, swore that he knew nothing of it ; but 
upon trial, there appeared strong suspicions that he had perjured 
himself. He found means to make up the matter with the gov- 
ernor and collector ; but Moodey, being concerned for the purity 

(1) Court Records. Vaughan's Journal. 

* The Members of this assembly were, for 

Portsmo II (h . Hampton . 

Richard Waldron, jun. speaker, Anthony Stanyan, 

Philip Lewis, Joseph Smith, 

John Pickering. John Smith. 

Dover. ' Exeter. 

John Gerrish, Robert Smart, 

John Woodman, Thomas Wiggin. 

Anthony Nutter. Court Records. 

t [From Adams, Annals Portsmouth, p. 78, we learn that the name of thia 
member was George Janvrin, but from a letter from Randolph to the Lords of 
Trade and Plantations, it appears that it was '' one Jefterys, a Scotchman," 
unless there were two similar cases. Jefferys was a member of the church.] 



1684.] PROVINCE. EDWARD CRANFIELD. 105 

of his church, requested of the governor copies of the evidence, 
that the offender might be called to account in the way of ecclesi- 
astical discipline. Cranfield sternly refused, saying that he had 
forgiven him, and that neither the church nor minister should 
meddle with him ; and even threatened Moodey in case he 
should. Not intimidated, INIoodey consuhed the church and 
preached a sermon against false swearing ; then the offender, 
being called to account, was censured, and at length brought to 
a public confession. 1 This procedure extremely disgusted the 
governor, who had no way then in his power to show his resent- 
ment. But malice, ever fruitful in expedients to attain its ends, 
suggested a method, which to the scandal of the English nation, 
has been too often practised. The penal laws against noncon- 
formists were at this time executing with great rigor in England ; 
and Cranfield, ambitious to ape his royal master, determined to 
play off the ecclesiastical artillery here, the direction of which 
he supposed to be deputed to him with his other powers. He had 
attempted to impose upon the people the observation of the thir- 
tieth of January as a fast, and to restrain them from manual labor 
at Christmas ; but his capital stroke was to issue an order in 
council " that after the first of January, the ministers should ad- 
" mit all persons of suitable years and not vicious, to the Lord's 
" supper, and their children to baptism ; and that if any person 
" should desire baptism or the other sacrament to be administered 
" according to the liturgy of the church of England, it should be 
" done in pursuance of the king's command to the colony of 
" Massachusetts ;* and any minister refusing so to do should suf- 
" fer the penalty of the statutes of uniformity." 

The same week in which he dissolved the assembly, he signi- 
fied to Moodey in writing, by the hands of the sheriff, that him- 
self, with Mason and Hinckes, intended to partake of the Lord's 
supper the next Sunday ; requiring him to administer it to them 
according to the Hturgy ; and, as they justly expected, he at once 

(1) Portsmouth Church Records. 

* This command was conceived in the following terms : 

" And since the principle and foundation of that charter was and is freedom 
and liberty of conscience ; Wee do hereby charge and require you that free- 
dom and liberty be duely admitted and allowed, so that they that desire to use 
the booke of common prayer and perform their devotion in that manner that 
is established here be not denyed the exercise thereof, or undero-oe any preju- 
dice or disadvantage thereby, they using their liberty peaceably without any 
disturbance to others ; and that all persons of good and honest lives and con- 
versations be admitted to the sacrament of the Lord's supper according to said 
booke of common prayer, and their children to baptism." King Charles's 
Letter in Hutchinson's coll. pap. p. 378. 

This command cannot consistently with the acknowledged principle, and 
strict limitation, be construed any other way, than that the use of the liturgy 
should be permitted to such ministers and people as desired it. To compel 
ministers to use it, and leave all others at liberty, was a construction that mal' 
ic# aJone could suggest. 

16 



F 

106 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1684. 

denied them. The way was now opened for a prosecution ; and 
the attorney general Joseph Rayn, by the governor's order, 
^ ■ "*■ exhibited an information at the next court of sessions, before 
Walter Barefoote, judge, Nathaniel Fryer and Henry Greene, as- 
sistants, Peter Coffin, Thomas Edgerly and Henry Robie, justices, 
setting forth, " that Joshua Moodey, clerk, being minister of the 
" town of Portsmouth, within the dominions of King Charles, was 
" by the duty of his place and the laws of the realm, viz. the 
" statutes of the fifth and sixth of Edward VI, the first of Eliza- 
" beth, and the thirteenth and fourteenth of Charles II, required 
" to administer the Lord's supper in such form as was set forth 
" in the book of common prayer, and no other. But that the 
" said Moodey, in contempt of the laws, had wilfully and obstin- 
" ately refused to administer the same to the honorable Edward 
" Cranfield, Robert Mason, and John Hinckes, and did obstinate- 
" ly use some other form."^ Moodey in his defence pleaded that 
he was not episcopally ordained as the statutes required ; nor did 
he receive his maintenance according to them ; and therefore 
was not obliged to the performance of what had been command- 
ed ; that the alleged statutes were not intended for these planta- 
tions, the known and avowed end of their settlement being the 
enjoyment of freedom from the imposition of those laws ; which 
freedom was allowed and confirmed by the king, in the liberty of 
conscience granted to all protestants, in the governor's commis- 
sion.^ Four of the justices, viz. Greene, Robie, Edgerly and 
Fryer were at first for acquitting him ; but the matter being ad- 
journed till the next day, Cranfield found means before morning 
to gain Robie and Greene, who then joined widi Barefoote and 
Coffin, in sentencing him to six months imprisonment, without 
bail or mainprize."^ The other two persisted in their former opin- 
ion, and were soon after removed from all their offices.* Moodey 

(1) MSS. in files. (2) Portsmouth Chh. Records. (3) Vaughan's Journal. 

* [In tlie Records of the Quarter Sessions, in the hand writing of Richard 
Chamberlain, clerk of the court, I have found the substance of the debate of 
the court, which was in private, on the case of Mr. Moodey. " It was deba- 
ted among the Justices ; and Henry Roby, Justice, did declare his opinion, 
that he was very clear that the statutes are clear against the said Mr. Moodey, 
if the commission that gives liberty of conscience doth not take away the 
force thereof. 

"Just. Edgerly — that since his Majesty has been pleased to grant liberty of 
conscience to all Protestants here, the said Moodey is not liable to the penalty 
of the statutes for refusing to administer the sacraments according to the form 
thereof. 

" Henry Green, Justice, was of opinion, that the said Moodey is guilty of 
the breach of the laws, if the clause in the king's commission giving liberty 
ofconscience doth not excuse him. 

"Nath. Frier, Justice, did affirm his opinion to be, that whereas his gracious 
Majesty hath been pleased to grant liberty of conscience to all Protestants in 
liis royal commission, Mr. Moodey being a Protestant is not liable to the pen- 
alty of the acts of Parliament of the first of Queen Elizabeth, and the 13th 
and 14th of K. Charles the Second. 



1684.J 



PROVINCE. EDWARD CRANFIELD. 107 



was immediately ordered into custody, without being permitted 
first to see his family ; and he remained under confinement, in 
company with Major Vaughan, at the house of Captain Stileman, 
with liberty of the yard, for thirteen weeks ; " his benefice" be- 
ing declared forfeited to the crown. The next week after JMoo- 
dy's trial, the governor in a profane bravado sent word to Seaborn 
Cotton, minister of Hampton, that " when he had prepared his 
" soul, he would come and demand die sacrament of him as he 
" had done at Portsmouth."^ Upon which Cotton withdrew to 
Boston.* The minister of Dover, John Pike, was (as far as I 
can find) unmolested. f Exeter had then no settled minister. 

(1) Vaughan's Journal. 

"Peter Coffin, Justice, did hold that the said Joshua Moodey is guilty of tlie 
breach of the said statutes. 

"Walter Barefoot, Esquire, was of opinion that the saidJoshua Moodey had 
broken the said laws, and is liable to the penalty thereof."] 

* [Rev. Seaborn Cotton was son of Rev. John Cotton, minister of the First 
Church in Boston, and was born on the Atlantic ocean, while his parents were 
on their voyage to New-England. He was baptized at Boston on the (J of 
September, 1()33, being the second day after the arrival there of his father. 
He graduated at Harvard college in ]651, in the catalogu.^ of which his name 
is entered Marigena. He succeeded Rev. John Wheelwright as tlie minister 
of Hampton inlGCO, and sustained the pastoral office until his death, 19 April, 
168G, in the 53d year of his age. There is scarcely any thing found in con- 
temporary historians respecting his talents and character. Mather, indeed, 
in the biography of his father, speaks of him as being " a thorough scholar, 
and an able preacher," and as condemning the errors of his name-sake Pela- 
gius, a celebrated heresiarch of the fifth century, whose real name was 
Morgan. 

Mr. Cotton was twice married. His first wife was a daughter of Gov. Brad- 
street, named Dorothy, whose mother was the lady so highly esteemed for 
her poetical powers. His second wife was the widow of Dr. Anthony Crosl)y, 
of Rowley. Besides a number of daughters, who married reputably, Mr. 
Cotton had two sons. John and Roland. John was born 8 May, 1G58, and 
graduated at Harvard college in 1678, in the same class with his cousin, the 
celebrated Cotton Mather, and with him, was admitted a member of the sec- 
ond church in Boston, then under the care of Rev. Increase Mather, on the 31 
August, 1679. He probably resided some time in Boston, as his name occurs 
several times after this period in early records. He was ordained at Hampton 
as the successor to his father in 1696, and died 27 March, 1710, aged 52, hav- 
ing had one son and two daughters. Roland, the second son of Rev. Seaborn 
Cotton, graduated at Harvard college in 1696 ; went to England, and was a 
physician in the Isle of Wright.] 

t [John Pike was the successor of the second John Rayner. He was son 
of Hon. Robert Pike, many years one of the assistants of the colony of Massa- 
chusetts, who died 12 December, 1706, at the age of 91. He was born at 
Sahsbury, 15 May, 16.53, and received his education at Harvard colleo-e, where 
he graduated in 1675, in the class of which year, his name is placed at the head. 
He was ordained the 31 August, 1681, and remained at Dover until the deso- 
lation occasioned by the Indians in June, 1689, when he removed to Ports- 
mouth. The next year he went to Hampton, and from thence to Newbury in 
1691. He returned to Portsmouth, October, 1692, and entered upon their 
Majesties service for Pemaquid fort, for which place he sailed on the 17 of the 
same month, and arrived there on the 26th. He returned to Portsmouth, 13 
July, 1695, and removed with his family to Dover, 11 November, 1698. where 
having remained nearly four years, he removed to his native town, 21 Octo- 
ber, 1702, but again returned to Dover after a year or two, and there closed 
his days, 10 March, 1710, in the 57th year of his age. (MS. letter of Mr. 



108 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1G84. 

During Moodey's imprisonment, Cranfield would neither suffer 
him to go up to the town to preach, nor the people to assemble 
at the island to hear, nor the neighboring ministers to supply his 
place ; only the family where he was confined were permitted to 
be present with him at sabbath exercises. But whilst the gov- 
ernor was absent on a tour to New- York, Mason gave leave for 
opening the meeting-house twice, when they obtained a minister 
to officiate ; he also allowed both Moodey and Vaughan to make 
a short visit to their families.^ At length, by the interposition of 
friends, iNIoodey obtained a release, though under a strict charge 
to preach no more within the province, on penalty of farther im- 
prisonment. He then accepted an invitation from the first church 
in Boston ; where, being out of the reach of his persecutors, he 
was employed as a preacher, and was so highly esteemed, that 
upon the death of President Rogers, he was invited to take the 
oversight of the college,- vi^hich he modestly declined, and con- 
tinued his ministrations at Boston, frequently visiting his destitute 
church at Portsmouth, at their prfvate meetings, till 1G92; when, 
the government being in other hands, and the eastern country un- 
der trouble by the Indians, at the earnest request of his people, 
and by the advice of an ecclesiastical council he returned to his 
charge at Portsmouth, and spent the rest of his days there in use- 
fulness, love and peace. '^' ^ 

Upon a calm review of this prosecution, one can hardly tell 
which is most detestable, the vindictive temper which gave it birth ; 
or, the profaneness and hypocrisy with which it was conducted. 
The pretended zeal of the prosecutors was totally inconsistant 
with a due regard to those laws, and the principles of that church, 
for which they made themselves such contemptible champions. 
For it had been long before this time, a received opinion in the 
church of England, that the validity of all the sacramental ad- 
ministrations depends on authority derived from the apostles, by 
episcopal ordination, in an uninterrupted succession ; and one of 
the statutes on which the prosecution was grounded enacts, ' that 
• no person shall presume to consecrate and administer the Lord's 

(1) Vaughan'a Journal. (2) Harvard College Records. (3) Original MSS. 

Joshua Coffin, 23 April, 1830.) Rev. Jabez Fitch, in his MSS. speaks of Mr. 
Pike as " a person of great humility, meekness and patience, much mortified 
to the world, and without gall or guile." Dr. Belknap, in the church records 
of Dover, p. IG, says that Mr. Pike " was esteemed as an extraordinary preach- 
er, and a man of true godliness, lie was a grave and venerable person, and 
fenerally preached witiiout note?. Those who were well acquainted with 
im have given him the character of a very considerable divine." Mather, 
in the Magnalia, ii. 511, says he '• was much beliolden to him" for communi- 
cating many passages wliich occur in his history. Some of liis manuscript 
sermons were extant when Dr. l?elknap wrote. Mr. Pike married in 1G81, 
Sarah, the second daughter of Rev. Joshua Moodey, of Portsmouth.] 

* He died at Boston, being there on a visit, July 1, 1G97, aged 65. Dr. Cot- 
ton Mather preached his funeral sermon from Acts vi. 15. " They saw his 
face aa it had been the face of an angel." Magnalia, lib. 4, cap. 7. 



1684.] PROVINCE. EDWARD CRANFIELD. 109 

' supper, before he be ordained a priest by episcopal ordination, 
' on pain of forfeiting for every offence one hundred pounds.'^ Tl)e 
ministers then in the province, being destitute of the grand pre- 
requisite, were incapable by the act, of doing what was so per- 
emptorily required of them ; and had they complied with the 
governor's order, must have exposed themselves to the penalty, 
if he had pleased to exact it from them. But the extending these 
penalties to the king's American subjects, who had fled hither 
from the rod of prelatic tyranny, was a most unwarrantable stretch 
of power ; since the last of these acts, and the only one which 
had been made since the settlement of the colonies, was express- 
ly restricted in its operation, to "the realm of England, dominion 
" of Wales, and town of Berwick upon Tweed." 

Disappointed in all his schemes for raising money by an assem- 
bly, Cranfield next ventured on the project of taxing the people 
without their consent. The pretext for this was a clause in the 
commission, empowering him, with the council, " to continue such 
" taxes as had been formerly levied, until a general assembly 
*' could be called." This had been done, without offence, at the 
beginning both of this and the former administration, when the 
change of government rendered it necessary. But the council, 
though too much devoted to him, were not easily persuaded into 
the measure at this time ; till fear at length accomplished what 
reason could not appro\'e : for, letters being received from the 
eastward, informing of the discovery of a plot among the Indians, 
who were instigated by Castine, the Frenchmen, to renew the war 
early in the spring, the council were summoned in haste, p , ,4 
and presently agreed to the governor's proposal, for con- 
tinuing such taxes as had been formerly laid, which he told them 
was necessary for the immediate defence and security of the prov- 
ince. This affair, however, was kept secret for the present ; and 
the people were first to be convinced of the governor's paternal 
care and kindness in taking thp necessary precautions for their 
safety. It was ordered that the meeting-houses in each 
town should be fortified, and by-garrisons were estabhsh- 
ed in convenient places : supplies of ammunition were ordered to 
be provided ; circular letters were dispatched to the governors of 
the neighboring colonies, informing them of the danger ; and, to 
crown the whole, Cranfield himself, at the request of the council, 
undertook a tour to New- York to sohcit the governor, Dongan, 
for a number of the Mohawks to come down and destroy the 
eastern Indians ; promising to pay them for their services out of 
the money which was thus to be raised.- 

At his return from this excursion, he found himself under some 
embarrassment in his favorite views, from a letter of the lords of 
trade, which directed him to make use of an assembly, in raising 

(1) Stat 13 and 14, Char. II. (2) Council Records. Vaughan's Journal. 



110 HISTORY OF NEVV-HAMPSJllRE. [1684. 

money on the people. He could not, therefore, avoid calling 
., 27 0"6> though he immediately dissolved it, because several 
of the members were those whom he had formerly order- 
ed to be made constables. At the same time, in his letters to the 
secretary of state, he represented the assembly as persons of such 
a mutinous and rebellious disposition, that it was not safe to let 
them convene ; that they had never given any thing toward the 
support of government ; that he was obliged to raise money with- 
out them ; and that it was impossible for him to serve his majes- 
ty's interest without a ship of war to enforce his orders ; and final- 
ly, he desired leave to go to the West-Indies for the recovery of 
his health. When this business was despatched, warrants were 
issued for collecting the taxes ; which caused fresh murmurings 
and discontent among the people. 

But however disaffected to the governor and his creatures, they 
were always ready to testify their obedience to the royal orders ; 
an instance of which occurred at this time. The seas of Ameri- 
ca and the West-Indies being much infested with pirates, the king 
sent orders to all the governors and colony assemblies, directing 
acts to made for the suppressing of piracy and robbery on the 
QQ high seas. Cranfield, having received this order, summon- 
' ed an assembly ; and though it consisted almost entirely 
of the same persons who were in the last ; he suffered them to 
pass the act, and then quietly dissolved them :^ this was the last 
assembly that ever he called. 

The tax-bills were first put into the hands of the newly made 
constables ; who soon returned them, informing the governor that 
the people were so averse to the method, that it was impossible to 
collect the money. The provost, Thomas Thurton, was then 
commanded to do it, with the assistance of his deputies and the 
constables. The people still refusing compliance, their cattle and 
goods were taken by distraint and sold by auction. Those who 
would neither pay nor discover their goods to the officers, were 
apprehended and imprisoned ; and some of the constables, who 
refused to assist, suffered the same fate. The more considerate 
of the people were disposed to bear these grievances, though 
highly irritating, till they could know the result of their applica- 
tions to the king. But in a country where the love of liberty had 
ever been the ruling passion, it could not be expected but that 
some forward spirits would break the restraints of prudence, and 
take a summary method to put a stop to their oppressions. Sev- 
eral persons had declared that they would sooner part with their 
lives, than suffer distraints ; and associations were formed for mu- 
^ 20 tual support. At Exeter, the sheriff was resisted and 
driven off with clubs ; the women having prepared hot 
spits and scalding water to assist in the opposition, as Thurton lesti- 

(1) Council Records and files. 



1684.1 TROVINCE. EDWARD CRANFIELD. m 

fied in his deposition on the occasion. At Hampton, he was beaten, 
and his sword was taken from him ; then he was seated on a 
horse, and conveyed out of the province to Salisbury, with 
a rope about his neck and his feet tied under the horse's 
belly. Justice Robie attempted to commit some of the rioters ; 
but they were rescued by the way, and both the justice and the 
sheriff were struck in the execution of their office. The 
troop of horse, under Mason's command, was then ordered 
to turn out completely mounted and armed, to assist in suppress- 
ing the disorders ; but when the day came, not one trooper ap- 
peared.^ Cranfield thus finding his efforts ineffectual, and his au- 
thority contemptible was obliged to desist. 

The agent had been a long time in England, waiting for the 
depositions, which were to have been transmitted to him, in sup- 
port of the complaint which he was to exhibit. Cranfield and his 
creatures here did all that they could, to retard the business; first 
by imprisoning Vaughan, and then by refusing to summon and 
swear witnesses when applied to by others ; who were obliged to 
go into the neighboring governments, to get their depositions au- 
thenticated ; and after all, the proof was defective, as they had 
not access to the public records. The agent, however, 
exhibited his complaint against Cranfield in general terms, "^ 
consisting of eight articles. ' That he had engrossed the power 
' of erecting courts, and establishing fees exclusive of the assem- 

* bly : That he had not followed the directions in his commission 

* respecting Mason's controversy ; but had caused it to be decided 
' on the spot by courts of his own constitution, consisting wholly 

• of persons devoted to his interest : That exorbitant charges had 
' been exacted and some who were unable to satisfy them had 

* been imprisoned : That others had been obliged to submit, for 
' want of money to carry on the suits : That he had altered the 

• value of silver money : That he had imprisoned sundry persons 
' without just cause : That he, with his council, had assumed leg- 

* islative authority, without an assembly ; and. That he had done 

• his utmost to prevent the people from laying their complaints 

• before the king, and procuring the necessary evidence. '^ 

The complaint was, in course, referred to the board of trade ; 
who transmitted copies of it, and of the several proofs, to 
Cranfield, and summoned him to make his defence ; di- "^ 
recting him to deliver to the adverse party, copies of all the affi- 
davits which should be taken in his favor ; to let all persons have 
free access to the records ; and to give all needful assistance to 
them in collecting their evidence against him.^ 

When he had received this letter, he suspended Mason's suits, 
till the question concerning the legality of the courts should be 
decided. He also ordered the secretary to give copies to those 

(1) MSS. in files. (2) Weare's MSS. (3) Ibid. 



112 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1685. 

who should apply for them. At the same time, it was complained 
that the people, on their part, had been equally reserved, in se- 
creting the records of the several towns ; so tliat Mason, upon 
inquiry, could not find where they were deposited ; and the town 
clerks, when summoned, had solemnly sworn that they knew 
neither where the books were concealed, nor who had taken them 
out of their possession. ^ 

The necessary evidence on both sides being procured, a new 
.^Qc complaint was drawn up, consisting of twelve articles, 
which were, 'That at the first session of the assembly, 
Cranfield had challenged the power of legislation and settlement 
of the affairs to himself, against the words of the commission : 
That he had by purchase or mortgage from Mason, made him- 
self owner of the province, and so was not likely to act impar- 
tially between Mason and the inhabitants : That he had made 
courts, whereof both judges and jurors had agreed with Mason 
for their own lands, and some had taken deeds of him for other 
men's lands, so that they were engaged by their interest to set 
up Mason's title : That Mason had sued forty persons, and cast 
all ; and diat the governor's interposal to state the cases, as by 
his commission he was directed, had been refused though de- 
sired ; and that the defendants pleas, grounded on the laws of 
England, were rejected : That they could not reconcile the ver- 
dict with the attachment, nor the execution with the verdict, nor 
their practice under color of the execution with either ; that the 
verdict found the lands sued for according to the royal commis- 
sion and instructions, and that commission only gave power to 
state the case, if Mason and the people could not agree ; but 
the execution took land and all : That the charge of every ac- 
tion was about six pounds, though nothing was done in court, 
but reading the commission and some blank grants without hand 
or seal ; and these were not read for one case in ten : That 
court charges were exacted in money, which many had not ; 
who though they tendered catde, were committed to prison for 
non-payment : That ministers, contrary to his majesty's com- 
mission, which granted liberty of conscience to all protestants, 
had their dues withheld from them, even those that were due 
before Cranfield came, and were threatened with six month's 
imprisonment for not administering the sacrament according to 
the liturgy ; that though the general assembly agreed that Span- 
ish money should pass by weight, the governor and council or- 
dered pieces of eight to pass for six shillings, though under 
weight : that men were commonly compelled to enter into bonds 
of great penalty, to appear and answer to what should be ob- 
jected against them, when no crime was alleged : that they had 
few laws, but those made by the governor and council, when his 

(1) MSS. in the Rlefl, 



i686.] PROVINCE, WALTER BAREFOOTE. J 13 

* commission directed the general assembly to make laws : that 

* the courts were kept in a remote corner of the province ; and 

* the sheriff was a stranger and had no visible estate, and so was 
' not responsible for faihues.'' 

Upon this complaint, an hearing was had before the lords of 
trade on Tuesday tlie tenth of March ; and their lordships report- 
ed to the king, on three articles only of the complaint, viz. 'Ti)at 

* Cranfield had not pursued his instructions with regard to Mason's 

* controversy ; but instead thereof, had caused courts to be held 

* and tit!es to be decided, with exorbitant costs ; and that he 

* had exceeded his power in regulating the value of coins.' This 
report was accepted, and the king's pleasure therein was signified 
to hiui. At the same time, his request for absence being granted, 
he, on receipt of the letters, privately embarked on board a vessel 
fjr Jamaica ; and from thence went to England, where he obtain- 
ed the collectorship of Barbadoes.- * At his departure, I3are- 
foote, the deputy-governor, took the chair ; which he held till he 
was superseded by Dudley's commission, as president of Nevv- 
JBnglaud. 

Cranfield's ill conduct must be ascribed in a great measure to 
his disappointment of the gains wiiich he expected to acquire, by 
the establishment of M;ison's title ; which could be his only in- 
ducement to accept of the government. This disappointment in- 
flaming bis temper, naturally vindictive and imperious, urged him to 
actions not only illegal, but cruel and unmanly. A ruler never de- 
grades his character more than when he perverts public justice to 
gratify personal resentinent ; he should punish none but the ene- 
mies of the laws, and disturbers of the peace of the commimity 
over which he presides. Had there been the least color, eidier of 
zeal or policy, for the seveiity exercised in the prosecution of 
Moodey, candor would oblige us (o make some allowance for 
human frailty. His ordering the members of the assembly to be 
made constables, was a mode of revenge disgraceful to the char- 
acter of the supreme magistrate.-^ From the same base disposition, 
he is said to have employed spies and pimps, to find matter of 
accusation against people in their clubs, and private discourse. 

(1) Weare's MSS. (2) Neal's Hist, and Fitch's MS. ^3) Neal, vol. 2, p. 39. 

* [The following note, from the Appendix of the second volume of the first 
edition of this history, may be here introduced. '• Since writing t'le first vol- 
ume, I have met with a gentleman of Jamaica, wiio is a great grandson of 
Lieut. Governor Cranfield. From him, I learned that Mr. Cranfield was of 
the family of '^ord ]\Ionteng!e, who was instrumental of discovering the pop- 
ish plot in the reign of James I. Tint after his departure from Ne^w-ttainp- 
ehire, and whilst he resided at Barbadoes, he suggested the expediency of the 
4 and an half per cent, duty on sugars to the British government which was 

f ranted by tlie Assemblies of the islands, and has ever since been continued, 
'hat in the reign of King William III., he procured a s'.iip of war, at his own 
expense, and presented it to the crown. Tliat he died about the beginnino' of 
the present century, [the eighteenth] and was buried in the Catbedr^ Chiirftix, 
at Bath, in England."] 

17 



114 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE [1685. 

And his deceit was equal to his malice ; for, being at Boston 
when the charter of that colony was called in question, and the 
people were solicitous to ward oft' the danger ; iic advised them 
to make a private offer of two thousand guineas to the king, 
promising to represent them in a favorable light j but when they, 
not suspecting his intention, followed his advice, and shewed him 
the letter which they had wrote to their agents for that purpose, 
he treacherously represented them as "disloyal rogues;" and 
made them appear so ridiculous that their agents were ashamed 
to be seen at court.^ However, when he had quitted the country, 
and had time for reflection, he grew ashamed of his misconduct, 
and whilst he was collector at liarbadoes, made a point of treat- 
ing the masters of vessels, and others persons who went thither 
from Pascataqua, with particular respect." 

Although the decision of titles in Cranfield's courts had been 
represented, in the report of the lords, as extrajudicial, and a 
royal order had been thereupon issued to suspend any fiirther 
proceedings in the case of Mason, till the matter should be brought 
before the king in council, pursuant to the directions in ihe com- 
mission ; yet Barefoote suffered executions, which had before 
been issued, to be extended, and persons to be imprisoned at 
Mason's suit. This occasioned a fresh complaint and petition to 
the king, which was sent by VVeare, who, about this time, made 
a second voyage to England, as agent for the province and attor- 
ney to Vaughan, to manage an appeal from several verdicts, 
judgments, decrees and fines which had been given against him 
in the courts here, one of which was on the title to his estate. ^ 
An attempt being made to levy one of the executions in Dover, a 
number of persons forcibly resisted the officer, and obliged him to 
relinquish his design.'* Warrants were then issued against the ri- 
oters, and the sherifl" with his attendants attempted to seize them, 
whilst the people were assembled for divine service. This caused 
an uproar in the congregation, in which a young heroine distin- 
guished herself by knocking down one of the officers with her 
bible. They were all so roughly handled that they were glad to 
escape with their lives. 

That nothing might be wanting to show the enmity of the peo- 
ple to these measures, and their hatred and contempt for the au- 
thors of them ; there are still preserved the original depositions on 
oath, of Barefoote and Mason, relating to an assault made on their 
persons by Thomas Wiggin and Anthony Nutter, .who had been 
J. „ membersof the assembly.-^ These two men came to Bare- 
' foote's house, where Mason lodged, and entered into dis- 
course with him about his proceedings ; denying his claim, and 
using such language as provoked him to take hold of Wiggin, with 

(1) Hatch, vol. i. p 337 (2) Fit^h'e MS. (3) Weare's MSS. (4) MSS. 
in files. (5) Ibid. 



1685.1 PROVINCE. WALTER BAREFOOTE. 115 

an intention to thrust him out at the door. But Wiggin being a 
stronger man seized him by his cravat, and threw him into the (ire ; 
where his clothes and one of his legs ^Yere burned. Barefoote, 
attempting to help him, met with the same fate, and had two of 
his ribs broken and one of his teeth beaten out in the struggle. 
The noise alarmed the servants, who at Mason's command brought 
his sword, which Nutter took away, making sport of their misery.* 
Nothing else occurred during Barefoote's short administration, 
except a treaty of friendship, between the Indians of Penacook 
and Saco, on the one part, and the people of New-Hampshire and 
Maine, on the other. The foundation of this treaty seems to have 
been laid in Cranfield's project of bringing down the Mohawks on 
the eastern Indians ; which had once before proved a pernicious 
measure ; as they made no distinction between those tribes which 
were at peace with the English, and those which were at war. 
Some of the Penacook Indians who had been at Albany after 
Cranfield's journey to New- York, reported on their return, that 
the Mohav/ks threatened destruction to all the eastern Indians, 
from Narraganset to Pegypscot. Hagkins, a chief of the tribe, 
had informed Cranfield in the spring of the danger he apprehend- 
ed, and had implored assistance and protection, but had been 
treated with neglect. In August, the Penacook and Saco Indians 
gathered their corn, and removed their families ; which gave an 
alarm to their English neighbors, as if they were preparing for 
war. Messengers being sent to demand the reason of their 
movement, were informed that it was the fear of the JMohawks, 
whom they daily expected to destroy them ; and being asked 
why they did not come in among the English for protection, they 
answered lest the Mohawks should hurt tlie English on their ac- 
count. Upon this, they were persuaded to enter into an agree- 
ment ; and accordingly their chiefs being assembled with 
the council of New-Hampshire, and a deputation from the 
province of Maine, a treaty was concluded, wherein it was stipu- 
lated, that all future personal injuries on either side, should, upon 

* A farther specimen of the contempt in which these men were held, even 
by the lower class of people, expressed in their own genuine language, may 
be seen in the followintr affidavit : 

" Mary Rann, aged thirty years or thereabout, witnesseth, that the 21 day 
of March, '84. being in company with Seabank Hog,+ I heard her sa}' ; it was 
very hard for the governor of this province to strike Sam. Seavy before he 
spoke ; the said Hog said also that it was well the said Seavy's mother was 
not there for tiie governor, for if she had, there had been bloody work for 
him. 1 heard the said Hog say also, tiiat the governor and the rest of the 
gentlemen were a crew of pitiful curs, and did they want earthly honor .' if 
tjiey did, she would pull off her head clothes and come in her hair to them, 
like a parcel of pitiful beggarly curs as they were ; come to undo us both body 
and soul ; they could not be contented to take our estates from us, but they 
have taken away the gospel also, which the devil would have tiiem for it." 

" Sworn in the court of pleas held at Great Island the 7 of Nov. 1C84. 

R. Cii-v^iBKULAiN, Prothon." 

t [This name is Ilodg in the records of tlic Quarter Sessions.] 



116 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1680- 

complaint, be immediately redressed ; that information should be 
given of approaching danger from enemies; that the Indians 
shonld not remove their families from the neighborhood of the 
English without giving timely notice, and if they did, that it should 
be taken for a declaration of war; and, that whilst these articles 
were observed, the English would assist and protect them against 
the Mohawks, and all other enemies.' The danger was but im- 
aginary, and the peace continued about four years. 

Though Mason was hitherto disappointed in his views of re- 
covering the inhabited part of the province, he endeavored to lay 
a foundation for realizii5g his claim to the waste lands. A pur- 
chase having been made from the Indians, by Jonathan Tyng and 
nineteen others.* of a tract of land on both sides the river IVlerri- 
maek, six miles in breadth, from Souhegan river to Winnipiseogeo 
lake ; Mason by deed confirmed the same, reserving to himself 
. ^ and his heirs the yearly rent of ten shdlings. This was 
called the million acre purchase.^ About the same lime, 
he farmed out to Hezekiah Usher and his heirs, the mines, min- 
erals, and ores within the limits of New-Hampshire, for 
the term of one thousand years ; reserving to himself one 
quarter part of the royal ores, and one seventeenth of the baser 
sorts,-^ and having put his afFiirs here in the best order that tho 
times would admit, he sailefl for England, to attend the hearing 
of Vaughan's appeal to the king.f 

(1) Original MSS. in files. (2) Douglass, vol. i. p. 419. (3) Rec. of Deeds. 

* [The other purchasers were Joseph Dudley, Charles Lidget, John Usher, 
Edward Randolph, John Hubbard, Robert Thompson, Samuel Shrimpton, 
William Stouffhton, Richard Warton, Thomas Hinchman, Thaddens Maccar- 
ty, Edward Thompson, John Blackwell, Peter Bulkley, William Blathwayt, 
Daniel Cox, and •• three other persons to be hereafter named and agreed upon." 
Douglass, i. 420.] 

I [The town of Dunstable hiving been granted by Massachusetts, and settled 
for a number of years, ordained a minister at the close of the year IGdo. The 
members who united in forming tlie church were, Tiiomas Weld, Jonathan 
Tyng, John Blanchard, Cornelius Waldo, Samuel Warner, Obadiah Perry and 
Samuel French. Rev. Thomas Weld, the first named, graduated at Harvard 
college in 1G7I ; was ordained 16 December. 1G85, and died !) June, )702, in 
the .50th year of his age. He v/as son of Thomas Weld, of P..o.\-bury, and 
grandson of Rev. Thomas Weld, one of the first ministers •of\that town, who 
returned to England, and there died. Mr. Weld was succeeded in the min- 
istry at Dunstable by Rev, Nathaniel Prentice, who o-raduated at Harvard 
college in 1 71.5. He was ordained in 1718, and died 2o February, 1737. Dun- 
stable suiYered much from the Indians, as will appear in the course of this 
history. In the time of Philip's war, some of the inhabitants were obliged to 
leave their settlements and take up their residence in the older town3,°but I 
have met with no evidence showing that the town was at any time whollj 
abandoned Ly the inhabitants. Tiie early settlers of Dunstable were thoso 
above named, with Robert Parris, Thomas Cumings, Isaac Cumings, Joseph 
Hassell, Christopher Temple, John Goold, Samuel Goold, Christopher Read, 
John SolJendine, Thomas Lund. Daniel Waldo, Andrew Cook, and Samuel 
Whiting (son of Rev. Samuel Whiting, of Billerica) who was several years 
the town clerk, and who died in Billerica, 14 March, 1715, aged 53. On th» 
settlement of the divisionalline between the provinces of New-Hampshir* 



1683.] GENERAL GOVERNMENT. J. DUDLEY. 117 



CHAPTER IX. 

The administration of Dudley as President, and Andros as governor of New- 
England. Mason's fartlier attempt. His disappointment and death. Rev- 
olution. Sale to Allen. Ilia commission for the government. 

When an arbitrary government Is determined to infringe the 
liberty of the people, it is easy to find pretences to support the 
most unrighteous claims. King Charles the Second in the latter 
part of his reign was making large strides toward despotism. — 
Charters, which obstructed his pernicious views, were by a per- 
version of the law decreed forfeited. The city of London, and 
most of the corporations in England, either suffered the execution 
of these sentences, or tamely surrendered their franchises to the 
all-grasping hand of power. It could not be expected that in 
this general wreck of privileges, the colonies of New-England 
could escape. The people of Massachusetts had long been view- 
ed with a jealous eye.^ Though tlie king had repeatedly assured 
them of his protection, and solemnly confirmed their charter priv- 
ileges ; yet their spirit and principles were so totally dissonant to 
the corrupt views of the court, that intriguing men found easy 
access to the royal ear, with complaints against them. Of these, 
the most inveterate and indefatigable was Randolph, who made 
no less than eight voyages in nine years across the Atlantic, on 
this mischievous business." They were accused of extending 
their jurisdiction beyond the bounds of their patent ; of invading 
the prerogative by coining money ; of not allowing appeals to the 
king from their courts ; and, of obstructing the execution of the 
navigation and trade laws. By the king's command, agents were 
sent over to answer these complaints. They found the prejudice 
against the colony so strong, that it was in vain to withstand it ; 
and solicited instructions whether to submit to the king's pleasure, 
or to let the proceedings against them be issued in form of law. 
A solenm consultation being held, at which the clergy assisted, it 
was determined " to die by the hands of others rather than by 
*' their own." Upon notice of this, the agents quitted England ; 
and Randolph, as the angel of death, soon followed them, 
bringing a writ of quo warranto from the king's bench ; ^^83. 
but the scire facias which issued from the chancery did '-^'^^°''"- 
not arrive till the time fixed for their appearance was elapsed. 

(I) Hutch, col. papers, p. 377. (2) Hutch, vol. i. p. 329. 

and MTSsachuset's, Dunstable was d' vided into two distinct townships, one in 
each province. Dunstable in New-Hampshire, which included the anc'ent 
settle nent. and bv fir the largest portion of territorv, was incorporated bj 
charter, 1 April, 174G.] 



113 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPSPIIRE. [1685.' 

Tins however, was deemed too trivial an error to stop the pro- 
ceedings ; judgment was entered against them, and the charter 
declared forfeited. 

The king died before a new form of government was settled j 
but there could be no hope of favor from his successor, 
1685. YY^Q inherited the arbitrary principles of his brother, and 
was publicly known to be a bigoted papist. 

The intended alteration in the government was introduced in 
the same gradual manner as it had been in New-Hampshire. A 
commission was issued, in vvliich Joseph Dudley, esquire, was ap- 
pointed president of his majesty's territory and dominion of New- 
England ; William Stoughton, deputy president ; Simon Brad- 
street, Robert JMnson, John Fitz Winihrop, John Pynchon, Peter 
Bulkley, Edward Randolpl), Wait Winthrop, Richard Warton, 
John Usher, Nathaniel Saltonstall, Bartholomew Gedney, Jona- 
than Tyng, Dudley liradstreet, John llinckes,* and Edward 
Tyng, counsellors. Their jurisdiction extended over Massachu- 
setts, New-Hampshire, Maine and the Narraganset, or King's 
province. These gentlemen were mostly natives of the country, 
some of them had been magistrates, and one of them, governor 
under the charter. No house of deputies was mentioned in the 
commission. 

The nf-vv form of government took place on ths twenty-fifth 
- -Q- day of May ; and on the tenth of June, an order of coun- 
'' ■ cil was issued for setding the county courts, which con- 
sisted of such members of the council as resided in each county, 
and any others of them who might be present ; with such justices 
as were commissioned for the purpose. Tliese courts had the 
power of trying and issuing all civil causes, and all criminal mat- 
ters under life or limb ; from them an appeal was allowed to a su- 
perior court, held three times in the year, at Boston, for the whole 
territory ; and from thence, appeals, in certain cases, might be had 
to the king in council. Juries were pricked by the marshal and 
one justice of each county, in a list given them by the selectmen 
of the towns. A probate court was held at Boston, by the presi- 
dent, and " in the other provinces and remote counties" by a judge 
and clerk, appointed by die president. The territory was divided 
into four counties, viz. Sufl'olk, Middlesex, Essex and Hampshire ; 
and three provinces, viz. New-Hampshire, Maine, and King's 
province. By another order of the same date, town-taxes could 
not be assessed, but by allowance of two justices; and the mem- 
bers of the council were exempted from paying any part thereof.^ 

Things were conducted with tolerable decency, and the innova- 

(1) Printed orders in the files. 

* [Hinckes was the only one of these counsellors who belonged to New- 
Hampshire. He had been appointed one of tlie provincial counsellors in 
1683, and aflerwardfi, in 1687, was one of Sir Edmund Andros's council.] 



1666.] GENERAL GOVERNMENT. E. ANDROS. HQ 

tions were rendered as litlle grievious as possible ; tiiat the people 
might be induced more readily to submit to the long meditated 
introduction of a governor-general. 

In December following, Sir Edmund Andros who had been 
governor of New-York, arrived at Boston with a commis- 
sion, appointing him captain-general and governor in chief 
of the territory and dominion of New-England, in which the col- 
ony of Plymouth was now included.* By this commission, the 
governor with his council, five of whom were a quorum, were em- 
powered to make such laws, impose such taxes, and apply them 
to such purposes as they should think proper. They were also 
empowered to grant lands on such terms, and subject to such 
quit-rents, as should be appointed by the king.* Invested with 
such powers, these men were capable of the most extravagant 
actions. Though Andros, like his master, began his administra- 
tion with the fairest professions, yet, like him, he soon violated 
them, and proved himself a ill instrument for accomplishing the 
most execrable designs. Those of his council who were back- 
ward in aiding his rapacious intentions were neglected. Seven 
being sufficient for a full board, he selected such only as were de- 
voted to him, and, with their concurrence, did what he pleased. 
Randolph and Mason were at first among his confidants ; but af- 
terward when New-York was annexed to his government, the 
members from that quarter were most in his favor.^ 

To particularize the many instances of tyranny and oppression 
which the country suffered from these men, is not within the de- 
sign of this work. Let it suffice to observe, that the ,pQ« 
press was restrained ; liberty of conscience infringed ; ex- 
orbitant fees and taxes demanded, without the voice or consent of 
the people, who had no privilege of representation. The charter 
being vacated, it was pretended that all tides to land were annul- 
led ; and as to Indian deeds, Andros declared them no better than 
" the scratch of a bear's paw."*^ Landholders were obliged to 
take out patents for their estates which they had possessed forty 
or fifty years : for these patents, extravagant fees were exacted, 
and those, who would not submit to this imposition, had writs of 
intrusion brought against them, and their land was patented to oth- 
ers. To hinder the people from consulting about the redress of 
their grievances, town-meetings were prohibited, except one in 
the month of May, for the choice of town officers ; and to pre- 
vent complaints being carried to England, no person was permit- 
ted to go out of the country without express leave from the gov- 

(1) MS. Copy of the Commission. (2) Hutch, vol. i. p. 344. Coll. papers, 
p. 564. (3) Revolution in New-England justified, p. 21. 

* [" There was a ^eat new seal appointed for New-England under the ad- 
ministration of Andros, which was honored with a remarkable motto : Aan- 
quam W/trias graiior cxtat." Chalmers, 463.] 



120 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1687. 

ernor. But notwithstanding all the vigilance of the governor, his 
emissaries and his guards, llie resolute and indefatigable hicrease 
Matlier, minister of the second churcii in Boston, and president 
of the college, got on board a ship and sailed lor England, with 
complaints in the name of the people against the governor, which 
he deliveied with his own liand to the king ; but finding no hope 
of redress, lie waited the event of the revolution which was then 
expected.* 

When the people groaned under so many real grievances, it ift 
no wonder that their fears and jealousies suggested some that were 
^c^oo iuiaginary. They believed Andros to be a papist ; that 
* he had hired the Indians, and supplied them witli ammu- 
nition to destroy their frontier settlements ; and that he was pre- 
paring to betray the country into the hands of the French.*- At 
the same time, the large strides that King James the Second was 
making toward the establishment of popery and despotism, raised 
the most terrible appreliensions ; so th.at the report of the landing 
of the Prince of Orange in England was received liere with the 
greatest joy. Andros was so alarmed at the news, that he im- 
prisoned the manf who brought a copy of the prince's declaration, 
and published a proclamation commanding all persons to be in 
readiness to oppose " any invasion from Holland," which met 
with as much disregard as one he had issued before, appointing 
a day of thanksgiving for the birtli of a Prince of Wales. 

'I'he people had now borne these innovations and impositions 
for about three years : Their patience vias worn out, and their 
--Q(, native love of freedom kindled at the prospect of deliver- 
ance. The news of a complete revolution in England had 
not reached thein ; yet so sanguine were their expectations, so 
eager were they to prove that they were animated by the same 
spirit with their brethren at home, that upon the rumor of an in- 
tended massacre in the town of Boston by the governor's guards, 
tiiey were wrought up to a degree of fury. On the morning of 

(1) I. Mather's life, p. 107. (2) Revolution justified, p. 29, 40. 

* [Justice to Sir Edmund Andros requires it to be state<J, in reply to these 
allegations in Revolution in IN. E. justified, tliat he sent a letter to the Jus- 
tices of the Court of Nevv-Hampsiiire, concerning trading with the Indians, 
whereupon it was, probahly in ])ur.suance of the mstructitns contained in it, 
at a private or special session, liolden on the 26 of January, lOdb-t', by his 
Majesty's Justices, " Ordered tiial no person within this Province (of New- 
Hainpsliire) presume to trade witli, furnish or supply any Indian, or Indiana 
(particularly those of Pennicook) with any ammunition, instruments of war, 
goods, provision, or any thing whatsoever. And whosoever can give any in- 
lormation of any person or persons that have already supplied and furnished 
the said Indians with ammunition and instruments of war, they are desired 
forthwith to give notice thereof to tiie next Justice of the Peace, that tliey 
may be secured and proceeded against with all severity." Records of tiie 
Quarter Sessions.] 

f [John Winslow, of Boston, who, although he offered £2000 security, could 
aot escape imprisoument.] 



1689.] RE-UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 121 

the eighteenth of April, the town was in arms, and the country 
flocking in to their assistance. The governor, and those who had 
fled with him to the fort, were seized and committed to prison. 
The gendemen who had been magistrates under the charter, with 
Bradstreet, the late governor, at their head, assumed the name of 
a council of safety, and kept up a form of government, in the 
exigency of afiairs, till orders arrived from England ; when An- 
dres and his accomplices were sent home as prisoners of state, 
to be disposed of according to the king's pleasure. 

The people of New-Hampshire had their share of sufferings 
under this rapacious administration ; and Mason himself did not 
escape. Having attended the hearing of Vaughan's appeal to 
the king, which was decided in Mason's favor ; the judg- Nov. G, 
ment obtained here, being aflirmed ; and having now the 1686. 
fairest prospect of realizing his claim, he returned hither in the 
spring of 16S7, but found his views obstructed in a manner which 
he litde expected. The government was in the hands of a set 
of hungry harpies, who looked with envy on the large share of 
territory which Mason claimed, and were for parcelling it out 
among themselves.^ The new judges delayed issuing executions 
on the judgments which he had formerly recovered, and the at- 
torney-general, Graham,* would not allow diat he had power to 
grant lands by leases. This confirmed the people in their opin- 
ion of the invalidity of his claim, and rendered them (if possible) 
more averse to him than ever they had been. At length, how- 
ever, he obtained from Dudley, the chief jusdce, a writ of certio- 
rari, directed to the late judges of New-Hampshire, by which, 
his causes were to be removed to the supreme court of July 18, 
the whole territory, then held at Boston ;2 but before this it>88. 
could be done, death put an end to his hopes and relieved the 
people for a time of dieir fears. Being one of Sir Ed- Auo-. or 
mund's council, and attending him on a journey from New- Sept. 
York to Albany; he died at Esopus, in the fifty-ninth ^*^'^^' 
year of his age ; leaving two sons, John and Robert, the heirs of 
his claim and controversy.^ 

The revolution at Boston, though extremely pleasing to the 
people of New-Hampshire, left them in an unsetded state. They 
waited the arrival of orders from England ; but none arriving, 
and die people's minds being uneasy, it was proposed by some of 
the principal gendemen, that a convention of deputies from each 
of the towns should consider what was best to be done. The 
convention-parliament in England was a sufficient precedent to 

(1) Hutch, collection of papers, p. 564. (2) MS. in Superior Court files. 
(3) Hutch, vol. i. p. 365. Coll. papers, p. 566. 

* [James Graham was one of the confidants and advisers of Sir Edmund 
Andros, and his attorney-general. See Revolution in N. E. justified 21, 31. 
Hutchinson, Hist. Mass. i. 345.] 

18 



122 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE [1689. 

authorize this proceeding. Deputies were accordingly chosen,* 
and instructed to resolve upon some method of government. At 
Jan. ^'^^''' ^"'''^^ meeting, they came to no conclusion ; but after- 
1690. ^^'ai"d, they thought it best to return to their ancient union 
with Massachusetts. • A petitionf for this purpose being 
presented, they were readily admitted till the king's pleasure should 
jyj -2 be known ; and members were sent to the general court, 
' which met there in this and the two following years. J — 
The gentlemen who had formerly been in commission for the 
peace, the militia and the civil ofhccs, were by town votes, ap- 
proved by the general court, restored to their places, and ancient 
laws and customs continued to be observed. |j 

(1) Mass. Records. Portsmouth, Dover and Exeter Records. 

* The members of this convention were, for 

Portsmouth. John Tuttle, 

Major William Vaughan, John Roberts, 

Richard Waldron, Thomas Edgerly, 

Nathaniel fryer, Nicholas Follet. 

Robert Elliot, Exeter. 

Thomas Cobbet, Robert Wadley, 

Capt. John Pickering. William Moore, 

Dover. Samuel Leavitt. 

Capt. John Woodman, Portsmouth, Dover and Exeter 

Capt. John Gerrish, Records 

It does not appear from Hampton records whether tliey joined in this con- 
vention, or returned immediately to the government of Massachusetts. 

[From a letter of Nathaniel Weare of Hampton to Major Robert Pike of 
Salisbury, dated l-^ March, 1690, printed in the Coll. of the N. H. Hist. Soc. 
i. 136, it appears tJiat Hampton was one of the first towns in choosing persons 
to meet with commissioners of the other towns, if they should see cause to 
appoint any, "to debate and conclude of what was necessary at this time to be 
done in relation to some orderly way of government, and to make their return 
to the several towns for their approbation or otherwise." Afterwards, wiien 
the inhabitants of Portsmouth had met, and " made choice of some persons, 
to meet with the commissioners of the other towns to debate and consider of 
what was to be done in order to the settlement of some government till their 
Majesties should give order in the matter," the town of Hampton, " after 
several meetings and debates," chose six persons as commissioners, with pow- 
er according to the other towns of Portsmouth, Dover and Exeter. But in 
the choice of " meet persons" for the Convention, it seems that a spirit of 
jealousy arose among the people of Hampton, who, being " fearful and sus- 
picious of their neighbor towns ; — that they did not intend to do as was pre- 
tended, but to bring them under to their disadvantage," passed a vote that 
" they would not choose any person according to the direction of the commit- 
tee met, and so all proved inetfectual."] 

t [The original petition, signed by 372 persons, is among the files in the 
Secretary's office of Massachusetts, and a copy of it is in the office of Secre- 
tary of State of New-Hampshire.} 

i [The representatives, during this period, for Portsmouth, were, 
1690 Elias Stileman, 1691 Richard Waldron, 1692 Richard Waldron. 
John Foster. John Pickering. 

Waldron was son of the Major who was killed by the Indians in 1680.] 
II [The Military and Civil officers as presented to the Governor and Coun- 
cil, and approved by them and the deputies of Massachusetts, in March, 1690, 
were the following. 

Military Officers. 
William Vaughan, Major. 



1691.] RE-UNlOiN WITH MASSACHUSETrS. 123 

Had tlie inclination of the people been consulted, they would 
gladly have been annexed to that government. This was trQt 
well known to Mather and the other agents, who when so- 
liciting for a new charter, earnestly requested that New-Hamp- 
shire might be included in it.^ But it was answered, that the 
people had expressed an aversion to it, and desired to be under 
a distinct government.^ This could be founded only on the re- 
ports which had been made by the commissioners in 1665, and 
by Randolph in his narrative. The true reason for deny- . ^ 
ing the request was, that Mason's two heirs had sold their 
title to the lands in New-Hampshire to Samuel Allen of London, 
merchant, for seven hundred and fifty pounds, the entail having 
been previously docked by a fine and recovery in the court of 
king's bench ; and Allen was then soliciting a recognition of his 
title from the crown, and a commission for the government of the 
province.3 When the inhabitants were informed of what was 
doing, they again assembled by deputies in convention, and sent 
over a petition to the king, praying that they might be annexed to 
Massachusetts. The petition was presented to Sir Henry Ash- 
urst, and they were amused with some equivocal promises of suc- 
cess by the earl of Nottingham ; but Allen's importunity coincid- 
ing with the king's inclination, effectually frustrated their attempt. ** 
The claim which Allen had to the lands from Naumkeag to three 
miles northward of Merrimack, was noticed in the Massa- irqcy 
chusetts charter ; and he obtained a commission for the 
government of New-Hampshire, in which his son in law, ^"' ^' 
John Usher, then in London, was appointed lieutenant governor, 
with power to execute the commission in Allen's absence. The 
counsellors named in the governor's instructions, were, John Ush- 
er, lieutenant governor, John Hinckes, Nathaniel Fryer, Thomas 
GrafFort, Peter CofBn, Henry Green, Robert Elliot, John Ger- 

(1) I. Mather's life, page 136. (2) Hutch, vol. i. p. 412. (3) MS. in Supe- 
rior Court files. (4) Hutch, vol. 2, p. 6. 

Dorcr. Exeter. 

John Gerrish, Captain. William Moore, Captain. 

John Tuttle, Lieutenant. Samuel Leavitt, Lieutenant. 

William Furber, Ensign. Jonathan Thing, Ensign. 

Oijs/rr River. [Durham.] Grmt-Jsland. [New-Castle.] 

John Woodman, Captain. Nathaniel Fryer, Captain. 

James Davis, Lieutenant. Thomas Cobbet, Lieutenfjnt. 

Stephen Jones, Ensign. Shadrach Walton, Ensign. 

Portsmouth. Hampton. 

Walter Neale, Captain. Samuel Sherburne, Captain. 

John Pickering, Lieutenant. Edward Gove, Lieutenant. 

Tobias Langdon, Ensign. John Moulton, Ensign. 

Civil Officers. 

Samuel Penhallow, Treasurer. John Pickering, Recorder. 

Justices of the Peace. 

William Vaughan, Portsmouth. John Gerrish, Dover. 

Richard Martyn, do. Robert Wadleigh, Exeter 1 

Nathaniel Fryer, do. t, » j 



124 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1692. 

rish, John Walford and John Love. The governor was instruct- 
ed to send to the secretary of state, the names of six other per- 
sons suitable for counsellors. Three were a quorum, but the in- 
structions were, that nothing should be done unless five were 
present, except in extraordinary emergencies. Major Vaughan, 
Nathaniel Weare and Richard Waldron were afterward added to 
the number.^ 

The council was composed of men, who, in general, had the 
confidence of the people ; but Usher was very disagreeable, not 
only as he had an interest in Allen's claim to the lands, but as he 
had been one of Sir Edmund Andros's adherents, and an active 
instrument in the late oppressive government. He arrived with 
the commission, and took upon him the command, on the thirteenth 
day of August.- The people again submitted, with extreme re- 
luctance, to the unavoidable necessity of being under a govern- 
ment distinct from Massachusetts. 

The year 1G92 was remarkable for a great mortality in Ports- 
mouth and Greenland by the small pox. The infection was 
brought in bags of cotton from the West-Indies, and there being 
but few people who were acquainted with it, the patients suffered 
greatly, and but iew recovered.^ 



CHAPTER X. 

The war with the French and Indians, commonly called King William's war. 

It was the misfortune of this country to have enemies of differ- 
ent kinds to contend with at the same time. Whilst the changes 
above related were taking place in their government, a fresh war 
broke out on their frontiers, which, though ascribed to divers caus- 
es, was really kindled by the rashness of the same persons who 
were making havoc of their liberties. 

The lands from Penobscot to Nova-Scotia had been ceded to 
the French, by the treaty of Breda, in exchange for the island of 
St. Christopher. On these lands, the Baron de St.Castine had for 
many years resided, and carried on a large trade with the Indians, 
with whom he was intimately connected ; having several of their 
women, besides a daughter of the sachem Madokawando, for his 
wives.'^ The lands which had been granted by the crown of Eng- 
land to die duke of York (now King James the Second) interfered 
with Castiue's plantation, as the duke claimed to the river St. 
Croix. A fort had been built by his order at Pemaquid, and a 

(1) MS. Copy of Com. &c. Council minutes. (2) Council minutes. — 
(3) MS. Letter. (4) Hutch, coll. papers, p. 548. 



1C88.] REVOLUTION. 125 

garrison stationed there to prevent any intrusion on his property. 
In 1686, a ship belonging to Pascataqiia landed some wines at 
Penobscot, supposing it to be within the French territory. Palm- 
er and West, the duke's agents at Pemaquid, went and seized the 
wines ; but by the influence of the French ambassador in Eng- 
land, an order was obtained for the restoration of them. Here- 
upon, a new line was run which took Castine's plantation into the 
duke's territory. In the spring of 1688, Andros went in the Rose 
frigate, and plundered Castine's house and fort ; leaving ./-qo 
only the ornaments of his chapel to console him for the 
loss of his arms and goods. This base action provoked Castine 
to excite the Indians to a new war, pretences for which were not 
wanting on their part.^ They complained that the tribute of corn 
which had been promised by the treaty of 1678, had been with- 
holden ; that the fishery of the river Saco had been obstructed by 
seines ; that their standing corn had been devoured by cattle be- 
longing to the English ; that their lands at Pemaquid had been 
patented without their consent; and that they had been fraudu- 
lently dealt with in trade. Some of these complaints were doubt- 
less well grounded ; but none of them were ever inquired into or 
redressed. 

They began to make reprisals at North-Yarmouth by killing 
cattle. Justice Blackman* ordered sixteen of them to be seized 
and kept under guard at Falmouth ; but others continued to rob 
and captivate the inhabitants. Andros, who pretended to treat 
the Indians with mildness, commanded those whom Blackman had 
seized to be set at liberty. But this mildness had not the desired 
effect ; the Indians kept their prisoners, and murdered some of 
them in their barbarous frolics. Andros then changed his meas- 
ures, and thought to frighten them, with an army of seven hun- 
dred men, which he led into their country in the month of No- 
vember. The rigor of the season proved fatal to some of his 
men ; but he never saw an Indian in his whole march. The 
enemy were quiet during the winter. 

After the revolution, the gentlemen who assumed the govern- 
ment took some precautions to prevent the renewal of hos- 
tilities. They sent messengers and presents to several ^^°^* 
tribes of Indians, who answered them with fair promises ; but 
their prejudice against the English was too inveterate to be allay- 
ed by such means as these.^ 

Thirteen years had almost elapsed since the seizure of the four 
hundred Indians, at Cochecho, by Major Waldron ; during all 

(1) Hutch, coll. pap. p. 5G2. (2) Hutchinson, Neal and Mather. 

* [Benjamin Blackman graduated at Harvard College in 1663 ; was some- 
time a preacher at Maiden, which place he left about 1678, and went to Saco. 
Mather, ii. Magnalia, 508. Hutchinson, i. Hist. Mass. 32G. Folsom, MS. 
Hist. Saco.] 



126 HISTORY OF NEW -HAMPSHIRE. [1089. 

whicli time, an inextinguishable lliirst of revenge had been cher- 
ished among them, which never till now found opportunity for 
gratification.* Wonolanset, one of the sachems of Peaacook, 
who was dismissed with his people at the time of the seizure, al- 
ways observed his father's dying charge not to quarrel with the 
English ; but Hagkins, anotlier sachem, who had been treated 
with neglect by Cranfield, was more ready to listen to the seduc- 
ing invitations of Castine's emissaries. Some of those Indians, 
who were then seized and sold into slavery abroad, had found 
their way home, and could not rest till they had revenge. f Accor- 
dingly, a confederacy being formed between the tribes of Penacook 
and Pcquawket, and the strange Indians (as they were called) who 
were incorporated with them, it was determined to surprise the 
major and his neighbors, among whom they had all this time been 
peaceably conversant. 

In that part of the town of Dover, which lies about the first 
falls in the river Cochecho, were five garrisoned houses ; three on 
the norUi side, viz. Waldron's, Otis's and Heard's ; and two on the 
south side, viz. Peter Coffin's and his son's. These houses were 
surrounded widi timber-walls, die gates of which, as well as die 
house doors, were secured with bolts and bars. The neighboring 
families retired to these houses by night ; but by an unaccounta- 
ble negligence, no watch was kept. The Indians, who were daily 
passing through the town, visiting and trading widi the inhabitants, 
as usual in time of peace, viewed their situation with an attentive 
eye. Some hints of a mischievous design had been given out by 
their squaws ; but in such dark and ambiguous terms, diat no one 
could comprehend Uicir meaning. Some of the people were un- 
easy ; but Waldron, who, from a long course of experience, was 
intimately acquainted with die Indians, and on odier occasions had 
been ready enough to suspect them, was now so dioroughly secure, 

*The inveteracy of their hatred to Major Waldron, on account of that 
trans?<;tion, appears from what is related by Mr. Williams in the narrative of 
his captivity, which happened in 1704. When he was in Canada, a Jesuit 
discoursing with him on the causes of their wars with New-England, "■ justi- 
" fied the Indians in what they did against us ; rehearsing some things done 
" by Major Waldron above 30 years ago, and liow justly God retaliated 
" them."' Page 18. 

t [In the corrected copy of the author, the following note is inserted. " A 
vessel carried away a great number of our surprised Indians in the time of 
our Wars, to sell them for slaves, but the nations whither lliey went would not 
buy them. Finally, tliey were left at Tangier, where they be, so many as 
live, or are born tliere. An Englishman, a Mason, came thence to Boston. 
He told me they desire that I would use some means for their return home. 
I know not what to do in it, but now it is in my heart to move your honour, 
so to mediate, that they may liave leave to get home, either from thence hitJi- 
or, or from thence to England, and so to get home. Tf the Lord shall please 
to move your charitable heart therein, I shall be obliged in great thankfulness, 
and am persuaded that Christ will at the great day reckon it among your 
"deeds of charity done to them for his name's sake." Letter from Rev. John 
Eliot, of Roxbury to Hon. Robert Boyle, Nov. 27, 1683, in Birch's Life of 
Bojle, p. 440.] 



( 



1689.] REVOLUTION. 127 

that when some of the people hinted their fears to hlin, !;e mnri- 
ly bade them to go and plant their pumj)kins, saying that he would 
tell them when the Indians would break out. The very evening 
before the niisciiief was done, being told by a young man that 
the town was full of Indians and the people were much concern- 
ed ; he answered that he knew the Indians very well and there 
was no danger. 

The plan which the Indians had preconcerted was, that two 
squaws should go to each of the garrisoned houses in the evening, 
and ask leave to lodge by the fire ; that in the night when the 
people were asleep, they should open the doors and gates, and 
give the signal by a whistle ; upon which, the strange Indians, who 
were to be within hearing, should rush in, and take their long 
meditated revenge. This plan being ripe for execution, on the 
evening of Thursday, the twenty-seventh of June, two squaws 
applied to each of the garrisons for lodging, as they frequently 
did in time of peace. They were admitted into all but the young- 
er Coflin's, and the people, at their request, shewed them how to 
open the doors, in case they should have occasion to go out in the 
night. Mesandow'it, one of their chiefs, went to Waldron's gar- 
rison, and was kindly entertained, as he had often been before. 
The squaws told the major, that a number of Indians were com- 
ing to trade with him the next day, and JMesandowit while at sup- 
per, with his usual familiarity, said, ' Brother Waldron, what 
' would you do if the strange Indians should come .f" The major 
carelessly answered, that he could assemble an hundred men, by 
lifting up his finger. In this unsuspecting confidence, the family 
retired to rest. 

When all was quiet, the gates were opened, and the signal was 
given. The Indians entered, set a guard at the door, and rushed 
into the major's apartment, which was an inner room. Awaken- 
ed by the noise, he jumped out of bed, and though now advanced 
in life to die age of eighty years, he retained so much vigor as to 
drive them with his sword, through two or three doors ; but as he 
was returning for his other arms, they came behind him, stunned 
him with a hatchet, drew him into his hall, and seating him in an 
elbow chair, on a long table, insultingly asked him, " Who shall 
" judge Indians now ?" They then obliged the people in the 
house to get them some victuals ; and when they had done eating, 
they cut the major across the breast and belly with knives, each 
one with a stroke, saying, " I cross out ray account." They then 
cut off his nose and ears, forcing them into his moudi ; and when 
spent with the loss of blood, he was falling down from the table, 
one of them held his own sword under him, which put an end to 
his misery. They also killed his son in law Abraham Lee :* but 

* [Abraham Lee was a chymist and probably the first in New-Hampshire. 
He seemed to have made some trial of his skill in 1685, as the records of the 



128 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1G89. 

took his daughter Lee with several others, and having pillaged the 
house, left it on fire. Otis's garrison, which was next to the 
major's, met with the same fute ; he was killed, w^ith several others, 
and his wife and child were ca[)tivated. Heard's was saved hy the 
harking of a dog just as die Indians were entering : Elder Went- 
worth,f who was awakened hy the noise, pushed them out, and 
falling on his hack, set his feet against the gate and held it till he 
had alarmed the people ; two halls were fired through it, but both 
missed him. Coffin's house was surprized, hut as the Indians had 
no particular enmity to him, they spared his life, and the lives of 
his family, and contented themselves with pillaging the house. — 
Finding a bag of money, they made him throw it by handfuls on 
the floor, whilst they amused themselves in scrambling for it. 
They then went to the house of his son who would not admit the 
squaws in the evening, and summoned him to surrender, promis- 
ing him quarter. He declined their offer, and determined to de- 
fend his house, till they brought out his father and threatened to 
kill him before his eyes. Filial affection then overcame his reso- 
lution, and he surrendered. They put both families together into 
a deserted house, intending to reserve them for prisoners ; but 
whilst the Indians were busy in plundering, they all escaped. 

Twenty-three people were killed in this surprisal, and twenty- 
nine wer^ captivated ; five or six houses, with the mills, were 
burned ; and so expeditious were the Indians in the execution of 
their plot, that before the people could be collected from the other 
parts of the town to oppose them, they fled with their prisoners 
and booty. As they passed by Heard's garrison in their retreat, 
they fired upon it ; but the people being prepared and resolved 
to defend it, and the enemy being in haste, it was preserved. The 
preservation of its owner was more remarkable. 

Elizabedi Heard, with her dn-ee sons and a daughter, and some 
others, were returning in the night from Portsmouth. They pass- 
ed up the river in their boat unperceived by the Indians, who 
were then in possession of the houses ; but suspecting danger by 
the noise which they heard, after they had landed they betook 
themselves to Waldron's garrison, where they saw lights, which 
they imagined were set up for direcdon to those who might be 

Quarter Sessions show that he was indicted for coining tliat year, but " the 
grand jury having found upon the bill of indictment, ignoramus," he was 
discharged, " paying tlie fees." He married Hester Elkins, 21 June, 1680, 
and she was probably the daugliter of major Waldron named in the text.] 

* [The note on Elder Wentworth is transferred from the Appendix to the 
first volume of the first edition, to this place. " William Wentworth was one 
of the first settlers of Exeter, and after the breaking up of their combination 
for government, he removed to Dover, and became a ruling elder in the 
church there. In 1GB9, he was remarkably instrumental of saving Heard's 
garrison, as is related in the proper place. After this, he ofiiciated several 
years as a preacher at Exeter, and other places, and died at a very advanced 
age at Dover, in 1G!)7, leaving a numerous posterity. From iiim the several 
governors of that name are descended. He was a very useful and good man.'] 



1689.] REVOLUTION. 129 

seeking a refuge. They knocked and begged earnestly for ad- 
mission ; but no answer being given, a young man of the compa- 
ny climbed up the wall, and saw to his inexpressible surprise, an 
Indian standing in the door of the house, with his gun. The wo- 
man was so overcome with the fright that she was unable to fly ; 
but begged her children to shift for themselves ; and they with 
heavy hearts, left her. When she had a litde recovered, she 
crawled into some bushes, and lay there till day-light. She then 
perceived an Indian coming toward her with a pistol in his hand j 
ne looked at her and went away ; returning, he looked at her a- 
gain ; and she asked him what he would have ; he made no an- 
swer, but ran yelling to the house, and she saw him no more. — 
She kept her place till the house was burned, and the Indians 
were gone ; and then retui-ning home, found her own house safe. 
Her preservation in these dangerous circumstances was more re- 
markable, if (as it is supposed) it was an instance of justice and 
gratitude in the Indians. For at the time when the four hun- 
dred were seized in 1G7G, a young Indian escaped and took 
refuge in her house, where she concealed him ; in return for which 
kindness he promised her that he would never kill her, nor any of 
her family in any future war, and that he would use his influence 
with the other Indians to the same purpose. This Indian was 
one of the party who surprised the place, and she was well known 
to the most of them.* 

The same day, after the mischief was done, a letter from Sec- 
retary Addington, written by order of the government, directed 
to Major Waldron, giving him notice of the intention of the In- 
dians to surprise him under pretence of trade, fell into the hands 
of his son. This design was communicated to Governor Brad- 
street by Major Hinchman of Chelmsford, who had learned it 
of the Indians. f^ The letter was despatched from Boston, the 
day before, by Mr. Weare ; but some delay which he met with 
at Newbury ferry prevented its arrival in season. 

The prisoners taken at this time were mostly carried to Cana- 
da, and sold to the French ; and these, as far as I can learn, 
were the first that ever were carried thither. J The Indians had 

(1) Mass. Records. Original Letter. 

* [Elizabeth Heard was the widow of John Heard, and, according to Math- 
er, ii. Magnalia, .512, w^as the " daughter of Mr. Hull, a reverend minister, 
formerly living at Pascataqua." She had five sons, viz. Benjamin, born in 
1()44; .lolin, born K).")!); Joseph, born IGGl ; Samuel, born KiOS; Tristram, 
born l(j(!7, and five daughters. Tristram was killed by the Indians as will be 
seen under the year 1723.] 

t [The letter of Major Hincliman, dated 1}2 June, is published in the Coll. 
of the N. H. Hist. Soc. i. 222, 22:?.] 

t One of these prisoners was Sarah Gerrish, a remarkably fine child of sev- 
en years old, and grand-daughter of Major Waldron, in whose house she 
lodged that fatal night. Some circumstances attending her captivity are 
truly alTccting. Wlien she was awakened by the noise of the Indians in the 

19 



130 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE- [1089. 

been seduced to the French interest by popish emissaries, who 
had began to fascinate them with their religious and national prej- 
udices. They had now learned to call the English heretics, and 
that to extirpate them as such was meritorious in the sight of 
heaven. VVhen their minds were filled with religious phrensy, 
they became more bitter and implacable enemies than before ; 
and finding the sale of scalps and prisoners turn to good account 
in Canada, they had still farther incitement to continue their dep- 
redations, and prosecute their vengeance. 

The necessity of vigorous measures was now so pressing, that 
parties were immediately dispatched, one under Captain Noyes to 
Penacook, where they destroyed the corn, but the Indians escap- 
ed ; another from Pascataqua, under Captain Wincol,* to Winni- 

house, she crept into another bed and hid herself under the clothes to escape 
their search. She remained in their hands till the next winter, and was sold 
from one to another for several times. An Indian girl once puslied her into 
a river } but, catching by the bushes, she escaped drowning, yet durst not 
tell how she came to be wet. Once she was so weary with travelling that she 
did not awake in the morning till the Indians were gone, and then found her- 
self alone in the wood.s, covered with snow, and without any food ; having 
found their tracks she went crying after them till they heard her and took her 
witli them. At another time they kindled a great fire, .and the young Indians 
told her she was to bo roasted. She burst into tears, threw her arms round 
her master's neck, and begged him to save her, which he promised to do if she 
would behave well. Being arrived in Canada, she was bought by the Inten- 
dant's lady, who treated her courteously, and sent her to a nunnery for edu- 
cation. But when Sir William Phips was at Quebec she was exchanged, £Lnd 
returned to her friends, with whom she lived till she was sixteen years old. 

The wife of Richard Otis was taken at the same time, with an infant 
daugliter of three months old. The French priests took this child under their 
care, baptised her by the name of Christina, and educated her in the Romish 
relicrion. Siie passed some time in a nunnery, but declined taking the veil, 
and was married to a Frenchman, by whom she had two children. But her 
desire to see New-England was so stronjv, that upon an exchange of prison- 
ers in 1714, being then a widow, she left both her children, who were not 
permitted to come with her, and returned home, where she abjured the Rom 
ish faith. M. Siguenot, her former confessor, wrote her a flattering letter, 
warnino- her of her danger, inviting her to return to the bosom of the catholic 
churc]i,and repeating many gross calumnies which had formerly been vented 
aorainst Luther and the other reformers. This letter being shown to Govern- 
or Burnet, he wrote her a sensible and masterly answer, refuting the argu- 
ments, and defecting the falsehoods it contained : Both these letters were 
printed. Slie wiis married afterward to Capt. Thomas Baker, who had been 
taken :it IJecrfield in ITOl, and lived in Dover, where she was born, till the 
year 1773. 

Mr. John Emerson, by declining to lodge at Major Waldron's on the fataJ 
night, though strongly urged, met with an happy escape. He was afterward 
a minister at New-Castle nnd Portsmouth. [The Mr. John Emerson who de- 
clined to lodge at Major Waldron's on the 27 June, 1(580, according to Mather, 
ii. Magnalia, 511, was " a worthy minister at Berwick," and could not have 
been the future minister at New-Castle and Portsmouth, as lie had not at this 
time graduated at college. Alden, both in his Collection of Epitaphs and in 
liis Account of Religious Societies in Portsmouth, has fallen into the same 
error in considering the minister of New-Castle and Portsmouth as the one, 
who "met with an happy escape by declining to lodge at Major Waldron's.'] 

*^*Some of the circumstances relating to the destruction of Cochecho are 
taken from Mather's Magnalia. The others from the tradition of the suft'er- 
prs and their descendants. 

* [Captain John Wincol belonged to Kittery, whicii he represented in the 
General Coxirt of Massachusetts six years, the last time in IC/f:'.] 



1C89.] REVOLUTION. 131 

piseogee, whither the Indians had retired, as John Church, who 
had been taken at Cochecho and escaped from them, reported : 
one or two Indians were killed there, and their corn was cut down. 
But these excursions proved of small service, as the Indians had 
little to lose, and could find a home wherever they could find 
game and fish. 

In the month of August, Major Swaine, with seven or eight 
companies raised by the Massachusetts govcrnmont, marched to 
the eastward ; and Major Church, with another party, consisting 
of English and Indians, from the colony of Plymouth, soon fol- 
lowed them. Whilst these forces were on their march, the In- 
dians, who lay in the woods about Oyster river, observed how 
many men belonged to Huckin's garrison ; and seeing them all go 
out one morning to work, nimbly ran between them and the house, 
and killed them all, (being in number eighteen) except one who 
had passed the brook. They then attacked the house, in which 
were only two boys, (one of whom was lame) with some women 
and children. The boys kept them off for some time and wound- 
ed several of them. At length, the Indians set the house on fire, 
and even then the boys would not surrender, till they had promis- 
ed them to spare tlieir lives. They perfidiously murdered three 
or four of the children ; one of them was set on a sharp stake, in 
the view of its distressed mother, who, with the other women and 
the boys, were carried captive. One of the boys escaped the 
next day. Captain Garner with his company pursued the enemy, 
but did not come up with them. 

The Massachusetts and Plymouth companies proceeded to the 
eastward, setded garrisons in convenient places, and had some 
skirmishes with the enemy at Casco and Blue Point. On their 
retiu'n. Major Swaine sent a party of the Indian auxiliaries under 
Lieutenant Flagg toward VVinnipiseogee, to make discoveries. — 
These Indians held a consultation in their own language ; and 
having persuaded their lieutenant with two men to return, nineteen 
of them tarried out eleven days longer ; in which time, they found 
the enemy, staid with them two nights, and informed them of ev- 
ery thing which they desired to know ; upon which, the enemy 
retired to their inaccessible deserts ; the forces returned without 
finding them, and in November, were disbanded.^ 

Nothing was more welcome to the distressed inhabitants of the 
frontiers than the approach of winter, as they then expected a 
respite from their sufferings. The deep snows and cold weather 
were commonly a good security against an attack from the Indians; 
but when resolutely set on mischief, and instigated by popish en- 
thusiasm, no obstacles could prevent the execution of their pur- 
poses. 

The Count de Fronlenac, then governor of Canada, was fond 

(1) Magnalia, lib. T, p. G7. 



132 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [IGDO. 

of distinguishing himself hy some enterprises against the Ameri- 
ifQn can subjects of King William, with whom his master was 
at war in Europe. For this purpose, he detached threo 
parties of French and Indians from Canada in the winter, who 
were to take three diflerent routes into the English territories. — 
One of these parties marched from Montreal and destroyed Sche- 
nectady, a Dutch village on the Mohawk river, in the province of 
New-York. This action which happened at an unusual time of 
the year, in the month of February, alarmed the whole country ; 
and the eastern settlements were ordered to be on their guard. 
On the eighteenth day of March, another party which came from 
Trois Rivieres, under the command of the Sieur Hertel, an offi- 
cer of great repute in Canada, found their way to Salmon-falls, a 
settlement on the river which divides New-Hampshire from the 
province of Maine. This party consisted of fifty-two men, of 
whom twenty-five were Indians under Hoophood, a noted warrior. 
They began the attack at day-break, in three different places. 
The people were surprised; but flew to arms and defended them- 
selves in the garrisoned houses, with a bravery which the enemy 
themselves applauded. But as in all such onsets the assailants 
have the greatest advantage, so they here proved too strong for 
the defendants ; about thirty of the bravest were killed, and the 
rest surrendered at discretion, to the number of fifty-four, of whom 
the greater part were women and children. After plundering, 
the enemy burned the houses, mills and barns, with the cattle* 
which were within doors, and then retreated into the woods, 
whither they were pursued by about one hundred and forty men, 
suddenly collected from the neighboring towns, who came up with 
them in the afternoon at a narrow bridge on Wooster's river, in 
Berwick. Hertel expecting a pursuit, had posted his men ad- 
vantageously on the opposite bank. The pursuers advanced with 
great intrepidity, and a warm engagement ensued, which lasted 
till night, when they retired with the loss of four or five killed. — 
The enemy by their own account lost two, one of whom was Her- 
tel's nephew:^ his son was wounded in the knee. Another 
Frenchman was tal<;en prisoner, who was so tenderly treated that 
he embraced the protestaut faith, and remained in the country. ^ 
Hertel on his way homeward met with a third party who had 
marched from Quebec, and joining his company to them attacked 
and destroyed the fort and setdement at Casco, the next May. 
Thus the three expeditions planned by Count Frontenac proved 
successful ; but the glory of them was much tarnished by acts of 

(1) Charlevoix, lib. 7, p. 74. (2) Mather, Magnalia, lib. 7, p. G8. 

* Cliiirlevoix says Ihey burned " tweuty-sevi'ii houses and two thousand 
head of caUle in the barns." Tiie number of buildinj^s, includinj^ mills, 
barna and otlier out houses, niij^ht amount to near twenty ; but the number 
of cattle as ho gives it, is ineredible. 



1690.] 



RE-UNIOiN WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 133 



cruelty, which christians should be ashamed to countenance, 
though perpetrated by savages.* 

After the destruction of Casco, the eastern settlements were all 
deserted, and the people retired to the fort at Wells. The In- 
dians then came up westward, and a party of diem under Hoop- 
hood, sometime in May, made an assault on Fox Point, in Ncw- 
ington, where they burned several houses, killed about fourteen 
people, and carried away six. They were pursued by the Cap- 
tains Floyd and Greenleaf, who came up with them and recover- 
ed some of the Captives and spoil, after a skirmish in which Hoop- 
hood was wounded and lost is gun. ^ This fellow was soon after 
killed by a party of Canada Indians who mistook him for one of 
the Iroquois, with whom they were at war. On the fourth day 
of July, eight persons were killed as they were mowing in a field 
near Lamprey river, and a lad was carried captive. The next 
day, they attacked Captain Hilton's garrison at Exeter, which 
was relieved by Lieutenant Bancroft, with the loss of a few of 
his men. One of them, Simon Stone, received nine wounds with 
shot, and two strokes of a hatchet : when his friends came to bu- 

(1) Mag. lib. 7, p. 73. 

* The following instances of cruelty exercised towards the prisoners taken 
at Salmon-falls are mentioned by Dr. [Cotton] Mather. 

Robert Rogers, a corpulent man, being unable to carry the burden which 
the Indians imposed upon him, threw it down in the path and went aside in 
the woods to conceal himself. They found him by his track, stripped, beat 
and pricked him with their swords ; then tied him to a tree and danced round 
him till they had kindled a fire. They gave him time to pray, and take leave 
of his fellow prisoners who were placed round the fire to see his death. They 
pushed the. fire toward him, and when he was almost stifled, took it away to 

five him time to breathe, and thus prolonged his misery ; they drowned his 
ying groans with their hideous singing and yelling ; all the while dancing 
round tlae fire, cutting oiF pieces of his flesh and throwing them in liis face. 
When he was dead they left his body broiling on the coals, in which state it 
was found by his friends, and buried. 

Mehetabel Goodwin was taken with her child of five months old. Whei» 
it cried tliey threatened to kill it, which made the mother go aside and sit for 
hours together in the snow to lull it to sleep ; her master seeing that this 
hindered her from travelling, took the child, struck its head against a tree, 
and hung it on one of the branches ; she would have buried it but he would 
not let her, telling her that if she came again that way she might have the 
pleasure of seeing it. She was carried to Canada, and after five years return- 
ed home. 

Mary Plaisted was taken out of her bed, having lain in but three weeks. 
They made her travel v/ith them through the snow, and " to ease her of her 
burden," as they said, struck the child's head against a tree, and threw it in- 
to a river. 

An anecdote of another kind may relieve the reader after these tragical ac- 
counts. Thomas Toogood was pursued by three Indians and overtaken by 
one of them, who having inciuired his name, was preparing strings to bind 
him, holding his gun under his arm, which Toogood seized and went back- 
ward, keeping the o;un presented at him, and protesting tliat he would shoot 
him if he alarmed the others who had stopped on the opposite side of the hill. 
By this dexterity, he escaped and got safe into Cochecho ; while his adversary 
had no recompense in his power but to call after him by tlio name oTA'o frood. 
When he returned to his companions without gun or prisoner, their derision 
made hiw misadventure the naore grievous. 



134 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMrSlIIRE. [1690. 

ry him they perceived life in him, and by the application of cor- 
dials he revived, to the amazement of all. ^ 

Two companies under the Captains Floyd and Wiswall were 
now scouting, and on the sixth day of July, discovered an Indian 
track, which they pursued till they came up with the enemy at 
Wheelwright's Pond, in Lee, where a bloody engagement ensu- 
ed for some hours ; in which Wiswall, his lieutenant, Flagg, and 
sergeant Walker, with twelve more, wero killed, and several 
wounded. It was not known how many of the enemy fell, as 
they always carried ofF their dead. Floyd maintained the fight 
after Wiswall's death, till his men, fatigued and wounded, drew 
off; which obliged him to follow. The enemy retreated at the 
same time ; for when Captain Convers went to look after the 
wounded, he found seven alive, whom he brought in by sunrise 
the next morning, and then returned to bury the dead. The ene- 
my then went westward, and in the course of one week killed, be- 
tween Lamprey river and Amesbury, not less than forty people. 

The cruelties exercised upon the captives in this war exceed- 
ed, both in number and degree, any in former times. The most 
healthy and vigorous of them were sold in Canada ; the weaker 
were sacrificed, and scalped ; and for every scalp they had a 
premium. Two instances only are remembered of their releas- 
ing any without a ransom : one was a woman taken from Fox 
Point, who obtained her liberty by procuring them some of the 
necessaries of life ;- the other was at York ; where, after they 
had taken many of the people, they restored two aged women 
and five children, in return for a generous action of Major Church, 
who had spared the lives of as many women and children when 
they fell into his hands at Ameriscoggin.^ 

The people of New-England, now looked on Canada as the 
source of their troubles, and formed a design to reduce it to 
subjection to the crown of England. The enterprise was bold 
and hazardous ; and had their ability been equal to the ardor 
of their patriotism, it might probably have been accomplished. 
Straining every nerve, they equipped an armament in some de- 
gree equal to the service. What was wanting in military and na- 
val discipline was made up in resolution ; and the command was 
given to Sir William Phips, an honest man, and a friend to his 
country ; but by no means qualified for such an attempt. Una- 
voidable accidents retarded the expedition, so that the fleet did 
not arrive before Quebec till October ; when it was more than 
lime to return. It being impossible to continue there to any pur- 
pose ; and the troops growing sickly and discouraged, after some 
ineffectual parade, they abandoned the enterprise.* 

(1) Mag. lib. 7, p. 74. (2) Ibid. p. 73. (:5) MS. Letter. 

* [1600. The ship Faulkland of 54 guns, was built at Portsmoutli. Ad- 
ams, Annals of Puitomouth.] 



1600.] RE-UNION WITH MABSAClIUSETTe. 135 

This disappointment was severely felt. The equipment of the 
fleet and army required a supply of money which could not readi- 
ly be collected, and occasioned a paper currency ; which has often 
been drawn into precedent on like occasions, and has proved 
a fatal source of the most complicated and extensive mischief. 
The people were almost dispirited with the prospect of poverty 
and ruin. In this melancholy state of the country, it was an hap- 
py circumstance that the Indians voluntarily came in with a flag of 
truce, and desired a cessation of hostilities. A conference „ , 
being held at Sagadahock, they brought in ten captives, and 
settled a truce till the first day of May, which they observed till 
the ninth of June; when they attacked Storer's garri- 
son at Wells, but were bravely repulsed. About the same 
time, they killed two men at Exeter,^ and on the twenty ninth of 
September, a party of them came from the eastward in canoes to 
Sandy Beach, (Rye)- where they killed and captivated twenty- 
one persons.* Captain Sherburne of Portsmouth, a worthy offi- 
cer, was this year killed at Maquoit.^ 

The next winter, the country being alarmed with the destruc- 
tion of York, some new regulations were made for the general 
defence. Major Elisha Hutchinson was appointed com- 
mander in chief of the militia ; by whose prudent conduct j ^ 05' 
the frontiers were well guarded, and so constant a com- 
munication was kept up, by ranging parties, from one post to 
another, that it became impossible for the enemy to attack in 
their usual way, by surprise. The good effect of this regulation 
was presently seen. A young man being in the woods near Co- 
checho, was fired at by some Indians. Lientenant Wilson imme- 
diately went out with eighteen men ; and finding the Indians, kil- 
led or wounded the whole party, excepting one. This struck a 
terror, and kept them quiet the remainder of the winter and 
spring. But on the tenth day of June, an army of French and 
Indians made a furious attack on Storer's garrison at Wells, where 
Capt. Convers commanded ; who after a brave and resolute de- 
fence, was so happy as to drive them off with great loss. 

Sir William Phips, being now governor of Massachusetts, con- 
tinued the same method of defence ; keeping out continual scouts, 
under brave and experienced officers. This kept the Indians so 
quiet that, except one poor family which they took at Oyster riv- 
er, and some small mischief at Quaboag, there is no mention 

(1) Mag. 78. (2) MS. Letter of Morrill to Prince, [Magnalia.] (3) Fitch's 
MS. 

* [In the same month, a party made a descent on Dunstable, where they 
killed Joseph Ilassell, sen., his wife Anna, and son Benjamin, Mary Marks, 
daughter of Peter Marks, Obadiali Perry, one of the founders of tJie church 
there, and Christopher Temple. Perry and Temple were killed in the morn- 
ing of the 28 September ; the others were killed in the evening of the 2d. — ■ 
MS. Letter of J. B. Hill, Esq.] 



136 HISTORY OF iNEW-IIAMPSHIIlE. [1G93. 

of any destruction made by them during the year 1693. Their 
-^Q-j animosity against New-England was not quelled ; but they 
neeiieil a si)acc to recruit ; some of their principal men 
were in captivity, and they could not hope to redeem them with- 
out a peace. To obtain it, they came into the Fort at Pema- 
quid ; and there entered into a solemn covenant ; wherein they 
acknowledged subjection to the crown of England ; engaged to 
abandon the French irtterest ; promised perpetual peace ; to for- 
bear private revenge ; to restore all captives ; and even went so 
far as to deliver hostages for the due performance of their en- 
gagements. ^ This peace, or rather truce, gave both sides a res- 
pite, which both earnestly desired.* 

The people of New-ilampshire were much reduced ; their 
lumber trade and husbandry being greatly impeded by the war. 
Frequent complaints were made of the burden of the war, the 
scarcity of provisions, and the displritedness of the people. Once, 
it is said, in the council minutes, that they were even ready to 
•quit the province. The governor was obliged to impress men to 
guard the outposts : they were sometimes dismissed for want of 
provisions, and then the garrison officers were called to account 
and severely punished : Yet all this time, the public debt did 
not exceed four hundred pounds. In this situation, they were 
obliged to apply to their neighbors for assistance ; but this was 
granted with a sparing hand. The people of Massachusetts were 
much divided and at variance among themselves, both on account 
of the new charter which they had received from King William, 
and the pretended witchcrafts which have made so loud a noise 
in the world. Party and passion had usurped the place of patri- 
otism ; and the defence, not only of their neighbors, but of them- 
selves was neglected to gratify their malignant humors. Their 
governor too had been affronted in this province, on the following 
occasion. 

Sir William Phips, having had a quarrel with Capt. Short of 
the Nonsuch frigate about the extent of his power as vice admi- 
ral, arrested Short at Boston, and put him on board a merchant 
ship bound for England, commanded by one Tay, with a Vvarrant 
:to deliver him to the secretary of state. The ship put into Pas- 
cataqua, and the Nonsuch came in after her. The lieutenant, 
Carey, sent a letter to Hinckes, president of the council, threat- 
ening to impress seamen, if Short was not released. Gary was 
Arrested and brought before the council, where he received a rep- 

0) Mag. p. 85. 

* [This " Submission and Agreement of the Eastern Indians, at Fort Will- 
iam Henry, in Pemmaquid. the Ulh day of August, in the fifth year of our 
Sovereign Lord and Lady William and Mary, by the grace of God, of Eng- 
land, Scotland, France, and Ireland, King and Queen, Defender of the Faith, 
&.C. 1G!)3," may be found in Mather, ii. Magnalia, p. 542. It is signed by 
thirteen Indian Chiefs, four ludians, and three English Interpreters.] 



1G93.] PROVINCE. JOHN USHER. 137 

rimand for liis insolence. At the same time, Sir William came 
hither by land, went on board Tay's ship, and sent die cabin boy 
with a message to the president to come to him there ; which 
Hinckes highly resented and refused. Phips then demanded of 
Tay his former warrant, and issued another commanding the re- 
delivery of Short to him, broke open Short's chest, and seized liis 
papers. This action was looked upon by some as an exertion of 
power to which he had no right, and it was proposed to cite him 
before the council to answer for assuming authority out ,, 
of his jurisdiction. The president was warm ; but a 
majority of the council, considering Sir William's opinion that his 
vice admiral's commission extended to this province, (though 
Usher had one, but was not present) and that no person belong- 
ing to the province had been injured, advised the president to 
take no farther notice of the matter.* Soon after this, Sir Wil- 
liam drew off the men whom he had stationed in this province as 
soldiers ; and the council advised the lieutenant governor to ap- 
ply to the colony of Connecticut for men and provisions ; but 
whether this request was granted does not appear. 

The towns of Dover and Exeter being more exposed than 
Portsmouth or Hampton, suffered the greatest share in the com- 
mon calamity. Nothing but the hope of better times kept alive 
tlieir fortitude. When many of the eastern setdements were whol- 
ly broken up, they stood their ground, and thus gained to them- 
selves a reputation which their posterity boast of to this day.* 

The engagements made by the Indians in the treaty of Pema- 
quid, might have been performed if they had been left to ^.^q^ 
their own choice. But the French missionaries had been 
for some years very assiduous in propagating their tenets among 
them, one of which was ' that to break faith with heretics was no 
sin.' The Sieur de Villieu, who had disdnguished himself in the 
defence of Quebec when Phips was before it, and had contracted a 
strong antipathy to the New-Englanders, being then in command 
at Penobscot, he widi M. Thury, the missionary, diverted Madok- 

(1) MS. in files. 

* [1603. New-Castle, formerly Great Island, was incorporated. This is 
now the smallest town in point of territory in the state of New-Hampshire, 
containing only 458 acres. It originally consisted of Great Island, Little 
Harbor, and Sandy Beach, (now Rye) all wliich were once comprehended 
within the limits of Portsmouth. Some of the principal merchants of the 
Province resided there — and the principal seat of business for many years 
was at Great Island. 

1G93. An act passed the General Assembly of New-Hampshire to estab- 
lish a Post-office " in some convenient place within the town of Portsmouth." 
The postage on letters from beyond sea was two pence ; on packets equal to 
not less than tliree letters, four j)ence. The postage on letters from Boston 
was not to exceed six pence, and double for a packet, and " so proportionably 
for letters on this side Boston," and '• for all other letters beyond Boston, 
shall be paid what is the accustomary allowance in the government from 
whence they came."] 

20 



138 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1694. 

awando and the other Sachems from complying with their en- 
gagements ; so that pretences were found for detaining the Eng- 
hsh captives, who were more in number, and of more consequence 
than the hostages whom the Indians had given. Influenced by 
the same pernicious councils, they kept a watchful eye on the 
frontier towns, to see what place was most secure and might be 
attacked to the greatest advantage. The settlement at Oyster 
river, within the town of Dover, was pitched upon as the most 
likely place ; and it is said that the design of surprising it was 
publicly talked of at Quebec two months before it was put in ex- 
ecution. Rumors of Indians lurking in the woods thereabout 
made some of the people apprehend danger ; but no mischief be- 
ing attempted, they imagined them to be hunting parties, and re- 
turned to their security.^ At length, the necessary preparations 
being made, Villieu, with a body of two hundred and fifty Indi- 
ans, collected from the tribes of St. John, Penobscot and Nor- 
ridgewog, attended by a French Priest, marched for the devoted 
place." 

Oyster river is a stream which runs into tiie western branch of 
Pascataqua : the setdements were on both sides of it, and the 
houses chiefly near the water. Here, were twelve garrisoned 
houses sufficient for the defence of the inhabitants, but appre- 
hending no danger, some families remained at their own untorti- 
fled houses, and those who were in the garrisons were but indif- 
ferently provided for defence, some being even destitute of pow- 
der. The enemy approached the place undiscovered, and halt- 
ed near the falls on Tuesday evening, the seventeenth of July- 
Here they formed two divisions, one of which was to go on each 
side of the river and plant themselves in ambush, in small parties, 
near every house, so as to be ready for the attack at the rising of 
the sun ; and the first gun was to be the signal. John Dean, 
whose house stood by the saw-mill at the falls, intending to go 
from home very early, arose before the dawn of day, and was 
shot as he came out of his door. This firing, in part, disconcert- 
ed their plan ; several parties who had some distance to go, had 
not then arrived at their stations ; the people in general were im- 
mediately alarmed, some of them had time to make their escape, 
and others to prepare for their defence. The signal being given, 
the attack began in all parts where the enemy was ready. 

Of the twelve garrisoned houses five were desU'oyed, viz. Ad- 
ams's, Drew's, Edgerly's Medar's and Beard's. They entered 
Adams's without resistance, where they killed fourteen persons ; 
one of them, being a woman with child, they ripped open. The 
grave is still to be seen in which they were all buried. Drew 
surrendered his garrison on the promise of security, but was mur- 
dered when he fell into their hands. One of his children, a boy 

(1) Magnalia, lib. 7, p. 86. (2) Charlevoix, lib. 15, p. SIO. 



1G94.] PROVINCE. JOHN UBHER. 139 

of nine years old, was made to run through a lane of Indians as a 
mark for them to throw their hatchets at, till they had dispatched 
him. Edgerly's was evacuated. The people took to their hoat, 
and one of them was mortally wounded before they got out of 
reach of the enemy's shot. Beard's and Mcdar's were also evac- 
uated and the people escaped. 

The defenceless liouses were nearly all set on fire, the inhabit- 
ants being either killed or taken in them, or else in endeavor- 
ing to fly to the garrisons. Some escaped by hiding in the 
bushes and other secret places. Thomas Edgerly, by conceal- 
ing himself in his cellar, preserved his house, though twice set on 
fire. The house of John Buss, the minister, was destroyed, 
with a valuable library. He was absent ; his wife and family fled 
to the woods and escaped.* The wife of John Dean, at whom 
the first gun was fired, was taken with her daughter, and carried 
about two miles up the river, where they were left under the care 
of an old Indian, while the others returned to their bloody work. 
The Indian complained of a pain in his head, and asked the wo- 
man what would be a proper remedy : she answered, occapee, 
which is the Indian word for rum, of which she knew he had tak- 
en a bottle from her house. The remedy being agreeable, he 
took a large dose and fell asleep ; and she took that opportunity 
to make her escape, with her child, into the woods, and kept her- 
self concealed till they were gone. 

The other seven garrisons, viz. Burnham's, Bickford's, Smith's, 
Bunker's, Davis's, Jones's and Woodman's were resolutely and suc- 
cessfully defended. At Burnham's, the gate was left open : The 
Indians, ten in number, who were appointed to surprise it, were 
asleep under the bank of the river, at the time that the alarm was 
given. A man within, who had been kept awake by the tooth- 
ache, hearing the first gun, roused the people and secured the 
gate, just as the Indians, who were awakened by the same noise, 
were entering. Finding themselves disappointed, they ran to 
Pitman's defenceless house, and forced the door at the moment, 
that he had burst a way through that end of the house which was 

* [John Buss is mentioned in the 3d volume, p. 250, of tiie first edition, as 
a practitioner of pliysic, and as having died in 1736, at tlie ai^e of 108 years ; 
but Ills age is overstated. It should be DG. In a petition from him to Gov. 
Slmte and the General Assembly of IMassachusetts, in ITlo, he states tliat he 
had labored in the work of the ministry at Oyster-lilver 44 j^ears successive- 
ly; that he was then advanced to 78 years of age ; that he had kept his sta- 
tion there, " even in the time of the terrible Indian war, when many a score 
fell by the sword, both on the right hand and on the left, and several others 
forced to flight for want of bread ;" that he was then "unable to perform the 
usual exercise of the ministry," and tiiat " the people liad not only called 
another mini.'^ter, but stopped tlieir liands from paying to his subsistence, 
whereupon he was greatly reduced, having neither bread to eat, nor sufficient 
clothing to encounter the approaching winter." The ministers of Durham 
from that time down to our own days have not unfrequently complained that 
they prophesied in sackcloth.] 



140 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1694. 

next to the garrison, to which he with his family, taking advan- 
tage of the shade of some trees, it heing moonlight, happily escap- 
ed. Still defeated, they attacked the house of John Davis, which 
after some resistance, he surrendered on terms ; but the terms 
were violated, and the whole family was either killed or made 
captives. Thomas Bickford preserved his house in a singular 
manner. It was situated near the river, and surrounded with a 
palisade. Being alarmed before the enemy had reached the 
house, he sent off his family in a boat, and then shutting his gate, 
betook himself alone to the defence of his fortress. Despising 
alike the promises and threats by which the Indians would have 
persuaded him to surrender, he kept up a constant fire at them, 
changing his dress as often as he could, shewing himself with a 
different cap, hat or coat, and sometimes without either, and giv- 
ing directions aloud as if he had a number of men with him. 
Finding their attempt vain, the enemy withdrew, and left him sole 
master of the house, which he had defended with such admirable 
address. Smith's, Bunker's and Davis's garrisons, being season- 
ably apprised of the danger, were resolutely defended. One 
Indian was supposed to be killed and another wounded by a shot 
from Davis's. Jones's garrison was beset before day ; Captain 
Jones hearing his dogs bark, and imagining wolves might be near, 
went out to secure some swine and returned unmolested. He 
then went up into the flankart- and sat on the wall. Discerning 
the flash of a gun, he dropped backward ; the ball entered the 
place from whence he had withdrawn his legs. The enemy from 
behind a rock kept firing on the house for some time, and then 
quitted it. During these transactions, the French priest took pos- 
session of the meeting-house, and employed himself in writing on 
the pulpit with chalk ; but the house received no damage. 

Those parties of the enemy who were on the south side of the 
river having completed their destructive work, collected in a field 
adjoining to Burnham's garrison, where they insultingly showed 
their prisoners, and derided the people, thinking themselves out of 
reach of their shot. A young man from the sentry-box fired at 
one who was making some indecent signs of defiance, and woun- 
ded him in the heel : Him they placed on a liorse and carried 
away. Both divisions then met at the falls, where they had part- 
ed the evening before, and proceeded together to Capt. Wood- 
man's garrison. The ground being uneven, they approached 
without danger, and from behind a hill kept up a long and severe 
fire at the hats and caps which the people within held up on sticks 
above the walls, without any other damage than galling the roof of 
the house. At length, ai)prehending it was time for the people 
in the neighboring setdemcnts to be collected in pursuit of them, 
they finally withdrew; having killed and captivated between 
ninety and an hundred persons, and burned about twenty houses, 



1694.] PROVINCE. JOHN USHER. 141 

of which five were garrisons.* The main body of them retreat- 
ed over AVinnipiseogee lake, where they divided their prisoners, 
separating those in particular who were most intimately connected, 
in which they often took a pleasure suited to their savage nature, f 

About forty of the enemy under Toxus,^1 Norridgewog chief, 
resolving on farther mischief, went westward and did execution as 
far as Groton. A smaller party having crossed the river Pascata- 
qua, came to a farm where Ursula Cutt, widow of the deceased 
president, resided, who imagining the enemy had done what mis- 
chief they intended for that time, could not be persuaded to remove 
into town till her haymaking should be finished. As she was in 
the field with her laborers, the enemy fired from an ambush and 
killed her, with three others. * Colonel Richard Waldron and his 
wife, with their infant son, (afterward secretary) had almost shared 
the same fate. They were taking boat to go and dine with this 
lady, when they were stopped by the arrival of some friends at 
their house ; whilst at dinner they were informed of her death. 
She lived about two miles above the town of Portsmouth, and had 
laid out her farm with much elegance. The scalps taken in this 
whole expedition were carried to Canada by Madokawando, and 
presented to Count Frontenac, from whom he received the re- 
ward of his treacherous adventure. 

There is no mention of any more mischief by the Indians with- 
in this province till the next year, when, in the month ^cQr 
of July, two men were killed at Exeter. The following '^' 

year, on the seventh day of May, John Church, who had been 
taken and escaped from them seven years before, was ^cQf 
killed and scalped at Cochecho, near his own house. On 
the twenty-sixthbf June, an attack was made at Portsmouth plain, 

(1) Magnalia, lib. 7, page 8G. 

* Charlevoix, with his usual parade, boasts of their having killed two hun- 
dred and thirty people, and burned fifty or sixty houses. He speaks of only 
two forts, both of which were stormed. [The Rev. Jolm Pike, in his manu- 
script Journal, says they " killed and carried away 04 persons and burnt 13 
houses." As he then lived in Dover and made a record of the event nearthe 
time it occurred, we can probably depend upon the accuracy of his statement.] 

t Among these prisoners, were Thomas Drew and liis wife, who were new- 
ly married. He was carried to Canada, where he continued two years and 
was redeemed. She to Norridgewog, and was gone four years, in whicli she 
endured everything but death. She was delivered of a child in tiie winter 
in the open air, and in a violent snow storm. Buing unable to suckle her 
child, or provide it any food, the Indians killed it. She lived fourteen days 
on a decoction of the bark of trees. Once, they set her to draw a sled up a 
river against a piercing north-west wind, and left her. She was so overcome 
with the cold that she grew sleepy, laid down and was nearly dead, when 
they returned ; they carried her senseless to a wigwam, and poured warm 
water down her throat, which recovered her. After her return to her hus- 
band, she had fourteen children ; tliey lived together till he was ninety-three, 
and she eighty-nine years of age ; they died within two days of each other,' 
and were buried in one grave. 

*»* These particular circumstances of the destruction at Oyster river were 
at my desire collected from the information of aged people by John Smith, 
Esq. a descendant of one of the sullering families. 



(43 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1696. 

about Uvo miles from the town. The enemy came from York- 
nubble to Sandy-beach in canoes, which they hid there among 
the bushes near the shore. Some suspicion was formed the day 
before by reason of the cattle running out of the woods at Little- 
harbor ; but false alarms were frequent, and this was not much 
regarded. Early in the morning, the attack was made on five 
houses at once. Fourteen persons were killed on the spot ; one 
was scalped and left for dead, but recovered, and four were taken. 
The enemy having plundered the houses of what they could carry, 
set them on fire, and made a precipitate retreat through the great 
swamp. A company of militia under Captain Shackford* and 
lieutenant Libbcy pursued, and discovered them cooking their 
breakfast, at a place ever since called Breakfast-hill, in Rye. 
The Indians were on the fardier side, having placed their captives 
between themselves and the top of the hill, that in case of an at- 
tack they might first receive the fire. The lieutenant pleaded to 
go round the hill, and come upon diem below to cut off their re- 
treat ; but die captain fearing in that case that they would, ac- 
cording to their custom, kill the prisoners, rushed upon them from 
the top of the hill, by which means they retook the captives and 
plunder, but the Indians, rolling down the hill, escaped into the 
swamp and got to their canoes. Another party, under another 
commander, Gerrish, was then sent out in shallops to intercept 
them as they should cross over to the eastward by night. The 
captain ranged his boats in a line, and ordered his men to reserve 
their fire till he gave the watchword. It being a calm night, the 
Indians were heard as diey advanced ; but the captain, unhappily 
giving the word before they had come within gun-shot, diey tacked 
about to the southward, and going round the Isles of Shoals, by 
the favor of their light canoes escaped. The watch-word was 
Crambo, which the captain ever after bore as an appendage to 
his tide.^ On the twenty-sixth day of July, the people of Dover 
were w^aylaid as they were returning from the public worship, 
when three were killed, three wounded, and dirce carried to 
Penobscot, from whence they soon found their way home.- f 

The next year, on the tenth of June, the town of Exeter was 

remarkably preserved from destruction. A body of the enemy 

.^„ had placed themselves near the town, intending to make 

an assault in the morning of die next day. A number of 

women and children contrary to the advice of their friends went 

(1) Judge Parker. (2) Magnalia, lib. 7, p. 89. 
* [William Shackford was of Dover, and one of tlio grand jury in 1682.] 
t [The persons killed were Nicholas Otis, Mary Downs and Mary Jones ; 
those wounded were Richard Otis, Anthony Lowden and E.vperience Heard ; 
those captured were John Tucker, Nicholas Otis, jr., and Judith Ricker. On 
the 25th Augu.st following, Lieutenant Lock was slain by the Indians at San- 
dy Reach, and soon after Arnold Rreck, «fcc. was shot at betwixt Hampton 
and Greenland. Rev. John Pike, MS. Journal.] 



1697.] PROVINCE. JOHN USHER. 143 

into the fields, without a guard, to gather strawberries. When 
they were gone, some persons, to frighten them, fired an alarm ; 
which quickly spread through the town, and brought the people 
together in arms. The Indians supposing that they were discov- 
ered, and quickened by fear, after killing one, wounding another, 
and taking a child, made a hasty retreat and were seen no more 
there. But on the fourth day of July, they waylaid and killed 
the worthy Major Frost* at Kittery, to whom they had owed re- 
venge ever since the seizure of the four hundred at Cochecho, 
in which he was concerned.* 

The same year, an invasion of the country was projected by the 
French. A fleet was to sail from France to Newfoundland, and 
thence to Penobscot, where being joined by an army from Cana- 
da, an attempt was to be made on Boston, and the seacoast rav- 
aged from thence to Pascataqua. The plan was too extensive 
and complicated to be executed in one summer. The fleet came 
no further than Newfoundland, when the advanced season, and 
scantiness of provisions obliged them to give over the design. 
The people of New-England were apprized of the danger, and 
made the best preparations in their power. They strengthened 
their fortifications on the coast, and raised a body of men to de- 
fend the frontiers against the Indians who were expected to co- 
operate with the French. Some mischief was done by lurking 
parties at the eastward ; but New-Hampshire was unmolested by 
them during the reinainder of this, and the whole of the following 
year.f 

After the peace of Rysvvick, Count Frontenac informed the 
Indians that he could not any longer support them in a war , ^^o 
with the English, with whom his nation was then at peace. 
He therefore advised them to bury the hatchet and restore their 
captives. Having suffered much by famine, and being divided 
in their opinions about prosecuting the war, after a long time they 
were brought to a treaty at Casco ; where they ratified .pnq 
their former engagements; acknowledged subjection to 
tlie crown of England ; lamented their former perfidy, and "' 

(1) Mag. lib. 7, page 91. MS. Journal. 

* [Ma_jor Charles Frost, was the representative of Kittery in the General 
Court ot Massachusetts in the years 1058, IGdO and 1G(!1 , and was long an 
active and useful officer in the Indian wars. He is named by Hubbard in his 
Wars with the Eastern Indians, p. 28. Under the charter of William and 
Mary, at the first election of counsellors, in 1C93, he was selected for one of 
those to be chosen for Maine. He was probably related to the Frosts of New- 
Hampshire, where the name has continued with reputation from an early 
period to the present time.] 

t [It was in 1(597, on the 15 of March, that the town of Haverhill, in Massa- 
chusetts, was attacked by the Indians, and some of the prisoners there taken 
were brought into New-Hampshire, among whom was the intrepid Hannah 
Duston, whose story is well known. It was on a small island at tlie mouth 
of Contoocook river, about six miles above the State House in Concord, that 
she destroyed her captors. She and her coadjutors killed two men, two wo- 
men, and six others, and having scalped them, carried their scalps to Boston.] 



144 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [16D9. 

j)roniiscd future peace and good behaviour in such terms as the 
commissioners dictated, and with as much sincerity as could be 
expected. 1 At the same time, they restored those captives, who 
were able to travel from the places of their detention to Casco in 
that" unfavorable season of the year; giving assurance for the 
return of the others in the spring ; but many of the younger sort, 
both males and females, were detained ; who, mingling with the 
Indians, contributed to a succession of enemies in future wars 
against their own country. *2 

(1) Mag. lib. 7, page 94. (2) Hutch, vol. 2, page 110. 

* [I have endeavored to collect from various authorities, but principally 
from a MS. Journal of the Rev. John Pike, of Dover, a summary account of 
the depredations committed by the Indians in the Eastern part of New-Eng- 
land, during what Cotton Mather calls " Decennium Luctuosum, or the long 
War with the Indian Salvages," which is presented below in a tabular form, 
and so far as was practicable, in chronological order. Other depredations 
doubtless were committed of which no account is preserved. 





Time. 


Places attacked. JVo 


Killed. 


Wounded. 


Capt'd. 


1G89. 


28 June, 


Dover, 


23 





29 




August, 


Oyster River, (Durham) 


18 


— 


— 




August, 


Andovcr, Ms. 


2(1) 


— 


— 


1C90. 


2 February, 


Schenectady, N. Y. 


60 


— 


27 




18 March, 


Salmon-Falls, 


27 


— 


52 




22 August, 


York, Me. 


— 


— 


1 






Fox Point, (Newington) 


14 


— 


G 




4 July, 


Lamprey River, 


8 


— 


1 




5 July, 


Exeter, 


8 


— 


— 




(i July, 


Wheelwright's pond, (Lee 


) 16 


— 


— 




7 July, 


Amesbury, Ms. 


3 


— 


— 




July or Aug 


. Maquoit, Me. 


1 


1 







21 September, 


Maquoit, (near Casco) 


8 


24 


— 


1G92. 


25 January, 


York, Me. 


48 


— 







18 July, 


Lancaster, Ms. 


6 


1 







1 August, 


Billerica, Ms. 


G 


— 







28 September, 


Newichwannock,(S.Berwick)2 


— 







2!) September, 


Sandy Beach, (Rye) 


21(2) 


— 


— 


1G93. 


10 May, 


Dover, 


1(3) 


— 


— 


1094. 


18 July, 


Oyster River, 


94(4) 


— 


— 




21 July, 


Portsmouth, 


4 


— 


— 




27 July, 


Groton, Ms. 


22 


13 







20 August, 


Spruce Creek and York, 


5 


— 







24 August, 


Long Reach, (Kittery) 


8(5) 


— 


— 




4 September, 


Pond Plain. Ms. (G) 


2 


— 


— 


1695. 


28 March, 


Saco Fort. Me. 


1 


1 


— 




6 July, 


Kittery. Me. 


— 


1 


— 




7 July, 


York, Me. 


1 


— 


— 




July, 


Exeter, 


2 


— 


— 






Lancaster, Ms. 


1 


— 


— 






Haverhill, Ms. 


— 


2 


— 




5 August, 


Billerica, Ms. 


10 


5 


— 




August, 


Saco Fort, Me. 


1 


— 


— 



(1) Four from Andover died the same year in the war at the Eastward. — 
Abbot, Hist. Andover, 43. 

(2) This number includes those who were killed and carried away. Pike, 
MS. Journal. 

(3) This was Tobias Hanson, who is not named by Dr. Belknap. 

(4) Killed and carried away. 
(Ty) Killed and captured. 

(G) Between Amesbury and Haverhill, Ms. 



PROVINCE. JOHN USHKH. 



145 



A general view of an Indian war will give a jusl idea of these 
distressing times, and be a proper close to this narration. 

The Indians were seldom or never seen before they did exe- 
cution. They appeared not in the open field, nor gave proofs of 
a truly masculine courage ; but did their exploits by surprise, 
chiefly in the morning, keeping themselves hid behind logs and 
bushes, near the paths in the woods, or the fences contiguous to 
the doors of houses ; and their lurking holes could be known only 
by the report of their guns, which was indeed but feeble, as they 
were sparing of ammunition, and as near as possible to their object 
before diey fired. They rarely assaulted an house unless they 
knew there would be but little resistance, and it has been after- 
ward known that they have lain in ambush for days together, 
watching the motions of the people at their work, without daring 
to discover themselves. One of their chiefs, who had got a 
woman's riding-hood among his plunder, would put it on, in an 
evening, and walk into the streets of Portsmouth, looking into the 
windows of houses, and listening to the conversation of the people. 

Their cruelty was chiefly exercised upon children, and such 
aged, infirm, or corpulent persons as could not bear the hardships 
of a journey through the wilderness. If they took a woman far 



I69r). 

1G9G. 



1C97. 



1698. 



Time,. 
9 September, 
7 October, 
7 May, 

24 June, 
26 June, 

26 July, 
13 August, 
15 August, 

25 August, 
25 August, 

27 August, 
13 October, 
15 March, 
20 May, 

10 June, 

10 June, 
4 July, 

29 July, 
7 August, 
9 September, 

11 September, 
15 November, 
22 February, 

February, 
9 May, 
9 May, 



Places attacked. 

Pemaquid, Me. 4 

Newbury,' Ms. — 

Dover, (or near it) 1 

York, Me. 2 

Sagamores Creek, (Ports.) 24 



Ko. Killed. Wounded. 



Dove 

Andover, Ms. 
Haverhill, Ms. 
Oxford, Ma. 
Sandy Beach, 
Lubberland.(l) 
Saco Fort, Me. 
Haverhill, Ms, 
York, Me'. 
Groton, Ms. 
Exeter, 
Salisbury, Ms. 
Kittery, Me. 
Dover, 

Saco Fort, Me. 
Damariscotta, Me. 
Lancaster, Ms. 
Johnson's Creek, 
Andover, Ms. 
Haverhill, Ms. 
Spruce Creek, Me. 
York, Me. 



Cap't. 
9 



40(2) — 



1 
1 

1 
3 
3 
12 
21 
1 
5 
2 
1 



12 
2 



(1) This place was in New-Hampshire. 

(2) This was the number killed and taken. Mr. Saltonstall in hie Hi»l. of 
Haverhill, p. 8, says that, " In 1697, fourteen persons were killed, [in Haver- 
hill] eight of them children." These he makes in addition to the above 40 
killed and taken when Mrs. Dustou was captured, the time of which he er- 
roneously places under 1698.] 

21 



14G HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

advanced in pregnancy, tlieir knives were plunged into her bo\v'- 
els. An infant, when it became troublesome, had its brains dash- 
ed out against the next tree or stone. Sometimes to torment the 
wretched mother, they would whip and beat the child till almost 
dead, or hold it under water till its breath was just gone, and then 
throw it to her to comlbrt and quiet it. If the mother could not 
readily still its weeping, the hatchet was buried in its skull. A 
captive wearied with a burden laid on his shoulders was often 
sent to rest the same way. If any one proved refractory, or was 
known to have been instrumental of the death of an Indian, or re- 
lated to one who had been so, he was tortured with a lingering 
punishment, generally at the stake, whilst the other captives were 
insulted with the sight of his miseries. Sometimes a fire would 
be kindled and a threatening given out against one or more, though 
there was no intention of sacrificing them, only to make sport of 
their terrors. The young Indians often signalized their cruelty 
in treating captives inhumanly out of sight of the elder, and when 
inquiry was made into the matter, the insulted captive must either 
be silent or put the best face on it, to prevent worse treatment for 
the future. If a captive appeared sad and dejected he Mas sure 
to meet with insult ; but if he could sing and dance and laugh 
with his masters, he was carressed as a brother. They had a 
strong aversion to negroes, and generally killed them when they 
fell into their hands. 

Famine was a common attendant on these doleful captivities. 
The Indians when they cauglit any game devoured it all at one 
sitting, and then girding themselves round the waist, travelled 
without sustenance till chance threw more in their way. The 
captives, unused to such canine repasts and abstinences, could not 
support the surfeit of the one, nor the craving of the other. A 
change of masters, though it sometimes proved a relief from mis- 
ery, yet rendered the prospect of a return to their homes more 
distant. If an Indian had lost a relative, a prisoner bought for a 
gun, a hatchet, or a few skins, must supply the place of the de- 
ceased, and be the father, brother, or son of the purchaser ; and 
those who could accommodate themselves to such barbarous 
adoption, were treated with the same kindness as the persons in 
whose place they were substituted. A sale among the French 
of Canada was the most happy event to a captive, especially if 
he became a servant in the family ; though sometimes, even there, 
a prison was their lot, till opportunity presented for their redemp- 
tion ; whilst the priests employed every seducing art to pervert 
them to the popish religion, and induce them to abandon their 
country. These circumstances, joined with the more obvious 
hardships of travelling half naked and barefoot through pathless 
deserts, over craggy mountains and deep swamps, through frost, 
rain and snow, exposed by day and night to the inclemency of 



PROVINCE. JOHN USHER. 147 

ihc weather, and in summer to the venomous stings of those num- 
berless insects with which the woods abound ; the restless anxiety 
of mind, the retrospect of past scenes of pleasure, the remem- 
brance of distant friends, die bereavements experienced at die 
beginning or during the progress of the captivity, and the daily 
apprehension of death either by famine or the savage enemy ; 
these were the horrors of an Indian captivity. 

On the other hand, it must be acknowledged that there have 
been instances of justice, generosity and tenderness during these 
wars which would have done honor to a civilized ])eople. A 
kindness shewn to an Indian was remembered as long as an in- 
jury ; and persons have had their lives spared, for acts of human- 
ity done to the ancestors of those Indians, into whose hands they 
have fallen.* They would sometimes " carry children on their 
" arms and shoulders, feed their prisoners with the best of their 
" provision, and pinch themselves radier than their captives should 
" want food." When sick or wounded, they would afford them 
proper means for their recovery, which they were very well able 
to do by their knowledge of simples. In thus preserving the lives 
and health of their prisoners, they doubdess had a view of gain. 
But the most remarkably favorable circumstance in an Indian 
captivity, was their decent behaviour to women. I have never 
read, nor heard, nor could find by inquiry, that any woman who 
fell into their hands was ever treated with the least immodesty ; 
but testimonies to the contrary are very frequent. f Whether 
this negative virtue is to be ascribed to a natural frigidity of con- 
stitution, let philosophers inquire : The fact is certain ; and it 
was a most happy circumstance for our female captives, that in 

* Several instances to this purpose have been occasionally mentioned in the 
course of this narrative. The following additional one is taken from Capt. 
Hammond's MS. Journal. " April 13, 1G77. The Indians Simon. Andrew 
" and Peter burnt the house of Edward Weymouth at Sturgeon creek. They 
" plundered the house of one Crawley but did not kill him, because of soma 
" kindness done to Simon's grandmother." 

t Mary Rowlaudson who was captured at Lancaster, in 1G7.5, has this pas- 
sage in her narrative, (p. 55.) '• I have been in the midst of these roaring 
iions and savage bears, that feared neither God nor man nor the devil, by day 
and night, alone and in company ; sleeping all sorts together, and yet not one 
of them ever oft'ered mo the least abuse of unchastity in word or action." 

Elizabeth Hanson who was taken from Dover in 1724, testifies in her nar- 
rative, (p. 28) that '■ tlie Indians are very civil toward their captive women, 
not offering any incivility by any indecent carriage." 

William Fleming, who was taken in Pennsylvania, in 1755, says the In- 
dians told him '• he need not be afraid of their abusing his wife, for they 
would not do it, for fear of offending tlieir God (pointing'their hands toward 
heaven) for the man that affronts his God will surely be'^killed when he goes 
to war." He farther says. th;il one of them gave his wife a shift and petticoat 
which he had among his plunder, and tJiougii he was alone with her, yet '• he 
turned his back, and went to some distance whilst she put them on." (p. 10.) 

Charlevoix in liis accountof the Indians of Canada, says, (letter 7) '"There 
is no e.\ample that any have ever taken the least liberty with the Frencli 
women, even when they were thoir prisoners." 



148 HISTORY OF .NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

the midst of all their distresses, they had no reason to fear from 
a savage foe, the perpetration of a crime, which has too frequently 
disgraced, not only the personal, hut the national character of 
those, who make large pretences to civilization and humanity. 



CHAPTER XI. 

The civil affairs of tlie Province during the administrations of UnliPr, Part- 
ridge, Allen, the Earl of Bellomont and Dudley, comprehending tlie wholt* 
controvers}' with Allen and his heirs. 

John Usher, Esquire, was a native of Boston, and by profes- 
sion a stationer. He was possessed of an handsome fortune, and 
sustained a fair character in trade. He had been employed by 
the Massachusetts government, when in England, to negotiate the 
purchase of the province of Maine, from the heirs of Sir Ferdin- 
ando Gorges, and had tlicreby got a taste for speculating in land- 
ed interest. He was one of the partners in the million purchase, 
and had sanguine expectations of gain from that quarter. He 
had rendered himself unpopular among his countrymen, by ac- 
cepting the office of treasurer, under Sir Edmund Andros, and 
joining with apparent zeal in the measures of that administration, 
and he continued a friendly connexion with that party, after they 
were displaced.' 

Though not illnatured, but rather of an open and generous dis- 
position, yet he wanted those accomplishments which he might 
have acquired by a learned and polite education. He had but 
litde of the .statesman, and less of the courtier. Instead of an 
engaging aftability he affected a severity in his deportment, was 
loud in conversation, and stern in command. Fond of presiding 
in government, he frequently journeyed into the province, (though 
his residence was at Boston, where he carried on his business as 
usual,) and often summoned the council, when he had little or 
nothing to lay before them. He gave orders, and found fault 
like one who felt himself independent, and was determined to be 
obeyed. He had an high idea of his authority "and the dignity of 
his commission ; and when opposed and insulted, as he some- 
times was, he treated die offenders with a severity, which he 
would not relax, till he had brought them to submission. His 
public speeches were always incorrect, and sometimes coarse and 
reproachful.- 

He seems, however, to have taken as much care for the inter- 
est and preservation of the province as one in his circumstances 

(l)l^slicr"s ]iaprrs. (2) T'roviuco files. 



PIIOVLN'CE. JOHN USIIKU. MO 

could have done. He began liis administration in the height of 
a war, which greatly distressed and impoverished the country, 
yet his views from the beginning were lucrative.* The people 
perceived these views, and were aware of the danger. The 
transfer of the title from iNIason to Allen was only a change of 
names. They expected a repetition of the same difficulties under 
a new claimant. After the opposition they had hitherto made, 
it could not be thought strange that men whose pulse heat high 
for freedom, should refuse to submit to vassalage ; nor, whilst 
they were on one side defending their possessions against a sav- 
age enemy, could it be expected, that on the other, they should 
tamely suffer the intrusion of a landlord. Usher's interest was 
united with theirs in jn-oviding for the defence of the country, and 
contending with the enemy ; but when the proprietary of the soil 
was in quesdon, they stood on opposite sides ; and as both these 
controversies were carried on at the same time, the conduct of 
the people toward him varied according to the exigency of the 
case. They sometimes voted him thanks for his services, and 
at other times complained of his abusing and oppressing them. 

Some of them would have been content to have held their es- 
tates under Allen's title,f but the greater part, including the 
principal men, were resolved to oppose it to the last extremity. 
They had an aversion not only to the proprietary claim on their 
lands, but their separation from the IMassachusetts government, 
under which they had formerly enjoyed so much freedom and 
peace. They had petitioned to be re-annexed to them, at the 
time of the rev'olution ; and they were always very fond of ap- 
plying to them for help in their difficulties, that it might appear 
how unable they were to subsist alone. They knew also that the 
Massachusetts people were as averse as themselves to Allen's 
claim, which extended to a great part of their lands, and was 
particularly noticed in their new charter. 

Soon after Usher's arrival, he made inquiry for the papers 
which contained the transactions relative to Mason's suits. Du- 
ring the suspension of government in 1G89, Captain John Picker- 
ing, J a man of a rough and adventurous spirit, and a lawyer, had 
gone with a company of armed men to the house of Chamberlain, 
the late secretary and clerk, and demanded the records and files 

" In a letter to George Dorrington and John Taylor in London, he writfs 
tlius : *• Jan. 2fl, 1(592 — 3. In case yourselves are concerned in the province 
" of'New-IIanipshire. with prudent management it may be worth money, the 
" people only paying 4d and 2d per acre. The reason why the commonalty 
" of the people do not agree is because 3 or 4 of the great landed men dissuade 
" them from it. The people have petitioned the king to be anne.xed to Bos- 
" ton government, but it will not be for the proprietor's interest to admit of 
" that unless the king sends a general governor over all." 

t " I liave 40 hands in Exeter who desire to take patents for land from you, 
'' and many in otlier towns." Usher to Allen. October, 1005. 

+ [He often wrote his name PickerinJ 



150 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1693. 

which were in his possession. Chamberlain refused to deliver 
them without some legal warrant for security ; but Pickering took 
them by force, and conveyed them over the river to Kittery. 
Pickering was summoned before the governor, threatened and im- 
prisoned, but for some time would neither deliver the books, nor 
discover the place of their concealment, unless by order of the 
assembly and to some person by them ajipointed to receive them. 
At length, however, he was constrained to deliver them, and they 
were put into the hands of the secretary, by the lieutenant-gov- 
ernor's order. 

Another favorite point with Usher was to have the boundary 
between New-Hampshire and Massachusetts ascertained. There 
ifiQ"? were reasons which induced some of the people to fall in 
with this desire. The general idea was, that New-Hamp- 
shire began at the end of three miles north of the river Merri- 
mack ; which imaginary line was also the boundary of the ad- 
joining townships on each side. The people who lived, and 
owned lands near these limits, pretended to belong to either prov- 
ince, as best suited their conveniency ; which caused a difficulty 
in the collecting of taxes, and cutting of timber. The town of 
■•(^qr Hampton was sensibly affected with these difficulties, and 
Oct 1-2 petitioned the council that the line might be run. The 
council appointed a committee of Hampton men to do it, 
and gave notice to Massachusetts of their intention ; desiring them 
to join in the affair.^ They disliked it, and declined to act ; upon 
which, the lieutenant-governor and council of New-Hampshire 
caused the boundary line to be run from the sea-shore three 
miles northward of Merrimack, and parallel to the river, as far 
as any settlements had been made, or lands occupied.^ 

The only attempt made to extend the settlement of the lands 
during these times, was, that h\ the spring of the year 1694, whilst 
there was a trvice with the Indians, Usher granted a charter for 
the township of Kingston, to about twenty petitioners from Hamp- 
ton. They were soon discouraged by the dangers and difficul- 
ties of the succeeding hostilities, and many of them returned 
home within two years. After die war, they resumed their en- 
terprise ; but it was not till the year 1725, that they were able to 
obtain the settlement of a minister. No alteradons took place 
in the old towns, except the separation of Great-Island, Litde- 
^Cqc Harbor, and Sandy-Beach, from Portsmouth, and their 
erecdon into a town by the name of New-Casde ; togeth- 
er widi the annexation of that part of Squamscot patent which 
now bears the name of Stradiam, to Exeter, it having before been 
connected with Hampton. ^ 

The lieutenant-governor was very forward in these transactions, 

(1) Prov. files. (2) Brief of thp case ofN. II. and Mass. stated by Strang* 
and Hollings, 1738, p. 8. (3) Prov. files. 



1693.] PROVINCE. JOHN USHER. 101 

thinking them circumstances favoral)lc to his views, and iieing 
willing to recommend himself to the people by seconding their 
wishes as far as was consistent with the interest he moaned to 
serve. The people, however, regarded the settling and dividing 
of townships, and the running of lines, only as mailers of general 
convenience, and continued to be disgusted with his administra- 
tion. His repeated calls upon them for money were answered 
by repeated pleas of poverty, and requests for assistance from the 
neighboring province. Usher used all his influence with that gov- 
ernment to obtain a supply of men to garrison the frontiers ; and 
when they wanted provisions for the garrisons, and could not read- 
ily raise the money, he would advance it out of his own purse 
and wait till the treasury could reimburse it. 

During the two or three first years of his administration the 
public charges were provided for as they had been before, by an 
excise on wines and other spirituous liquors, and an impost on 
merchandize. These duties being laid only from year to year, 
Usher vehemently urged upon the assembly a renewal of 
the act, and an extension of the duty to articles of export ; „ * 
and that a part of the money so raised might be applied to °^''' • 
the support of government. The answer he obtained was, that 
' considering the exposed state of the province, they were obliged 
' to apply all the money they could raise to their defence ; and 
' therefore ihey were not capable of doing any thing for the sup- 
' port of government, though they were sensible his honor had 
' been at considerable expense. They begged that he would join 
' with the council in representing to the king, the poverty and 
' danger of the province, that such methods might be taken for 
' their support and preservation as to the royal wisdom should 
* seem meet.' Being further pressed upon the subject, they pass- 
ed a vote to lay the proposed duties for one year, ' provided he 
' and the council would join with them in petitioning the king to 
' annex them to Massachusetts.' 

He had the mortification of being disappointed in his expecta- 
tions of gain, not only from the people, but from his employer. 
Allen had promised him two hundred and fifty pounds per annum 
for executing his commission ; and when at the end of the third 
year, Usher drew on him for the payment of this sum, his bill came 
back protested.* This was the more mortifying, as he had as- 
siduously and faithfully attended to Allen's interest, and acquaint- 
ed him from time to time with the means'he had used, the diffi- 
culties he had encountered, the pleas he had urged, the time he 
had spent, and die expense he liad incurred in defence and sup- 
port of his claim. He now desired him to come over and assume 
the government himself, or get a successor to him appointed in 

* It is probable that Allen was not able to comply witli this demand. The 
purchase of the province from the Masons had been made •• with other men's 
money." Letter of lusher to Sir Matthew Dudley. Sept 1718. 



152 lllxnoin UF >EW-I1AMP!SHIHE. [1695. 

the ofiice of ricutenaiit-governor.' He did not know that the peo- 
ple were hefore liand of him ia this latter request. 

On a pretence of disloyalty he had removed Hinckes, Wal- 
dron and Vaughan from their seats in the council.* The former 
ol' these was a man who could change with the times ; the two 
latter were steady opposcrs of the proprietary claim. Their sus- 
pension irritated the people, who, by their inliuence, privately 
agreed to reconmiend William Partridge, Esq., as a proper person 
for their lieutenant-governor in Usher's stead. Partridge was a 
native of Portsmouth, a shipwright, of an extraordinary mechan- 
ical genius, of a politic turn of mind, and a popular man. He 
was treasurer of the province, and had been ill used by Usher. 
Being largely concerned in trade he was well known in England, 
having supplied the navy with masts and timber. His sudden de- 
parture for England was very surprising to Usher, who could not 
imagine he had any other business than to settle his accounts. — 
But the surprise was greatly increased, when he returned 
1697. ^viti^ a commission appointing him lieutenant-governor and 

"■ commander in chief in Allen's absence." It was obtained 
of the lords justices in the king's absence, by the interest of Sir 
Henry Ashurst, and was dated June 6, 1696. 

Immediately on his arrival, his appointment was publicly made 
known to the people ; though, either from the delay of making 
out his instructions, or for want of the form of an oath necessary to 
be taken, the commission was not published in the usual manner. 
But the party in opposition to Usher triumphed. The suspended 
counsellors resumed their seats, Pickering was made king's attor- 
ne}', and Hinkes, as president of the council, opened the 
■ assembly with a speech. This assembly ordered the records 
which had been taken from Pickering to be deposited in the hands 
of Major Vaughan, who was appointed recorder : in consequence 
of which they have been kept in that office ever since.^ 

Usher being at Boston when this alteration took place, wrote to 
them, declaring that no commission could supersede his, till duly 
published ; and intimated his intention of coming hither, " if he 
could be safe with his life." He also despatched his secretary, 
Charles Story, to England, with an account of this trans- 
^ ■ " ■ action, which in one of his private letters he styles " the 
Pascataqua rebellion ;" adding, that " the militia were raised, and 
forty horse sent to seize him ;" and intimating that the confusion 
was so great, that " if But three French ships were to appear, he 

(1) Usher's letter to Allen, July and Oct. 1G95. (2) Ashurst's letters in 
files. (3) MS. Laws. 

* [The alleged cause of the suspension of Waldron and Vaughan was their 
refusing to take the oath of allegiance, according to a Law of the Province 
of July, 16%, requiring all male persons from 16 years old and upwards to 
Uke said oath, and for refusing to sign an association paper according to th« 
form of the statute in England ] 



1697.] PROVINCE. WILLIAM PARTRIDGE. 153 

believed they would surrender on die first summons. "^ The ex- 
treme imprudence of sending such a letter across die Adantic in 
time of war, was suU heightened by an apprehension which then 
prevailed, that the French were preparing an armament to invade 
the country, and that " they particularly designed for Pascataqua 



river 



552 



In answer to his complaint, the lords of trade directed him to 
continue in the place of lieutenant-governor, till Partridge should 
qualify himself, or till Richard, Earl of Bcllomont, should ^^ g 
arrive ; who was commissioned to the government of New- 
York, Massachusetts Bay and New-Hampshire ; but had not yet 
departed from England. Usher received the letter from the lords 
together with the articles of peace which had been con- 
eluded at Ryswick, and immediately set off for New- 
Hampshire, (where he had not been for a year) proclaimed the 
peace, and published the orders he had received, and j^^^ ^^ 
having proceded thus far, " thought all well and quiet." 
But his opposers having held a consultation at night. Partridge's 
commission was the next day published in form ; he took „ 
the oaths, and entered on the administration of govern- 
ment,^ to die complete vexation and disappointment of Usher, who 
had been so elated with the confirmation of his commission, that 
as he passed through Hampton, he had forbidden the minister of 
that place to observe a thanksgiving day, which had been appoint- 
ed by President Hinckes.* 

An assembly being called, one of their first acts was to write to 
the lords of trade, ' acknowledging the favor of the king 

* in appointing one of their own inhabitants to the command l^y^* 
' of the province, complaining of Usher, and alleging that 

' there had been no disturbances but what he himself had made ; de- 
' daring that diose counsellors whom he had suspended were loy- 
' al subjects, and capable of serving the king ; and informing their 
' lordships that Partridge had now qualified himself, and that they 

* were waiting the arrival of the Earl of Bellomont.' 

They also deputed Jchabod Plaisted to wait on the Earl at 
New-York, and compliment him on his arrival. ' If he should 
' find his lordship high, and reserved, and not easy of access, he 
' was instructed to employ some gentleman who was in his confi- 
' dence to manage the business ; but if easy and free, he was to 

* wait on him in person ; to tell him how joyfully they received 
' the news of his appointment, and that they daily expected Gov- 
' ernor Allen, whose commission would be accounted good, 

* till his lordship's should be published, and to ask his advice, 
' how they should behave in such a case.'^ The principal design 
of this message was to make Uieir court to the earl, and get the 

(1) Usher's Letters. (2) Lt. Gov. Stoughton"s letter of Feb. 22, in files. 
(3) Usher's papers. (4) Council files. (5) Plaisted's instructions, in files. 

22 



154 HISTORY OF iNEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1698. 

Start of Usher, or any of his friends, who niiglit prepossess him 
with an opinion to their disadvantage. But if this should have 
liappened, Plalsted was directed ' to observe what reception they 
' met with. If his lordship was ready to come this way, he was 
' to beg leave to attend him as far as Boston, and then ask his 
' permission to return home ;' and he was furnished with a letter 
of credit to defray his expenses. This message, which shows 
the contrivers to be no mean politicians, had the desired efTect. 

The earl continued at New-York for the first year after his ar- 
rival in America ; during which time, Governor Allen came over, 
as it was expected, and his commission being still in force, 

°' ■ he took the oaths and assumed the command. Upon 
Sept. 15. which, Usher again made his appearance in council, 
Nov 29 where he produced the letter from the lords of trade, 
claiming his place as lieutenant-governor, and declared 
that the suspended counsellors had no right to sit till restored by 
the king's order. This brought on an altercation, wherein Elliot 
affirmed, that Partridge was duly qualified and in office, that 
Waldron and Vaughan had been suspended without cause, and 
that if they were not allowed to sit, the rest were determined to 
resign. The governor declared Usher to be of the council ; upon 
which Elliot withdrew. 

At the succeeding assembly, two new counsellors appeared ; 
Joseph Smith, and Kingsly Hall.* The first day passed quietly. 
fiQO '^ ''® governor approved Pickering as speaker of the house ; 
Ja 5' ^°'^ them he had assumed the government, because the 
Earl of Bellomont had not arrived ; recommended a con- 
tinuance of the excise and powder money, and advised them to 
send a congratulatory message to the Earl at New- York. The 
next day, the house answered, that they had continued 
the customs and excise till November, that they had al- 
ready congratulated the earl, and received a kind answer, and 
were waiting his arrival ; ivhen they should enter further on busi- 
ness. They complained that Allen's conduct had been grievous 
in forbidding the collecting of the last tax, whereby the public 
debts were not paid ; in displacing sundry fit persons, and ap- 
pointing others less fit, and admitting Usher to be of the council, 
though superseded by Partridge's commission. These things, 
they told him, had obliged some members of the council and as- 
sembly to apply to his lordship for relief, and, " unless he should 
manage with a more moderate hand," they threatened him with 
second application. 

The same day. Coffin and Weare moved a question in council, 
whether Usher was one of that body. He asserted his privilege, 
and obtained a major vote. They then entered their dissent, and 

* [Joseph Smith was of Hampton. Kingsly Hall was of Exeter. The 
last married a daughter of Rev. Samuel Dudley.] 



1G99.] PROVINCE. BELLOMONT. 155 

desired a dismission. The a;overnor forbade their departure. 
Weare answered that he would not, by sitting there, put contempt 
on the king's commission, meaning Partridge's, and withdrew. 
The next day, the assembly ordered the money arising from the 
impost and excise to be kept in the treasury, till the Earl of Bell- 
omont's arrival; and the governor dissolved them. 

These violences on his part were supposed to originate from 
Usher's resentment, and his overbearing influence upon Allen, 
who is said to have been rather of a pacific and condescending 
disposition. The same ill temper continued during the remainder 
of this short administration. The old counsellors, excepting Fry- 
er, refused to sit. Sampson Sheafe and Peter Weare made up 
tiie quorum. Sheafe was also secretary ; Smith treasurer, and 
William Ardell sheriff. The constables refused to collect the 
taxes of the preceeding year, and the governor was obliged to 
revoke his orders, and commission the former constables to do 
the duty which he had forbidden.*^ 

In the spring, the earl of Bellomont set out for his eastern gov- 
ernments. The council voted an address, and sent a committee, 
of which Usher was one, to present it to him at Boston ; and 
preparations were made for his reception in New-Hampshire ; 
where he, at length, came and published his commission, . 
to the great joy of the people, v.ho now saw at the head 
of the government, a nobleman of distinguished figure and polite 
manners, a firm friend to the revolution, a favorite of King Will- 
iam, and one who had no interest in oppressing them. 

(1) MS. in the files. 

* [On the 6 January, 1C99, the Eastern Indians renewed their submission 
to the Crown of England, at Casco Bay, near " Mare's point," (Coll. N. H. 
Hist. Soc. ii. 2G5 — 267) whereupon lieutenant-o;overnor Stoughton issued a 
proclamation, a copy ofwhich was sent to governor Allen, of New-Hampshire, 
accompanied with the following letter, latel}' discovered among secretary 
W.ildron's papers. 

'• Ilonlilc i)ir : — Upon the late submission made by the Eastern Indians 
whicii it's lioped will settle all things in a present quiet, I have thought fit, 
with the advice and consent of liis IVIa:t,ys Council liere, to emit a Proclama- 
tion (copy whereof is enclosed) to promote the regular settlement of the East- 
ern parts of this Province, and for regulating of Trade with tlie Indians, the 
better to secure and preserve his Ma'tys Interests and tlie future peace and 
tranquillity of his subjects, that no just provocation may be given to tiie In- 
dians, or any abuse or injustice done thena therein — the terms wliereof the 
governmt. here expect an exact compliance witli, and conformity unto. And 
judge it necessary for his Ma'tys service that your honour be acquainted 
therewith, to the end his Ma : tys subjects within your Government may be 
notified thereof in such way as you sliall think most adviseable, tliat neither 
the good intent of the sd. Proclamation be defeated, nor they suffer any loss 
or damage by acting any thing contrary tliereunto witliin tlie jiarts of this his 
Ma: tys (Grovernment. Assuring my selfe nothing will be'wanting on your 
honor's part to prevent the mischief es that may ensue upon neglect of the due 
observance thereof, I am with much respect. Sir, 

Your very humble servant, 

Wm. Stoughtow." 

" Boston, February 16th : 1098. "(1) 

(1) That is 1698-9.] 



15(5 HISTORY OP NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1699. 

During the controversy with Allen, Partridge had withdrawn ; 
but upon this change, he look his seat as lieutenant-governor, and 
the displaced counsellors were again called to the board. A pe- 
tition was presented against the judges of the superior court, and 
a proclamation was issued for justices of the peace and constables 
only to continue in office, whereby the judges' commissions de- 
termined. Richard Jose was made sheriff in the room of Ardell, 
and Charles Story secretary in the room of Sheafe. 

The government was now modelled in favor of the peo})le, and 
they rejoiced in the change, as they apprehended the way was 
opened for an effectual settlement of their long continued diffi- 
culties and disputes. Both parties laid their complaints before 
the governor, who wisely avoided censuring either, and advised 
to a revival of the courts of justice, in which the main controversy 
might be legally decided. This was agreed to, and the necessary- 
acts being passed by an assembly, (who also presented the earl 
with five hundred pounds which lie obtained the king's leave to 
accept) after about eighteen day's stay, he quitted the province, 
leaving Partridge, now quietly seated in the chair, to appoint the 
judges of the respective courts. Hinckes was made chief jus- 
tice of the superior court, with Peter Coffin, John Gerrish and 
John Plaisted for assistants; Waldron chief justice of the inferior 
court, with Henry Dow, Theodore Atkinson and John Woodman 
for assistants.^ 

One principal object of the earl's attention was, to fortify the 
harbor, and provide for the defence of the country in case of 
another war. He had recommended to the assembly, in his 
speech, the building of a strong fort on Great Island, and after- 
ward, in his letters, assured them that if they would provide ma- 
^„ „ terials, he would endeavor to prevail on the king to be at 
June (3 ^'^^ expense of erecting it. Col. Romer, a Dutch En- 
gineer, having viewed the spot, produced to the assembly 
an estimate of the cost and transportation of materials, amounting 
to above six thousand pounds. They were amazed at the pro- 
posal ; and retiuMied for answer to the governor, that in their 
greatest difficulties, when their lives and estates w^ere in the most 
imminent hazard, they were never able to raise one thousand 
pounds in a year ;* that they had been exceedingly impoverished 

(1) Council Records. 

* I have here placed in one view such assessments as I have been able to 
find during the preceding war, with tlie proportion of each town, which varied 
according to their respective circumstances at different times. MS. Laws. 





irm. 


1693. 


J6i>4. 


IG'Jj. 


Uncert. 


1697. 


Portsmouth, 


70 


210 


167 




12'.t <! 


140 1 6 


Hampton, 


66 13 4 


200 


230 




172 14 G 


187 2 4 1-2 


Dover, 


30 


110 


J)0 




117 Hi G 


127 n 71-2 


Exeter, 


33 6 8 


bO 


127 




106 16 


115 14 


New-Castle, 


£200 


JtGOO 


66 
X700 


X400 


73 7 


79 12 6 




jEGOO 


£650 



1700.] PROVINCE. BELLOMONT, 157 

by a long war, and were now struggling under an heavy debt, 
besides being engaged in a controversy with " a pretended pro- 
prietor j" that they liad expended more " blood and money" to 
secure his majesty's interest and dominion in New-England than 
the intrinsic value of their estates, and that the fortifying of the 
harbor did as much concern Massachusetts as themselves ; but 
they concluded with assuring his lordship, that if he were 
" thoroughly acquainted with their miserable, poor and mean cir- 
" cumstances, they would readily submit to whatever he should 
*' think them capable of doing. "^ They were also required to 
furnish their quota of men to join with the other colonies in de- 
fending the frontiers of New- York in case of an attack.* This, 
they thought extremely hard, not only because they had never 
received the least assistance from New-York in the late wars, but 
because an opinion prevailed among them, that their enemies had 
received supplies from the Dutch at Albany, and that the plunder 
taken from their desolated towns had been sold in that place. 
There was, however, no opportunity for affording this assistance, 
as the New-Yorkers took care to maintain a good understanding 
with the French and Indians, for the benefit of trade.^ 

But to return to Allen : He had as litde prospect of success in 
the newly established courts, as the people had, when Mason's 
suits were carried on under Cranfield's government.^ On ex- 
amining the records of the superior court, it was found that twen- 
ty-four leaves were missing, in which, it was supposed, the judg- 
ments recovered by Mason were recorded. No evidence appeared 
of his having obtained possession. The work was to begin anew; 
and Waldron, being one of the principal landholders and most 
strenuous opposers of the claim, was singled out to stand fore- 
most in the controversy with Allen, as his faUierhad with Mason. 
The cause went through the courts, and was invariably given in 
favor of the defendant with costs. Allen's only refuge ^ 

was in an appeal to the king, which the court, following 
the example of their brethren in the Massachusetts, refused to 
admit. He then petitioned the king ; who, by an order in coun- 
cil, granted him an appeal, allowing him eight months to prepare 
for its prosecution. 

The refusal of an appeal could not fail of being highly resented 
in England. It was severely animadverted on by the -_,p., 
lords of trade, who, in a letter to the Earl of Bellomont ^ ,^^ 
upon this occasion, say : " This declining to admit ap- 

(1) MS. in files. (2) Smith's Hist. New-York, p. 108, 175, 214. (.^) Print- 
ed state of Allen's title, p. 9. 

* The quotas of men to be furnished by each government for the defence of 
New- York, if attacked, were as follows, viz. 

Massachusetts 350 New-York 200 Pennsylvania 80 

New-Hampshire 40 East New-Jersey GO Maryland 160 

Rhode-Island 48 West New-Jersey 60 Virginia 240 

Connecticut 120 



158 HISTORY OF NEVV-IIAMPSHIRE. [1701. 

" peals to his Majesty in council, is a matter which you ought 
" very carefully to watch against in all your governments. 
' " It is an humor that prevails so much in proprieties and 
" charter colonies, and the Independency they thirst after is now 
" so notorious, that it has been thought fit those considerations, 
" together with other objections against those colonies, should be 
" laid before the parliament ; and a bill has thereupon been 
" brought into the house of lords for re-uniting the right of gov- 
" ernment in their colonies to the crown. "^ 

Before this letter was written, the earl died at New- York, to the 

great regret of the people in his several governments, 

among whom he had made himself very popular. A copy 

of the letter was sent to New-York ; but the bill mentioned in it 

was not passed into an act of parliament. For some reasons of 

state, it was rejected by the house of lords. 

The assembly of New-Hampshire, having now a fair opportu- 
nity, endeavoured as much as possible lo provide for their own 
security ; and passed two acts, the one for confirming the 
' grants of lands which had been made within their several 
townships ; the other for ascertaining the bounds of them." Part- 
ridge gave his consent to these acts ; but Allen had the address 
to get them disallowed and repealed because there was no re- 
serve made in them of the proprietor's righl.^ 

The controversy being brought before the king, both sides pre- 
pared to attend the suit. Allen's age, and probably want of cash, 
prevented his going in person ; he therefore appointed Usher to 
act for him, having previously mortgaged one half of the 
' province to him, for fifteen hundred pounds. Vaughan 
was appointed agent for the province, and attorney to Waldron. 
- _^^ It being a general interest, the assembly bore the expense, 
MavS!) ^"^ notwithstanding their pleas of poverty on other occa- 
sions, provided a fund, on which, the agent might draw in 
case of the emergency. 

In the mean time. King William died, and Queen Anne ap- 
pointed Joseph Dudley, Esq., formerly president of New-England, 
to be governor of Massachusetts and New-Hampshire ; whose 
J . ^ commission being published at Portsmouth, the assem- 
bly, by a well timed present, interested him in their 
favor, and afterward settled a salary on him during his adminis- 
tration, agreeably to the queen's instructions, who, about this 
time, forbade her governors to receive any but settled salaries."* 

When Allen's appeal came before the queen in council, it was 
found that his attorney had not brought proof that Mason had ever 
been legally in possession ;^ for want of this, the judgment recov- 
ered by Waldron was affirmed ; but the order of council directed 
that the appellant ' should be at liberty to begin de novo by a writ 

H) MS. in files. (2) Hutch, vol. 2, p. 131. (3) MS. Laws. (-1) Council 
ajid Assembly Records. (5) Printed state of Allen's title, p. 9. 



1702.] PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. 159 

* of ejectment in the courts of New-Hampsliire, to try lii.s title to 

* the lands, or to quit rents payable for the same ; and that if any 
' doubt in law should arise, the jury should declare what titles each 
' party did severally make out to tlie lauds in question, and that 
' the points in law should be referred to the court ; or if any doubt 
' should arise concerning the evidence, it should be specially 
' stated in writing, that if either party should appeal to her maj- 
' esty, she might be more fully informed, in order to a final de- 
' termination.'^ 

While this appeal was depending, a petition was presented to 
the queen, praying that Allen might be put in possession of the 
waste lands. This petition was referred to Sir Edward Northey. 
attorney general, who was ordered to report on three questions, 
viz. ]. Whether Allen had a right to the wastes. 2. What 
lands ought to be accounted waste. 3. By what method her 
majesty might put him into possession. At the same time. Usher 
was making interest to be re-appointed lieutenant-governor of the 
province. Upon this, Vaughan entered a complaint to the queen, 
setting forth 'that Allen claimed as waste ground, not only a 
large tract of unoccupied land, but much of that which had been 
long enjoyed by the inhabitants, as common pasture, within the 
bounds of their several townships. That Usher, by his former 
managements and misdemeanors when in office, had forced 
some of die principal inhabitants to quit the province, and had 
greatly harassed and disgusted all the rest, rendering himself 
quite unacceptable to them. That he was interested in the suits 
now depending, as on Allen's death, he would, in right of his 
wife, be entitled to part of the estate. Wherefore, it was hum- 
bly submitted, whether it would be proper to appoint, as lieu- 
tenant-governor, one whose interest and endeavor it would be 
to disseize the people of their ancient estates, and render them 
uneasy ; and it was prayed that no letters might be wrote to put 
Allen in possession of the wastes, till the petitioner should be 
heard by council.'^ 

Usher's interest however prevailed. The attorney-general 
reported, that ' Allen's claim to the wastes was valid ; that , -.^..^ 
' all lands unenclosed and unoccupied were to be reputed j oa' 
' waste; that he might enter into and take possession of 
' them, and if disturbed, might assert his right and prosecute tres- 
' passers in the courts there ; but that it would not be proper for 
' her majesty to interpose, unless the question should come be- 
' fore her by appeal from those courts ; save, that it might be 
' reasonable to direct (if Allen should insist on it at the trials) 
' that matters of fact be found specially by the juries, and that 

* these special matters should be made to appear on an appeal.'^ 

(I) MS. Copy of Lords Trade Report in 1758. Filea of the Superior Court. 
(2) Usher's papers. (3) Superior Court Files. 



IGO HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMrSHIRE. [1703. 

Soon after this, Usher obtained a second commission as lieu- 
tenant-governor ; but was expressly restricted from intermedling 
J ] 26 ' ^^'^'^ ^'^*^ appointment of judges or juries, or otherwise, in 
" ^ " ' matters relating to the disputes between Allen and the 

* inhabitants.' The people did not relish this re-appointment, nor 
did his subsequent conduct reconcile them to it. Upon his first 

appearance in council, Partridge took his seat as counsel- 
lor ; but the next day, desired a dismission on account of 
a ship in the river, which demanded his constant attention. This 
request was granted, and he soon after removed to Newbury, 
where he spent the rest of his days in a mercantile department, 
and in the business of his profession.* 

It had always been a favorite point with Usher to get the books 
and files, which had been taken from Chamberlain, lodged in the 
secretary's office. Among these files, were the original minutes 
of the suits which Mason had carried on, and the verdicts, judg- 
ments and bills of cost he had recovered. As they were commit- 
ted to the care of the recorder, who was appointed by the general 
court and removable only by them, no use could be made of these 
papers, but by consent of the assembly. When Usher produced 
„ to the council an order from Whitehall that these records 

' should be deposited with the secretary, Penhallow, the 
1704 I'ccorder, who was a member of the council, refused to 
deliver them without an act of the general assembly au- 
thorising him to do so. 

Usher succeeded but litde better in his applications for money. 
He alleged that he had received nothing for his former services, 
though they had given hundreds to Partridge ; and he complained 
that no house was provided for him to reside in, which obliged 
him to spend most of his time at Boston. The plea of poverty 
always at hand w^as not forgotten in answer to these demands. 
But at length, upon his repealed importunity and Dudley's earn- 
est recommendation, after the assembly had refused making any 
provision for him, and the governor had expressly directed him 
- , ^ to reside at New-Castle, and exercise a regular command, 

Jvilv 7 . . . . 

' it being a time of war ; the council were prevailed upon to 

allow him two rooms in any house he could procure " till the next 
meeting of die assembly," and to order ihirty-eight shillings to 
be given him for the expense of his "journey to and from Boston." 
When Dudley acquainted the assembly with the royal deter- 
mination in Allen's suits, they appeared tolerably satisfied with 
the equitable intention discovered therein ; but begged 
him to represent to her majesty that ' the province was at 

• least sixty miles long and twenty wide, containing twelve hun- 

* His son Richard Partridge was an agent for the province in England. 
One of his daughters was married to Governor Belcher, and was mother to 
the late lieutenant-governor of Nova-Scotia. 



1704.] PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. id 

' dred square miles, that the inhabitants claimed only the property 
' of the lands contained vvidiin the bounds of their townships, 
' which was less than one third of the province, and had been 
' possessed by them and their ancestors more than sixty years ; 
' that they had nothing to offer as a grievance if the other two 
' thirds were adjudged to Allen ; but should be glad to see the 
' same planted and setded for the better security and defence of 
' the whole ; withal desiring it might be considered how much 
' time, blood and treasure, had been spent in settling and defend- 
' ing this part of her majesty's dominion, and that the cost and 

* labor bestowed thereon far exceeded the true value of the land, 
' so that they hoped it was not her majesty's intention to deprive 

* them of all the herbage, timber and fuel, without which they 
' could not subsist, and that the lands comprehended within the 
' bounds of their townships was little enough to afford these neces- 
' sary articles ; it not being usual in these plantations to fence in 

* more of their lands than would serve for tillage, leaving the rest 
' unfenced for the feeding their cattle in common.'^ 

Notwithstanding this plea, which was often alleged, Allen, by 
virtue of the queen's permission, had entered upon and Dec. 22. 
taken possession by turf and twig of the common land 1^03. 
in each township, as well as of that which was without their bounds. 
He brought his writ of ejectment de novo against Waldron, and 
when the trial was coming on, informed Governor Dudley of it, 
that he might come into court and demand a special verdict 
agreeably to the queen's instructions.- Dudley, from Boston, in- 
formed the court of the day when he intended to be at Ports- 
mouth, and directed the judges to adjourn the court to that day. 
Before it came, he heard of a body of Indians above ^^^^ 
Lancaster, which had put the country in alarm, and or- ^^^ jq* 
dered the court to be again adjourned. At length, he be- 
gan his journey ; but was taken ill at Newbury, with a seasonable 
fit of the gravel, and proceeded no fardier.^ The jury in the mean 
time refused to bring in a special verdict ; but found for the de- 
fendant with costs. Allen again appealed from the judgment. 

Perplexed, however, with these repeated disappointments, and 
at the same time being low in purse, as well as weakened with 
age, he sought an accommodation with the people, with whom he 
was desirous to spend the remainder of his days in peace. It has 
been said, that he made very advantageous offers to Vaughan 
and Waldron, if they would purchase his title ; but that they ut- 
terly refused it. The people were sensible Uiat a door was still 
open for litigation ; and that after Allen's death, they might, per- 
haps, meet with as much or more difficulty from his heirs, among 
whom Usher would probably have a great influence. They well 

(!) Records of tlie Council and Assembly. ("2) Uslier"s papers. (3) Print- 
ed state of Allen's title, p. 9. 

23 



163 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1705. 

knew his indefatigable indusUy in the pursuit of gain ; that he 
was able to harass them in law, and had great interest in Eng- 
land. They, therefore, thought it best to fall in with Allen's 
^_,„^ views, and enter into an accommodation with him. A 
Ma 3* general meeting of deputies being held at Portsmouth, the 
ibllowing resolutions and proposals were drawn up, viz : 
That they had no claim or challenge to any part of the prov- 
ince without the bounds of the four towns of Portsmouth, Dover, 
Hampton and Exeter, with the hamlets of New-Castle and 
Kingston, which were all comprehended within lines already 
known and laid out, and which should forthwith be revised ; but 
that Allen and his heirs might peaceably hold and enjoy the said 
great waste, containing forty miles in length and twenty in 
breadth, or thereabouts, at the heads of the four towns afore- 
said, if it should so please her majesty ; and that the inhabitants 
of the four towns would be so far from interrupting the settle- 
ment thereof, that they desired the said waste to be planted and 
filled with inhabitants, to whom they would give all the encour- 
agement and assistance in their power. That in case Allen 
would, for himself and heirs, forever quit-claim, to the present 
inhabitants and their heirs, all that tract of land comprehended 
within the bounds of the several towns, and warrant and defend 
the same against all persons, free of mortgage, entailment and 
every other incinnbrance, and that this agreement should be ac- 
cepted and confirmed by the queen ; then they would lot and 
lay out to him and his heirs five hundred acres within the town 
of Portsmouth and New-Castle, fifteen hundred in Dover, fif- 
teen hundred in Hampton and Kingston, and fifteen hundred in 
Exeter, out of the commonages of the said towns, in such plac- 
es, not exceeding three divisions in each town, as should best 
accommodate him and be least detrimental to them ; and that 
they would pay him or his heirs, two thousand pounds current 
money of New-England at two payments, one within a year after 
receiving the royal confirmation of this agreement, and the other 
within a year after the first payment. That all contracts made 
either by Mason or Allen with any of the inhabitants, or others, 
for lands or other privileges in the possession of their tenants in 
their own just right, beside the claim of IVIason and Allen, and 
no other, should be accounted valid ; but that if any of the pur- 
chasers, lessees or tenants should refuse to pay their just part 
of the sums agreed on, according to the lands they held, their 
share should be abated by Allen out of the two thousand pounds 
pavable by this agreement. That upon Allen's acceptance, and 
underwriting of these articles, they would give personal security 
for the aforesaid payment ; and that all actions and suits de- 
pending in law concerning the premises should cease till the 
queen's pleasure should be known.' 



1705.] PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. 153 

These articles were ordered to be presented to Allen for his 
acceptance :* But so desirable an issue of the controversy was 
prevented by his sudden death, which happened on the next day. 
He left a son and four daughters, and died intestate. 

Colonel Allen is represented as a gendeman of no remarkable 
abilities, and of a solitary rather than a social disposition ; but 
mild, obliging and charitable. His character, whilst he was a 
merchant in London, was fair and upright, and his domestic de- 
portment amiable and exemplary. He was a member of the 
church of England by profession, but constantly attended divine 
worship in the congregation at New-Castle, and was a strict ob- 
server of the christian Sabbath. He died on the fifth of May, 
1705, in the seventieth year of his age, and was buried in the 
fort.2 

After his death, his only son, Thomas Allen, Esq. of London, 
renewed the suit, by petitioning the queen, who allowed him to 
bring a new writ of ejectment, and ordered a revival of . „^~ 
the directions given to the governor in 1703, with respect 
to the jury's finding a special verdict. Accordingly, Al- ^j^ ^^^ 
len, having previously conveyed one half of the lands in 
New-Hampshire, by deed of sale, to Sir Charles Hobby, and ap- 
pointed his mother Elizabeth Allen, his attorney, brought » „. on 
his writ of ejectment against Waldron in the inferior 
court of common pleas, where he was cast. He then re- .. _ 
moved it by appeal to the superior court, where it had ^^^ 
been tried three years before. As this was the last trial, and as 
all the strength of both parties was fullly displayed on the occa- 
sion, it will be proper to give as just a view of the case as can 
now be collected from the papers on file in the office of the su- 
perior court. 

On Allen's part, were produced copies of the charter by which 
King James I, constituted the council of Plymouth ; their grants 
to Mason in 1G29 and 1635 ; his last will and testament ; an in- 
ventory of artillery, arms, ammunition, provisions, merchandize 
and catde left in the care of his agents here at his death ; depo- 
sitions of several ancient persons taken in 1685, who remember- 
ed the houses, fields, forts, and odier possessions of Capt. Mason 
at Portsmouth and Newichwannock, and were acquainted with 
his agents, stewards, factors and other servants, who divided the 
cattle and merchandize among them after his death ; the opin- 
ions of Sir Geoffrey Palmer, Sir Francis Winnington and Sir Wil- 
liam Jones in favour of the validity of Mason's title ; King Charles' 
letter to the president and council of New-Hampshire in 1680; 
the paragraph of Cranfield's commission which respects Mason's 
claim in 1682; the writ, verdict, judgment and execution against 

(1) MS. Copy of Report of Lords of Trade, 17.53. (2) Atkinson's Letter, 
MS. Emerson's funeral sermon and letter to Mr Prince. MS. 



1G4 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPSHIRE. [1767. 

Major Waldron in 1683 ; the decision of the king in council 
against Vaughan in 1686 ; DudJey's writ of certiorari in 1688 ; 
the fine and recovery in Westminster-hall whereby the entail was 
cut off, and the consequent deed of sale to Allen in 1691 ; Sir 
Edward Norlhey's report in 1703 ; and evidence of Allen's tak- 
ing possession of the wastes, and of his inclosing and occupying 
some land at Great Island. On this evidence, it was pleaded 
that the title derived from Mason, and his possession of the pro- 
vince, of which the lands in question were part, was legal ; that 
the appellee's possession had been interrupted by the appellant 
and those from whom he derived his title, more especially by the 
judgment recovered by Robert Mason against Major VValdron ; 
and a special verdict was moved for, agreeably to the royal di- 
rections. The council on this side were James Meinzies and 
John Valentine. 

On Waldron's part, were produced the deed from four Indian 
sachems to Wheelwright and others in 1629 ; and depositions 
taken from several ancient persons, who testified that they had 
lived with Major Waldron, when he began his plantation at Co- 
checho, about the year 1G40, and assisted him in building his 
houses and mills, and that no person had disturbed him in the 
possession thereof for above fortj'- years. To invalidate the evi- 
dence of the title produced on the opposite side, it was pleaded, 
that the grant from the council of Plymouth to Mason in 1 629, 
was not signed ; that livery and seizin were not endorsed on it as 
on other of their grants, and as was then the legal form ; nor was 
it ever enrolled according to statute : That the sale of part of 
the same lands in 1628 to the Massachusetts company, by an in- 
strument signed and executed according to law, renders this sub- 
sequent grant suspicious ; and that his pretending to procure 
another grant of part of the same lands in 1635, was an argument 
that he himself could not rely on the preceeding one, nor was 
it credible that the same council should grant the same lands 
twice, and to the same person : That the grant in 1635 was 
equally defective ; and that he must relinquish one or the other, 
it being contrary to the reason and usage of law to rely on two 
several titles at once. It was urged, that Waldron's possession 
was grounded on a deed from the native lords of the soil, with 
whom his father had endeavored to cultivate a friendly connex- 
ion ; that he had taken up his land with their consent, when the 
country was a wilderness ; had cultivated it, had defended it in 
war at a great expense, and at the hazard of his life, which he 
finally lost in the attempt ; that the Indian deed was legally exe- 
cuted in the presence of the factors and agents of the company of 
Laconia, of which Mason was one ; that this was done with the 
toleration of the council of Plymouth, and in pursuance of the 
great ends of their incorporation, which were to cultivate tho 



1707.] PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. 165 

lands, to people the country and christianize the natives, for the 
honor and interest of the crown and the trade of England, all 
which ends had been pursued and attained by the appellee and 
his ancestor. It was also alleged, that the writ against Major 
Waldron in 1683 was for " lands and tenements," of which the 
quantity, situation and bounds were not described, for want of 
which no legal judgment could be given ; that no execution had 
ever been levied, nor was the possessor ever disturbed or amoved 
by reason thereof; and that the copies produced were not attest- 
ed, no book of records being to be found. To invalidate the evi- 
dence of Mason's possession, it was observed, that he himself 
was never here in person ; that all the settlement made by his 
agents or successors was only a factory for trade with the Indians, 
and principally for the discovery of a country called Laconia ; 
and that this was done in company with several other merchant- 
adventurers in London, who, for the security of dieir goods erect- 
ed a fort ; but that this could not amount to a legal possession, 
nor prove a tide to the country, especially as upon the failure of 
trade, the object of their enterprise, they quitted their factory, 
after a few years stay in these parts. 

As to the motion for a special verdict, it was said that a jury 
could not find one, if they had no doubt of the law or fact, for 
the reason of a special verdict is a doubt either in point of law 
or evidence ; nor was it consistent with the privileges of Eng- 
lishmen that a jury should be compelled to find specially. In 
addition to these pleas, it was further alleged, that by the statute 
law, no action of ejectment can be maintained except the plain- 
tiff, or those under whom he claims, have been in possession with- 
in twenty years ; and if they have been out of possession sixty 
years, then not only an ejectment, but a writ of right, and all 
other real actions are barred in respect of a subject, and that in 
such cases the right of the crown is also barred : and that by the 
statute of 32 Hen. 8. ch. 9., it is enacted, that no person shall 
purchase any lands or tenements, unless the seller, or they, by 
whom he claims, have been in possession of the same or the re- 
version or the remainder thereof, or have taken tlie rents or pro- 
fits thereof by the space of one whole year next before such bar- 
gain is made ; and that the appellee and his ancestor, and no 
other person whatever had been in possession of the premises, 
nor was it ever pretended by the appellant that the Masons, of 
whom the purchase was made, were in possession within one year, 
or at any time before the alleged purchase ; that all the mischiefs 
provided against by the above statute have been experienced 
by the people of New-Hampshire from the purchase made by 
the appellant's father, of the bare title of the propriety of the 
province. The council on this side were John Pickering and 
Charles Story. 



166 H18T6RY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1707. 

A certificate from the lieutenant-governor respecting the 
queen's directions was delivered to the jury who return- 
"^" ' ed the following verdict : " In the cause depending be- 
" tween Thomas Allen, Esq., appellant and Richard Waldron, 
" Esq., defendant, the jury finds for the defendant a confirmation 
" of the former judgment and costs of courts. Mark Hunking, 
" foreman." 

The court then sent out the jury again, with this charge, " Gen- 
" men, you are further to consider this case and observe her 
" majesty's directions to find specially and your oaths." They 
returned the second time with the same verdict ; upon which, 
the court ordered judgment to be entered, and that the defendant 
recover costs of the appellant. The council for the appellant 
then moved for an appeal to her majesty in council ; which was 
allowed on their giving bond in two hundred pounds to prose- 
cute it. 

But the loyalty of the people, and the distresses under which 
they labored by reason of the war, prevailed on the queen's min- 
istry to suspend a final decision ; and before the appeal could be 
heard, Allen's death, which happened in 1715, put an end to the 
suit, which his heirs, being minors, did not renew.^ 



CHAPTER XII. 

The war with the French and Indians, called Queen Anne's war. Conclu- 
sion of Dudley's and IJ slier 's administration. 

The peace which followed the treaty of Ryswick was but of 
short duration, for the seeds of war were already sown both in 
Europe and America. Louis had proclaimed the pretender king 
of England, and his Governor, Villebon, had orders to extend his 
province of Acadia to the river Kennebeck, though the English 
court understood St. Croix to be the boundary between their ter- 
ritories and those of the French. The fishery was interrupted 
by French men of war, and by the orders of Villebon, who suffer- 
ed no English vessels to fish on the banks of Nova Scotia. A 
French mission was established, and a chapel erected at Nor- 
ridgevvog, on the upper part of Kennebeck, which served to ex- 
tend the influence of the French among the Indians. The gov- 
ernor of Canada, assuming the character of their father and pro- 
tector, instigated them to prevent the settlement of the English to 
the east of Kennebeck, and found some among them ready to 
jssten to his advice. The people in those parts were apprehen- 

(1) Council and Assembly Records. Printed state of Allen's title, p. 10. 



1703.] PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. lQ^ 

sive of danger and meditating a removal, and tliose wlio had en- 
tertained ilioughts of settling tliere were restrained. 

Things were in this posture, when Dudley entered on his gov- 
ernment. He had particular orders from England to rebuild the 
fort at Pemaquid ; but could not prevail on the Massachusetts 
assembly to bear the expense of it. However, he determined on 
a visit to the eastern country, and having notified his intention to 
the Indians, took with him a number of gentlemen of both ^^^c, 
provinces,* and held a conference at Casco with delegates junggo* 
from the tribes of Norridgewog, Penobscot, Pequawket, 
Penacook and Ameriscoggin ; who assured him that " as high as 
" sun was above the earth, so far distant was their design of ma- 
" king the Jeast breach of the peace." They presented him a 
belt of wampum in token of their sincerity, and both parties went 
to two heaps of stones which had formerly been pitched and called 
the Tivo Brothers, where the friendship was further ratified by 
the addition of other stones. Tliey also declared, that although 
the French emissaries among them had been endeavoring to break 
the union, yet it was " firm as a mountain, and should continue 
" as long as the sun and moon." Notwithstanding these fair ap- 
pearances, it was observed that when the Indians fired a salute 
their guns were charged with shot ; and it was suspected that they 
had then formed a design to seize the governor and his attendants, 
if a party which they expected from Canada, and which arrived 
two or three days after, had come in proper season to their as- 
sistance. However this might be, it is certain that in the 
space of six weeks, a body of French and Indians, five ^' 
hundred in number, having divided themselves into several parties, 
attacked all the setdements from Casco to Wells, and killed and 
took one hundred and thirty people, burning and destroying all 
before them.f 

The next week, (August 17) a party of thirty Indians under 
Captain Tom, killed five people at Hampton village ; among 
whom was a widow Mussey, a noted speaker among the Friends, 
and much lamented by them. They also plundered two houses; 
but the people being alarmed, and pursuing them, they fled. J 

The country was now in terror and confusion. The women 
and children retired to the garrisons. The men went armed to 
their work and posted sentinels in the fields. Troops of horse 

* Mr. Hutchinson has misplaced this transaction by a year. [In the third 
edition of Hutchinson's History, printed in 1795, this transaction is assigned 
to the year 1703.] 

t Mr. Hutchinson takes no notice of this remarkable devastation, which is 
particularly related by Mr. Penhallow in his " Wars of New-England," p. 5. 
[See Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc. i. 23.] 

t [The five who were killed were Jonathan Green, Nicholas Bond, Thomas 
Lancaster, Widow Mussey, and a little boy of Will. Hinckley. Lancaster 
and the Widow Mussey were Quakers. Town Records of Hampton.] 



1(33 HISTORY OF JJtEW-HAMPSHlRE. [1703 

were quartcrccl at Porlsmoiilli and in the province of Maine. A 
scout of tliree hundred and sixty men marclied toward Pequawk- 
et, and another to the Ossipee ponds, but made no discoveries. 
Alarms were frequent, and the whole frontier country from Deer- 
field on the west, to Casco on the east, was kept in continual ter- 
ror by small parties of the enemy. 

In the fall, Col. March, of Casco, made a visit to Pequawket, 
where he killed six of the enemy and took six more. This en- 
couraged the government to offer a bounty of forty pounds for 
scalps. 

As the winter came on, the frontier towns were ordered to pro- 
vide a large number of snow-shoes ; and an expeduion was plan- 
ned in New-Hampshire, against the head-quarters of the Indians. 
Major Winthrop Hilton, and Captain John Oilman of Exeter, 
Captain Chesley and Captain Davis of Oyster river, marched 
with their companies on snow-shoes into the woods ; but return- 
ed without success. This is called in the council books " an 
honorable service." Hilton received a gratuity of twelve, and 
each of the captains, five pounds. 

With the return of spring, there was a return of hostilities ; for 
notwithstanding the posting a k\v southern Indians in the garrisons 
at Berwick, the enemy appeared at Oyster river, and shot 
A r 25 Nathaniel Medar,* near his own field, and the next day, 
killed Edward Taylor, near Lamprey river, and captiva- 
ted his wife and son. These instances of mischief gave color to 
a false alarm at Cochecho, where it was said, they lay in wait for 
Col. Waldron a whole day, but missing him by reason of his ab- 
sence from home, took his servant maid as she went to a spring 
for water ; and having examined her as to the state of the garri- 
son, stunned her with an hatchet, but did not scalp her. (The 
girl invented this story to palliate her too long absence. )f 

In May, Col. Church, by Governor Dudley's order, having 
planned an expedition to the eastern shore, sailed from Boston 
with a number of transports, furnished with whaleboats for going 
up rivers. In his way, he stopt at Pascataqua, where he was 
joined by a body of men under Major Hilton, who was of emi- 
nent service to him in this expedition,! which lasted the whole 

* [He was the son of John Medar, and was born at Durliam, 14 June, 1671. 
Descendants of the family still remain in New-Hampshire.] 

t [This sentence is added by the author in the corrected copy. Rev. Mr. 
Pike in his MS. Journal thus notices this affair : " Ap. 28. Thamsin Me- 
sarvey, Mr. Waldron's maid servant was taken by four Indians, betwixt sun- 
set and dark, at a spring in the major's pasture, between his house formerly 
burnt, and barn, and after examination was knockt down and left for dead, 
but recovered again — the enemy flying away hastily at the outcry of the 
watch, by which means Mr. Waldron escaped that was then coming over the 
Boom."] ,, 

t This is called in the council books " an expedition to Port-Royal, ' and 
this was the ostensible object. But Church in liis memoirs says that Dud- 
ley would not permit him to go there. Church, p. 101. Hutch, ii. 140. 



1704.] PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. 169 

summer, and in which they destroyed the towns of INIinas and 
Chignecto, and did considerable damage to the French and In- 
dians at Penobscot and Passamaquoddy, and even insulted Port 
Royal. While they were at Mount Desert, Church learned from 
nine of his prisoners, that a body of six hundred Indians* were 
preparing for an attack on Casco, and the head of Pascataqua 
river ; and sent an express to Portsmouth which obliged the peo- 
ple to be vigilant. No such great force as this appeared ; but 
small parties kept hovering on the outskirts. At Oyster river, 
they wounded William Tasker ;f and at Dover, they laid in am- 
bush for the people on their return from public worship, but hap- 
pily missed their aim. They afterward mortally wound- 
ed lyiark Giles at that place, and soon after, killed several 
people in a field at Oyster river, whose names are not men- 
tioned. J 

In ihs former wars, New-Hampshire had received much assist- 
ance fromtheir brethren of Massachusetts ; but these now re- 
monstrated to the governor that his other province did not bear 
their proportion of the charge for the common defence. The 
representatives of New-Hampshire urged, in reply, the different 
circumstances of the two provinces ; " most of the towns in 
IMassachu setts being out of the reach of the enemy, and no oth- 
erwise affected by the war than in the payment of their part of 
the expense, whilst this province was wholly a frontier by sea and 
land, and in equal danger with the county of York, in which four 
companies were stationed, and the inhabitants were abated their 
proportion of the public charges." They begged that twenty of 
the friendly Indians might be sent to scout on their borders, which 
request the governor complied with.^ 

In the winter. Col. Hilton with two hundred and seventy men, 
including the twenty Indians, were sent to Norridgewog x^nr 
on snow shoes. They had a favourable season for 

(1) Council Records. 

* I suppose this is tlie party whom Penhallow mentions, p. '23, who quarrel- 
led on their march about dividing the plunder which they might take, and of 
whom two hundred returned while the rest pur.?ued their march, and did dam- 
age at Lancaster and Groton. 

t [This name is Tasket in the records of tlie court of Quarter Sessions. — 
He had been in ItiSti, "' several times summoned to attend tnis court, or some 
justice of the peace, upon complaint made against him for cruelty to his ap- 
prentice, Joseph Pitman," who was, in l(38G,by the court, discliarged from the 
service of the said Tasket.] 

+ [From tlie MS. Journal of the Rev. John Pike, it appears that on the 10 
of August, Joseph Pitman was slain by the Lidians, as he was guarding some 
mowers, not far from Oyster River Meeting house. It is also stated that John 
Giles, the son of Mark Giles, was killed at the same time with liis father. 
The party of Indians who attacked tliem was seven or eight. Mr. Pike, in 
his Journal, has no notice of IVUliaiti Tasker, but he recQrds the death 
of Samuel Tasker, who was killed oh the first day of June, at Oyster 
River.] 

24 



170 HISTORY OF NEW-llAMPSHlRE. [1705. 

their march, the snow being four feet deep. When they arrived 
there, finding no enemy to contend vvitii, they burnt the deserted 
wigwams, and the chapeh The officers who went on this expe- 
dition complained that they liad only the pay of private sol- 
diers.* 

The late repairs of fort William and Mary at New-Castle were 
always complained of as burdensome to the people, and a repre- 
sentation thereof had been made to the queen, who instructed 
Dudley to press the assembly of Massachusetts to contribute to the 
expense ; as the river belonged equally to both provinces. They 
urged in excuse that the fort was built at first at the sole charge 
of New-Hampshire, to whom it properly belonged ; that the 
whole expense of the repairs did not amount to what several of 
their towns singly paid toward the support of the war for one 
year ; that all the trade and navigation of the river, on both sides, 
paid a duty toward maintaining that fortress ; and that they had 
been at great expense in protecting the frontiers of New-Hamp- 
shire, and the parties who were employed in getting timber and 
masts for her majesty's service ; while New-Hampshire had nev- 
er contributed any thing to the support of the garrisons, forces 
and guards by sea, which were of equal benefit to them as to 
Massachusetts. One thing which made New-Hampshire more 
in favor with the queen was, that they had settled a salary on her 
governor, which the others never could be persuaded to do. The 
repairs of the fort, however, went on without their assistance, un- 
der the direction of Col. Romer ; and when they were complet- 
ed, a petition was sent home for a supply of cannon, ammunition 
and stores. 

The next summer was chiefly spent in negotiating an exchange 
of prisoners ; and Dudley had the address to protract the ne- 
gotiation, under pretence of consulting with the other governments 
about a neutrality proposed by the governor of Canada, by which 
means the frontiers in general were kept tolerably quiet, although 
the enemy appeared once or twice in the town of Kittery. The 
line of picketsf which enclosed the town of Portsmouth was re- 
paired, and a nightly patrole established on the sea shore, from 
Rendezvous Point to the bounds of Hampton, to prevent any 

* [It was on tlie 21 January, this year, that tlie Englisli settlements at 
Newfoundland were attacked b}' the French and Indians under M. de Suber- 
case. Rev. John Pike, in his MS. Journal, says that the attack was made by 
a strong party of French and Indians (Penhallow says 550 ; Charlevoix, 450) 
on Sabbath night, and that they " destroyed all excepting the forts. They 
cut off about seventy families, sparing none save a few young men, that 
were fit for service. They afterwards besieged the fort at St. John's for di- 
vers weeks but could not lake it." Pike, MS. Journal. — Penhallow, in Coll. 
N. H. Hist. Soc. i. 44, 45. — Holmes, Annals of America, i. 41)2, who quotes 
Charlevoix, Nouv. France, ii. 2'J8, 2:)9.— Univ. Hist. 1.55.] 

t This line extended from the mill-pond on the south, to the creek on the 
north side of the town. It crossed the main street a few rods westward of the 
spot wljere the State House [in Portsmouth] now stands. 



1705.] 



PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. m 



surprise by sea ; the coast being at this time infested by the ene- 
my's privateers. 

During this truce, the inhabitants of Kingston who had left the 
place, were encouraged to petition for leave to return to their 
lands ; vvhich the court granted on condition that they should 
build a fort in the centre of the town, lay out a parsonage and 
settle a minister, within three years. This last condition was 
rendered impracticable by the renewal of hostilities.* 

The governor of Canada had encouraged the Indians who in- 
habited the borders of New-England to remove to Canada, where 
being incorporated with the tribe of St. Francis, they have ever 
since remained. By this policy, they became more firmly at- 
tached to the interest of the French, and were more easily des- 
patched on their bloody business to the frontiers of New-England, 
with which they were well acquainted. Dudley, who was general- 
ly apprized of their movements, and kept a vigilant eye upon them, 
apprehended a rupture in the winter ; and gave orders for a cir- 
cular scouting march, once a month, round the heads of die towns 
from Kingston to Salmon falls ; but the enemy did not appear till 
April ; when a small party of them attacked the house of , ^^^ 
John Drew at Oyster river, where they killed eight and 
wounded two. The garrison was near, but not a man in it : the 
women, however, seeing nothing but death before them, fired an 
alarm, and then putting on hats, and loosening their hair that they 
might appear like men, they fired so briskly that the enemy, ap- 
prehending the people were alarmed, fled without burning or even 
plundering the house which they had attacked. John Wheeler, 
meeting this party and mistaking them for friendly Indians, un- 
happily fell into their hands and was killed, with his wife and two 
children. Four of his sons took refuge in a cave by the bank of 
the Little Bay, and though pursued by the Indians, escaped un- 
hurt, f 

In July, Colonel Schuyler, from Albany, gave notice to Dudley 

* [Kingston had been incorporated in 1G94. The charter, granted by Lieut. 
Gov. Usher, is dated C of August. The first inhabitants were Ebenezer Web- 
ster, ancestor of Hon. Daniel Webster, Moses Elkins, Jonathan Sanborn, 
Ichabod Robie, who died 15 May, 1757, aged 02, Aaron Sleeper, Thomas 
Webster, Thomas Philbrick, and Jabez Colman, who was killed by the In- 
dians, as will be seen, under 1724. Benjamin, son of Thomas and Sarah 
Webster, born in ]701, is said to have been the first child born in the place. 
Kingston in 1725, contained 81 families. In 1732, it had 1(31 ratable inhab- 
itants and 115 dwelling houses, of which G4 were two stories higli. In 1707, 
it numbered 90!) inhabitants, but before this time, East-King.ston, Sandown 
and Hawke had been detached from it. The first having built a meeting 
house as early as 17:58, was that year incorporated as a parish. Sandown 
was incorporated in 1756 and Hawke in 1700.] 

t [This outrnge occurred on the 27 of April. On the fourth of June fol- 
lowing, George Ricker and Maturin Ricker, of Cocliecho, were slain by the 
Indians. George was killed while running up the lane, near the garrison. 
Maturin was killed in liis field, and his son, a boy, was taken captive. Pike's 
MS. Journal.] 



172 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPSHIRE. [170G. 

that two hundred and seventy of the enemy were on their march 
toward Pascataqiia, of which he immediately informed the peo- 
ple, and ordered them to close garrison, and one half of the mil- 
itia to he ready at a minute's warning. The first appearance of 
this body of the enemy was at Dinistable ;* whence they proceed- 
ed to Amesbury and Kingston, where they killed some cattle. 
Hilton, with sixty four men, marched from Exeter; but was o- 
bligcd to return without meeting the enemy. The reason he gave 
to the council for returning so soon was the want of provision, 
there being none in readiness at the garrisons, notwithstanding a 
law lately enacted, enjoining it on every town to have stores ready 
and deposited in the hands of their captains. For the same rea- 
son, he had been obliged to discontinue a small scout, which he 
had for some time kept up. Hilton was so brave and active an 
officer that the enemy had marked him for destruction ; and for 
this purpose a party of them kept lurking about his house, where 
they observed ten men to go out one morning with their scythes, 
and lay aside their arms to mow ; they then crept between the 
men and their guns, and suddenly rushed on them, killed four, 
wounded one, and took three. Two only of the whole number es- 
caped. f They missed the major for this time, and two of their 
prisoners escaped ; but suffered much in their return, having 
nothing to subsist on for three weeks, but lily roots and the rinds 
y of trees. After this, they killed "William Pearl, J and 
ug'^3 - took Nathaniel Tcbbets at Dover. It was observed dur- 
ing this war, that the enemy did more damage in small bodies 
than in larger, and by scattering along the frontiers, kept the peo- 
ple in continual apprehension and alarm ; and so very few of them 
fell into our hands, that in computing the expense of the war it 
was judged that every Indian killed or taken, cost the country a 
thousand pounds. ||' 

(I) Penhallow, p. 40. 

* [Joseph Kilburn and Jeremiah Nelson of Rowley were killed by the In- 
dians at Dunstable, 10 July ] 706, and John Pickard was mortally wounded, 
and died at Billerica, on the 5 August following. MS. Letter of J. Coffin, 

s. U.S.] 

I [Rev. Mr. Pike says that three escaped, viz. Joseph Hall, John Taylor, 
who was " sorely wounded, but recovered," and one other. Those captured 
were Edward Hall, Samuel Mighill and a mulatto. The four persons killed 
were Richard Mattoon, Hubertas Mattoon, son of Richard, Robert Barber and 
Samuel Pease. The number of the enemy was about twenty, who attacked 
the Eno-lish as they were mowing in a field, between Exeter and Lamprey 
River. " Rev. Mr. Pike.] 

t [Rev. Mr. Pike says A'icholas Pcarh. '• He was slain by the Indians in 
the day time in his cave, some miles above^ Oyster river, -where he dwelt night 
and day, winter and summer, from the last breaking out of the war, precisely 
three yearn, though 'twas in the very wake and way where the enemy used 
to pass. He was a man of strange confidence an.l would not be persuaded to 
leave his place." Rev. John Pike, MS. Journal.] 

II [■' Benjamin Fifield, aged about GO years, was barbarously killed (in his 



1707.] PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. 173 

In the following winter, Hilton made another excursion to the 
eastward, and a shallop was sent to Casco with stores and 
provisions for his party, consisting of two hundred and 
twenty men. The winter being mild, and the weather unsettled, 
prevented their marching so fiir as they intended : cold dry weath- 
er and deep snow being most favorable to winter expeditions. 
However, they came on an Indian track, near Black Point, and 
pursuing it, killed four, and took a squaw who conducted 
them to a party of eighteen, whom they surprised as they 
lay asleep on a neck of land at break of day, and of whom they 
killed seventeen, and took the other. This was matter of triumph 
considering the difficulty of finding their haunts. It was remark- 
ed that on the very morning that this affair happened, it was re- 
ported, with but little variation from the truth, at Portsmouth, 
though at the distance of sixty miles. 

When Church went to Nova-Scotia, he very earnestly solicited 
leave to make an attempt on Port Royal ; but Dudley would not 
consent, and the reason he gave was, that he had written to the 
ministry in England, and expected orders and naval help to re- 
duce the place. His enemies however assigned another reason 
for his refusal ; which was, that a clandestine trade was carried 
on by his connivance, and to his emolument, with the French 
there. This report gained credit and occasioned a loud call for 
justice. Those w^ho were directly concerned in the illegal traffic, 
were prosecuted and fined ; and the governor suffered much in 
his reputation. 1 To wipe off these aspersions, he now determined 
to make an attack in earnest on Port Royal, even though no assis- 
tance shouW come from England. It was intended that an arma- 
ment should be sent to America, and the commander was ap- 
pointed ; but the state of affairs in Europe prevented their com- 
ing.* 

(1) Hutch. Hist. Mass. vol. 2, p. 154. 

Sasture not far from his house) by the Indians, August 1, 170C." Town 
Lecords of Hampton. 
On the 8 of July, the same year, Nathaniel Blanchard, Lydia Blanchard, 
his wife, Susan Blanchard, their daughter, Mrs. Hannah Blanchard. Mrs. 
Cummings, the wife of John Cummings, and Rachel Galusha, were killed by 
the Indians at Dunstable, llecords of Dunstable. 

It appears from Penhallow, (Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc. i. 48) that the Indians 
fell on a garrison in Dunstable, '■ that had twenty troopers posted in it, who 
by their negligence and folly, keeping no watch, suffered them to enter, 
which tended to the destruction of one half of their number. After that, a 
small party attacked Jacob Galusha's house, who held them in play for some 
time, till the old man"s courage failed," and he surrendered himself. '-About 
the same time," says Penhallow, '• Joseph English, who was a friendly In- 
dian, going from Dunstable to Chelmsford, with a man and his wife on horse- 
back, was shot dead, the woman taken, but the man made his escape." See a 
more particular account of the attack on Dunstable, on the 3 July, 1706, in 
Coll. of N.H. Hist. Soc. i, 133, and in Pike's MS. Journal.] 

* [1707. On the 23 June, this year, a petition, alleging various instances 
of misconduct in Governor Dudley was presented to Queen Ann at Windsor. 



174 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1707. 

Early in the spring, the governor applied to the assemblies of 
both his provinces, and to the colonies of Rhode Island and Con- 
necticut, requesting them to raise one thousand men for the ex- 
pedition. Connecticut declined ; but the otiier three raised the 
whole number, who were disposed into two regiments, of which 
Colonel Wainwright commanded the one, and Colonel Hilton the 
Q odier. They embarked at Nantaskei in twenty three 

^^ " transports furnished with whaleboats, under convoy of the 
Deptford man of war, Captain Stuckley, and the province galley, 
Captain Southack. The chief command was given to Colonel 
March, who had beliaved well in several scouts and rencounters 
with the Indians, but had never been tried in such service as this. 
They arrived before Port Royal in a {ew days, and after 

'^^ ' burning some houses, killing some catde round the fort, 
and making some ineffectual attempts to bombard it, a jealousy 
and disagreement among the officers, and a misapprehension of 
of the state of the fort and garrison, caused the army to break up 
and reirabark in a disorderly manner. Some of the of- 
' ■ fleers w'ent to Boston for orders ; some of the transports 
put in at Casco ; a sloop with Captain Chesley's company of six- 
ty men arrived at Portsmouth : Chesley suffered his men to dis- 
j .„ perse, but ordered them to return at the beat of the 
drum : Being called to account for this conduct, he plead- 
ed that " general orders were given at Port Royal for every man 
* to make the best of his way home."! The governor, highly 
chagrined and very angry, sent orders from Boston that if any 
more vessels should arrive, the men should not be permitted to 
come on shore " on pain of death." After a while, he ordered 
Chesley's company to be collected and reimbarked, offering a 
pardon to those who might voluntarily return, die rest to be se- 
verely punished. By the latter end of July, they went on board, 
and with the rest of the army, returned to the pFace of action. 
At the landing, an ambuscade of Indians from among the sedge 
on the top of a sea-wall, greatly annoyed the troops. Major 
Walton* and Captain Chesley, being then on shore with the 
New-Hampshire companies, pushed their men up the beach, 
flanked the enemy, and after an obstinate struggle put them to 

(1) Council Records. 

The same petition was read before the general assembly of New-Hampshire, 
when the council and representatives in full assembly, nemine contradicente, 
voted that some of the charges were scandalous, unheard of, and false re- 
proaches, and drew up an address to the queen in which " they acquit and 
justify his administration from all those calumnies and pray her majesty^s fa- 
vor to him." Dudley's Defence and Apology in MS. dated 10 Nov. 1707.] 

* [Shadrach Walton, son of George Walton (see note to page 04) was born 
in IG')^, and was often engaged in public life. He was appointed by manda- 
mus, one of the counsellors of Uie province in 171(5, and died 3 October, 1J41, 
aged 83 years. Benjamin Walton, who graduated at Harvard college in 1720, 
is said by Mr. Winthrop to have been a son of Colonel Walton.] 



1707.] PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. 175 

flight. The command was now given to Wainwi'iglit, and the ar- 
my put under the direction of three supervisors ; but no means 
could inspire that union, firmness and skill which were necessary. 
By the last of August, the whole afiair was at an end, and the 
army returned sickly, fatigued, disheartened, and ashamed ; but 
with no greater loss than sixteen killed and as many wounded. 

While this unfortunate expedition was in hand, the frontiers 
were kept in continual alarm. Two men were taken 
from Oyster river, and two more killed* as they were j^^" ' 
driving a team between that place and Dover. Captain " ^ ' 
Sumersby pursued with his troop and recovered the contents of 
the cart. Stephen and Jacob Oilman, brodiers, were ambushed 
between Exeter and Kingston ; their horses were killed, but both of 
them escaped to the garrison.^ Kingston, being a new plantation, 
was much exposed, and was this summer weakened by the de- 
sertion of eiglit men. The remaining inhabitants complained to 
the government, who ordered the captains of Exeter and Hamp- 
ton to take them up as deserters, and oblige them to return to the 
defence of their settlements, or do duty at the fort during the 
governor's pleasure.- They were afterwards bound ov^er to the 
sessions for contempt of orders. The state of the country 
at this time was truly distressed ; a large quota of their best 
men were abroad, the rest harassed by the enemy at home, 
obliged to continual duty in garrisons and in scouts, and subject 
to severe discipline for neglects. They earned their bread at the 
continual hazard of their lives, never daring to stir abroad unarm- 
ed. They could till no lands but what were within call of the 
garrisoned houses, into which their families were crowded ; their 
husbandry, lumber trade and fishery were declining, their taxes 
increasing, their apprehensions both from the force of the enemy 
and the failure of the Port Royal expedition, were exceedingly 
dismal, and there was no prospect of an end to the war, in which 
they were now advanced to the fifth summer. Yet under all 
these distresses and discouragements, they resolutely kept their 
ground and maintained their garrisons, not one of which was cut 
off during the whole of this war, within the limits of New-Hamp- 
shire. 

In September, one man was killed at Exeter, and two Sept. 15. 
days after, Henry Elkins at Kingston. But the severest Sept. 17. 
blow on the frontiers happened at Oyster river, a place which 
suffered more than all the rest. A party of French Mohawks 
painted red, attacked with an hideous yell a company who were 
in the woods, some hewing timber and others driving a team, un- 

(1) Penhallow,p. 45. (2) Council Records. 

* [John Bunker and Ichabod Rawlins, both of Dover. The enemy were 
supposed to be from 20 to 30. They slaughtered many cattle at the same 
time. Rev. John Pike, MS. Journal.] 



176 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [K07. 

der the direction of Ca|)taiii Chcsley, who was just returned the 
second time from Port Royal. At the first fire, they killed seven 
and mortally wounded another. Chesley, with the lew who \iere 
left fired on the enemy with great vigor, and for some time check- 
ed their ardor; hut being overpowered, he at length fell. He 
was much lamented, being a brave officer. Three of the scalps 
taken at this time were soon after recovered at 13erwick. 

The next year, a large army from Canada was destined against 
the frontiers of New-England. Dudley received information of 
, ^^o it in the usual route from Albany, and immediately or- 
' ' dered guards in the most exposed places of both his prov- 
inces. A troop under Captain Robert Coffin patroled from Kings- 
ton to Cochecho, and scouts were kept out continually. Spy- 
boats were also kept out at sea between Pascataqua and Winter 
harbors. Four hundred Massachusetts soldiers were posted in 
this province. The towns were ordered to provide ammunition, 
and all things were in as good a state of preparation as could be 
„ expected. At length, the storm fell on Haverhill; but the 

^' '' enemy's force having been diminished by various acci- 
dents, they proceeded no farther, and every part of New-Hamp- 
shire was quiet. Hilton made another winter march to Pequaw- 
ket with one hundred and seventy men, but made no discovery.^ 

The next spring, William JMoody,* Samuel Stevens, and tw^o 

sons of Jeremiah Oilman were taken at Pickpocket-mill in 

1709. Exeter, and soon after, Bartholomew Stevenson was kill- 

^^^y '-' ed at Oyster river. Colonel Hilton and Captain DavHsf 

performed their usual tour of duty in scouting, and the people this 

summer kept close in garrison, on a report that two hundred 

■ Indians had marched against them from Montreal. But 

the principal object now in view was a desire of wiping off the 

disgrace of a former year by an attempt, not on Port Royal, but 

on Canada itself. For this purpose, solicitations had been made 

in England by Francis Nicholson, Esq., who had been lieutenant- 

(]) Penhallow, 45, 48. 

* [He was retaken within a month afterwards by some Deerfield men, who, 
in their course up French river, met with a body of the enemy in canoes, on 
whom they fired, and overset, killing and wounding several of them. In one 
of their canoes was William Moody with only one Indian with him. The 
English persuaded him to make his escape by killing his adversary. This 
he attempted to do, but overset the canoe in the struggle, and then swam to- 
wards the shore, and was met on the bank of the river, by several English 
who came to his rescue. In the mean time, a number of the enemy arrived at 
the bank, re-captured Moody, who was most inhumanly tortured by being 
fastened to a stake and roasted alive. His flesh was afterward devoured by 
the savages. Penhallow in Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc. i. GO, 61. Pike, MS. 
Journal.] 

t [James Davis was the son of John Davis of Dover, and was born 23 May, 
1662. He was an active and useful officer, and after this period became a 
colonel of the militia. He died in 1740, aged t7. He had nine children, 
whose ages avernged 87 years each.] 



1709.1 PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. I77 

governor of Virginia, and Captain Samuel Vetcli, a trader to No- 
va-Scotia, who was well acquainted with the French settlements 
there, and made a fulj rejjresentation of the state of things in A- 
merica to the British ministry. An expedition heing determined 
upon, they came over early in the spring with the queen's com- 
mand to the governors of the several provinces, to raise men for 
the service. Vetch was appointed a colonel, and Nicholson, by 
nomination of the governor^ of New-York, and consent of the 
other governments, w^^s made commander iii chief. The people 
of New-Hampshire were so much exhausted, and their men had 
been so ill paid before, that it was with great difficulty, and not 
without the dissolution of one assembly and the calling of another, 
that they could raise money to levy one -hundred men and procure 
tAVO transports for conveying them. After the utmost exertions 
had been made by the several governments, and Nicholson with 
part of the troops had marched to" Wood-creek, and the rest with 
the transports had lain at Nantasket three months waiting for a 
fleet, news arrived that the armament promised from England was 
diverted to another quarter. Upon which, the commander of the 
frigates on the Boston station refused to convey the troops, the 
whole army was disbanded, and the expense the colonies had 
been at was fruitless. A congress of governors and delegates 
from the assemblies met in the fall at Rhode-Island, who recom- 
mended the sending of agents td» assist Colonel Nicholson in rep- 
resenting the state of the pountry, and soliciting an expedition 
against Canada the next spring. The ministry at first seemed to 
listen to this proposal, but afterward changed their minds, i^i/x 
and resolved only on the reduction of Port Royal. For 
this purpose, Nicholson came over in July with five frigates and a 
bomb ketch ; the colonies then had to raise their quotas ; 
the New-Hampshire assembly ordered one hundred men, 
who were got ready as soon as possible, and put under the com- 
mand of Colonel Shadrach Walton. The whole armament sailed 
from Boston the eighteenth of September, and on the twenty- 
fourth, arrived at the place. The force now being equal to its 
reduction, Subcrease, the governor, waited only the compliment 
of a few shot and shells as a decent pretence for a surrender ; 
which was completed on the fifth of October, and Vetch was ap- 
pointed governor of the place which in honor of the queen was 
called Annapolis.^ 

Whilst this expedition was in hand, and before the appointment 
of the commanders, New-Hampshire sustained an heavy loss in 
the death of Colonel Winthrop Hilton. This worthy offi- 
cer being concerned in the masting business, and having " ^ 
several large trees felled about fourteen miles from home, went out 

(1) Hutchinson and Penhallow. [The latter spells the name of the French 
governor Supercass, while the former has it Subercase.] 

25 



j78 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1710. 

with a parly to peel the hark that the wood might not he injured 
hy worms. While engaged in this business, they were ambushed 
by a party of Indians, who, at the first fire, killed Hilton with two 
more, and took two ; the rest being terrified, and their guns being 
wet, made'no opposition, but escaped. The next day, one hun- 
dred men marched in pursuit, but discovered only the mangled 
bodies of the dead. The enemy in their barbarous triumph had 
struck their hatchets into d)e colonel's brains, and left a lance in 
his heart. He was a gendeman " of good temper, courage and 
'* conduct, respected and lamented by all that knew him," and 
was buried with the honors due to his rank and character.^ * 

Flushed with this success, they insolently appeared in the open 
road at Exeter, and took four children who were at their play. 
They also took John Wedgwood, and killed John Magoon near 
his brother's barn, a place which for three days, he had visited 
with a melancholy apprehension arising from a dream that he 
should there be murdered. 

The same day that Hilton was killed, a company of Indians 
who had pretended friendship, who the year before had been 
peaceably conversant with the inhabitants of Kingston, and seem- 
ed to be thirsting after the blood of the enemy, came into the 
town, and ambushing the road, killed Samuel Winslow and Sam- 
uel Huntoon. They also took Philip Huntoon and Jacob Gil- 
man, and carried them to Canada ; where, after some time, they 

(1) Penhallow, p. 58. 

* [Colonel Hilton was about 39 yeara of age. He was descended from two 
o£ the most distinguished fathers of JVcio-Eiigland. His father Edward Hil- 
ton, who was son of Edward Hilton, the first settler at Dover, married Ann 
Dudley, born 1(5 October, 1G41, who was daughter of Rev. Samuel Dudlej' 
and Mary Winthrop, the son and daughter of governors Thomas Dudley and 
John Winthrop. Col. Hilton married Ann Wilson, of Exeter, who, after his 
death, married Capt. Jonathan Wadleigh, and died 8 March, 1744. The chil- 
dren of Colonel Hilton were five daughters and one son, Winthrop, who was 
born 21 Dec. 1710, five months after his father's death. He married widow 
Wiggin, originally Martha Weeks, of Greenland. Their children were, 1. 
Winthrop, of Newmarket, who was killed by the fall of a tree in January, 
1775, (N.H. Gazette) leaving children, Andrew, Winthrop, Sarah and Ich.abod ; 
2. Ichabod, who died in March, 1822, aged 82, and whose children were 
Winthrop, of Newmarket, Susanna and Ann. There is a valuable memoir of 
Col. Hilton in the Collections of Farmer and Moore, for 1822, vol. i. 241 — 
251. At the close of it, it is said, '• the colonel, respected and lamented by all 
who knew him, was buried witli the honors due to his rank and character, in 
his own field on the west bank of Lamprey river by the side of his Ameri- 
can ancestors, where several of his descendants of four generations have 
since been gathered around him. A cluster of wild rose bushes grows rank 
over his grave, and the inscription on his moss-covered monument shows 
when a brave and a good man died, and where the remains of him who sincere- 
ly loved and faithfully served both God and his country, have long since 
mouldered into dust. ' Dudley Hilton, a brotlier of the colonel, was of the 
party, and was never iieard of at'ter the attack. 

An elegant silver headed cane which belonged to Colonel Hilton is in pos- 
session of John Kelly, Esq., of Northwood, whose children are lineal de- 
scendants from the colonel.] 



1710.1 PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. 179 

purchased their own redemption by building a saw-mill for tlie 
governor after the English mode.* 

The last dmt fell this summer was Jacob Garland, who was 
killed at Cochecho, on his return from the public worship. As 
the winter approached, Colonel Walton with one hundred and 
seventy men traversed the eastern shores, which the Indians usually 
visited at diis season for die purpose of gathering clams. On an 
Island where the party was encamped, several Indians decoyed 
by their smoke, and mistaking them for some of their own tribe, 
came among them and were made prisoners. One of them was 
a sachem of Norridgewog, active, bold and sullen : when he found 
himself in the hands of enemies, he would answer none of their 
questions, and laughed with scorn at their threatening him with 
death. His wife, being an eye witness of the execution of the 
threatening, was so intimidated as to make the discoveries which 
the captors had in vain desired of the sachem ; in consequence 
of which, three were taken at the place of which she informed, 
and two more at Saco river, where also five were killed. This 
success, inconsiderable as it may appear, kept up the spirits of 
the people, and added to the loss of the enemy, who were daily 
diminishing by sickness and famine. 

In the spring, they renewed their ravages on the frontiers in 
small parties. Thomas Downs, John Church,* and three .^. , 
more were killed at Cochecho ; and on a sabbath day, 
several of the people there fell into an ambush as they were re- 
turning from public worship. John Horn was wounded, and 
Humphrey Foss was taken ; but, by the determined bravery of 
Lieutenant Heard, he was recovered out of the hands of the en- 
emy. Walton, with two companies, marched to the ponds about 
the fishing season ; but the Indians had withdrawn, and nothing 
was to be seen but their deserted wigwams.- 

After the reduction of Port Royal, Nicholson went to England 
to soHcit an expedition against Canada. The tory ministry of 
Queen Anne, to the surprise of all the whigs in England and 
America, fell in with the proposal ; and on the eighth of June, 
Nicholson came to Boston with orders for the northern colonies 
to get ready their quotas of men and provision at the arrival of the 
fleet and army from Europe ; which happened within sixteen 
days; and whilst the several governors were holding a consulta- 
tion on die subject of their orders. A compliance with them in 
so short a time was impossible ; yet every thing that could be 
done was done ; the nature of the service conspiring with the 
wishes of the people, made the governments exert themselves to 
the utmost. New-Hampshire raised one hundred men ; which 
was more dian they could well spare ; one half of the militia be- 

(1) MS. Letter of Ward Clark to Prince. (2) Penhallow, p. 60. 

* [He was the son of John Cliurch, who was killed by the Indians, 7 May, 
1696. He was 43 years of age. .J 



180 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1711. 

iiig continually employed in guarding the frontiers. They also 
voted them suhsistence for one hinidred and twenty-six days, be- 
sides providing for them on shore before their embarkation. Two 
transports were taken up at eight shillings per month per ton ; 
and artillery stores were issued from the i'ort. The colony forces 
formed two regiments under the command of Vetch and Walton. 
The army which came from England were seven veteran regi- 
ments of the Duke of Marlborough's army, and a battalion of 
marines, under the command of brigadier-general Hill, which, 
joined with the New-England troops, made a body of about six 
thousand five hundred men, provided with a fine train of artillery. 
The fleet consisted of fifteen ships of war from eighty to thirty- 
six guns, with forty transports and six storeships under the com- 
mand of Admiral Walker. ^ A force fully equal to the reduction 
of Quebec. 

The fleet sailed from Boston on the thirtieth of July ; and a 
fast was ordered by Dudley to be kept on the last Thursday of 
that, and each succeeding month, till the enterprise should be 
finished.^ This was an imitaUon of the conduct of the long par- 
liament, during the civil wars in the last century. But the san- 
guine hopes of success which had been entertained by the nation 
and the colonies were all blasted in one fatal night. For, the 
fleet having advanced ten leagues into the river St. Lawrence, in 
the night of the twenty-third of August, the weather being thick 
and dark, eight transports were wrecked on Egg-Tsland near the 
north shore, and one thousand people perished ; among whom 
there was but one man who belonged to New-England. The 
next day, the fleet put back, and were eight days beating down 
the river against an easterly wind which would in two days have 
carried them to Quebec. After rendezvousing at Spanish river, 
in the island of Cape-Breton, and holding a fruifless consultation 
about annoying the French at Placentia, the expedition was bro- 
ken up : the fleet returned to England, and the New-England 
troops to their homes. Loud complaints and heavy charges 
were made on this occasion ; die ignorance of the pilots ; the 
obstinacy of the admiral ; the detention of the fleet at Boston ; 
its late arrival there ; the want of seasonable orders ; and the 
secret intentions of the ministry, were all subjects of bitter alter- 
cation ;3 but the miscarriage was never regularly enquired into, 
- and the voyage was finally setdcd by the blowing up of the 
admiral's ship, with most of his papers, and four hundred 
seamen, at Spithead. 

The failure of this expedition encouraged the Indians to harass 

■ipjin the frontiers as soon as the season would permit. In 

* April, one Cunningham was killed at Exeter; Ensign 

Tuttle at Dover, and Jeremiah Crommct at Oyster river. On 

(1) Penhallow, nage 64. Hutch, vol. 2, page 190. (2) Council Records.— 
(3) Dummer's defence and letter to a noble lord. 



1712.] PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. jgj 

one of the upper branches of this stream, the enemy burned a 
saw-mill with a large quantity of boards. A scouting party, who 
went up the river Merrimack, had the good fortune to surprise 
and kill eight Indians, and recover a considerable quantity of 
plunder, without the loss of a man. The frontiers were well 
guarded. One half of the militia did duty at the garrisons and 
were ready to march at a minute's warning ; a scout of forty men 
kept ranging on the heads of the towns, and the like care was taken 
by sea, spy-boats being employed in coasting from Cape Neddock 
to the Great Boar's head. Notwithstanding this vigilance, small 
parties of the enemy were frequently seen. Stephen Oilman 
and Ebenezer Stevens were wounded at Kingston. The . 
former was taken and put to death. In July, an ambush 
was discovered at Dover, but the enemy escaped ; and while a 
party was gone in pursuit of them, two children of John Waldron 
were taken, and for want of time to scalp them, their heads were 
cut off. There being no man at that time in Heard's garrison, a 
woman named Esther Jones mounted guard, and with a com- 
manding voice called so loudly and resolutely, as made the enemy 
think there was help at hand, and prevented farther mischief. 

In the autumn, the news of the peace of Utrecht arrived in 
America ; and on the 29th of October, the suspension of arms 
was proclaimed at Portsmouth. The Indians being informed of 
this event, came in with a flag of truce to Captain Moody at Cas- 
co, and desired a treaty ; which the governor, with the council of 
each province, held at Portsmouth, where the chiefs and 
deputies of the several belligerent tribes, by a formal wri- j^^j jj' 
ting* under hand and seal, acknowledged their perfidy, 
promised fidelity, renewed their allegiance, submitted to the laws, 
and begged the queen's pardon for their former miscarriages. * 
The frequent repetition of such engagements and as frequent 
violations of them, had by this time much abated the sense of 
obligation on the one part, and of confidence on the other. But 
it being for the interest of both parries to be at peace, the event 
was peculiarly welcome- 
To preserve the dependence of the Indians, and to prevent all 
occasions of complaint, private traffic with them was forbidden and 
Ijtruck houses established llf at the public expense ; and .^^^ 
the next summer, a ship was fitted out by both provinces, 
and sent to Quebec, where an exchange of prisoners was ef- 
fected. 

(l)Penhallow,p.72— 80. 

• [This " formal writing" or pacification is in Peniiallow, in the Coll. of the 
N. H. Hist. Soc. i. 82.] 

t [In the 2d volume p. 39 of the 2d edition, the following note is found : 
" The reader is desired to correct a mistake in the first volume. Instead of 
' truck houses established,' read ' it waa in contemplation to eatablish truck 
houses.' "] 



1S2 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPSIIIRE. [1714. 

During the whole of lliis long war, Usher behaved as a faithful 
servant of the crown ; frequently coming into the province by 
Dudley's direction, and sometimes residing in it several months, 
inquiring into the state of the frontiers and garrisons, visiting them 
in person, consulting with the ofiicers of militia about the proper 
methods of defence and protection, and offering his service on all 
occasions : Yet his austere and ungracious manners, and the in- 
terest he had in Allen's claim, effectually prevented him from 
acquiring that popularity which he seems to have deserved. He 
was solicitous to support the dignity of his commission ; but could 
never prevail with the assembly to settle a salary upon him. The 
council generally paid his travelling expenses by a draft on the 
treasury, which never amounted to more than five pounds for each 
journey, until he came from Boston to proclaim the accession of 
King George ; when in a fit of loyalty and good humor, they gave 
him ten pounds, w^hich served as a precedent for two or three 
other grants. He often complained, and sometimes in harsh and 
reproachful terms of their neglect ; and once told them, that his 
" negro servants were much better accommodated in his house 
" than the queen's governor was in the queen's fort."^ 

Dudley had the good fortune to be more popular. Beside his 
attention to the general interest of the province and his care for 
its defence, he had the particular merit of favoring the views of 
those who were most strongly opposed to Allen's claim ; and they 
made him amends, by promoting in the assembly, addresses to 
the queen, defending his character, when it was attacked and 
praying for his continuance in office, when petitions were present- 
ed for his removal. One of these addresses was in one thousand, 
seven hundred and six, and another in one thousand, seven hun- 
dred and seven, in both which, they represent him as a " prudent, 
careful and faithful governor," and say, they " are perfectly satis- 
*' fied with his disposal of the people, and their arms and the public 
*' money." Addresses to the crown were very frequent during 
this female reign. Scarce a year passed without one or two. 
They either congratulated her majesty on her victories in Europe, 
or petitioned for arms and military stores for their defence, or for 
ships and troops to go against Canada, or represented their own 
poverty or Dudley's merits, or thanked her majesty for her care 
and protecfion, and for interposing in the affair of Allen's suit, 
and not suffering it to be decided against them.- A good harmo- 
ny subsisted between the governor and people, and between the 
two branches of the Legislature, during the whole of this admin- 
istration. 

On the accession of King George, a change was expected in 

.„- f. the government, and the assembly did what they could to 

prevent it, by petitioning the king for Dudley's continu- 

(1) Council Records. (2) Ibid. 



1715.1 PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. 1S3 

ance. But it being now a time of peace, and a number of valu- 
able officers who had served with reputation in the l;ite wars being 
out of employment, interest was made for their obtaining places 
of profit under the crown. Colonel Eliseus Burges, who had 
served under General Stanhope, was, by his recommendation, 
commissioned governor of Massachusetts and New-Hampshire } 
and by the same interest, George Vaughan, Esq., then in London, 
was made lieutenant-governor of the latter province. He arrived 
and published his commission on the thirteenth of October. 
Usher had some scruples about the validity of it as he had form- 
erly had of Partridge's, and wrote on the subject to the assembly, 
who assured him that on inspection, they had found Vaughan's 
commission " strong and authentic;" and that his own, was "null 
and void."^ Upon his dismission from office, he retired to his 
elegant seat at Medford, where he spent the rest of his days, and 
died on the fifth of September, 1726, in the seventy-eighth year 
of his age.* 

Burges wrote a letter to the assembly in July, in which he in- 
formed them of his appointment, and of his intention to sail for 
America in the following month. But Sir William Ashurst, with 
Jeremy Dummer, the Massachusetts agent, and Jonathan Belcher, 
then in London, apprehending that he would not be an acceptable 
person to the people of New-England, prevailed with him ibr the 
consideration of one thousand pounds sterling, which Dummer 
and Belcher generously advanced, to resign his commission ; and 
Colonel Samuel Shute was appointed in his stead to the command 
of both provinces.- He arrived in New-Hampshire and his com- 
mission was published the seventeenth of October, 1716. Dudley 
being thus superseded, retired to his family-seat at Roxbury, 
where he died in 1720, in the seventy-third year of his age. 

(1) Council and Assembly Records. (2) Hutch, vol. 2, p. 215. 

* [John Usher was son of Hezekiah Usher, who came early to New-Eng- 
land and was admitted freeman in 1638. He settled at Cambridge, from 
whence lie removed to Boston, where the lieutenant-governor was born 27 
April, 1G48, and was admitted freeman in l(i73. In a MS. catalogue of the 
graduates of Harvard college, by the late William Winthrop, Esq., of Cam- 
bridge, it is said that Rev. John Usher, who graduated at that institution in 
171D, was a son of lieutenant-governor Usher, and that he was the Episcopal 
minister of Bristol, R. I., and died 30 April, 1775, aged 76. Rev. John Usher, 
who graduated at Harvard college in 1743, is said to have been a son of the 
Rev. Mr. Usher, and his successor at Bristol. He died in July, 1804, aged 
about 80 years.] 



184 HISTORY OF iNEW-lIAMPSHIRE. [171 &• 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Tlio administraUon of Governor Shute, and his Lieutenants, Vaughan and 

Wentworth. 

Georgk Vaughan, Esquire, was the son of Major William 
Vaughan, who had heen so ill used by former governors, and had 
suffered so much in the cause of his country, that the advance- 
ment of his son, to the oftice of lieutenant-governor, was esteem- 
ed a mark of particular favor, from the crown to the province, and 
a singular gratification to the parent, then in the decline of life. 
The lieutenant-governor had been employed by the province, as 
tlieir agent in England, to manage their defence against Allen. 
There he was taken notice of, by some persons of quality and 
influence, with whom his father had been connected; and by them, 
he was recommended as a candidate for the honor to which he 
was now advanced. 

After he had arrived, and opened his commission, Dudley, 

though not actually superseded, yet daily expecting Burges 

to succeed him, did not think it proper to come into the 
province, or perform any acts of government ; so that, during a 

year, Vaughan had the sole command. In this time, he 

°^' ■ called an assembly, who granted him the product of the 

impost and excise, for one year, but refused to establish these 

f. duties for any longer time ; upon which he dissolved them, 

. 21 and called another; to whom he recommended, in a style 

too peremptory, the establishment of a perpetual revenue 
to the crown ;^ a matter in which he had been so much engaged, 
that while in England, ' he presented a memorial to the king and 
' ministry, to bring New-England into the land tax of Great Brit- 
' ain ; and proposed that a receiver should be appointed by the 
' crown. '2 The assembly was of opinion, that the public charges 
might be defrayed in the usual manner, by an equal tax on polls 
and estates ; and declined laying an impost, or entering on any, 
but the common business of the year, till the arrival of a gov 
ernor.* 

When Governor Shute came to the chair, several of the old 

counsellors were laid aside, and six new ones appointed, 
'^ ' all of whom were inhabitants of Portsmouth. That town, 

(1) Assembly Records. (3) MS. Letter of Sir. VV. Ashurst to Dr. Increase 
Mather. 

* [171G. Stratham was incorporated. This town was included in the 
Squamscot patent granted to Edward Hilton. In l(j!l3, it was annexed to 
Exeter, it having before that time been connerled witii Hampton. It waa 
incorporated by charter, signed by Ijieutenant-Oovernor Vaughan, 20 March, 
1716. In lG9b, it contained 3o familiea ; iu 1707, it had 916 inhabitants.] 



1717.] PROVINCE. SAMUEL SHUTE. 1Q5 

at the same time, was luihappily agitated by a controversy, which 
had for some years subsisted between the two parishes. This had 
not only embittered the minds of the people, but had prejudiced 
some of the members of the council and assembly ; so as to af- 
fect the proceedings of die legislature, and break the harmony, 
which had been preserved in that body, during the preceding ad- 
ministration. The governor, in his first speech to the as- ,-,„ 
sembly, took notice of their division, and advised them to j^^^ ^^ 
unanimity. They thanked him for his advice, but remon- 
strated against the removal of the old counsellors, and the °" 
confining of the new appointments, both in the council and the 
judicial courts, to residents in one town, as being contrary to 
former usage, and giving an advantage, to the trading, above the 
landed interest. This, diey said, was the reason that an impost 
could not now be obtained, and that the whole burden of taxes 
was laid on the husbandman, and the laborer, who had been great- 
ly impoverished by the late war. The governor wisely avoided 
an answer to this remonstrance, by putting it on the council, who 
were a party in the controversy. The council, in their 
answer, acknowledged that the jirovince had been much 
distressed by the war ; but had in a great measure recovered ; 
that there would have been no opposiuon to an impost, if the 
representatives had agreed to an act of export, according to the 
practice in England ; that the king had a right to appoint his 
counsellors, from any part of the province ; that it was an affront 
to the prerogative to find fault with the exercise of this right ; and 
that it was most convenient for the affairs of government, especially 
upon sudden emergencies, that the council should reside near the 
seat of government. This answer might have appeared decent 
enough if they had not added, that they were ' gentlemen of the 
* best quality, and greatest ability to serve the government, in that 
' stadon ; and had as good or better estates in land, and land se- 
' curities, than any in the house, and not inferior to the gentlemen 
' who were laid aside.' 

While these altercations were in hand, there was a great com- 
plaint of the scarcity of "money, and some expedient was judged 
necessary to supply the place of current coin. A proposal was 
made to issue ten thousand pounds in bills, on loan, for twenty- 
three years, at five per cent, on land security. In diis, both 
houses agreed ; but the next day, the council proposed to 
enlarge die sum to fifteen thousand pounds, to which the house 
would not consent. The governor then ordered the house to at- 
tend a conference with the council. They desired to know on 
what subject ; he gave them no answer, but commanded their at- 
tendance. Having conferred about the proposed loan to no pur- 
pose, the circumstance of asking on what subject they were to 
confer was deemed an affront, and served as a pretext for dissolv- 

26 



186 HISTORY or NEW-HAMPSHIRE [1717. 

ing them. The next assembly was more pliant, and issued fifteen 
thousand pounds, on loan, for eleven years, at ten per cent.* 

A controversy also arose between the governor and lieutenant- 
governor about the power of the latter, in the absence of the 
former. Vaughan contended, that when the governor was pres- 
ent in his other province, he was absent from New-Hampshire, 
and consequently that the administration devolved on him. The 
position was a metaphysical truUi, but the inference was to be 
measured by political rules. Shute alleged that his commissions, 
being published and recorded, in New-Hampshire and Massachu- 
setts, he had the power of commander in chief over both provin- 
ces, during his residence in either ; and thought it an absurdity 
to suppose, that the king had appointed the governor commander 
in chief, for five or six weeks only in the year, and the lieutenant- 
governor during the rest of the time ; and that if the lieutenant- 
governor should happen, in that time, to step over the province 
line, the senior counsellor must take the chair ; this he said would 
make the province ' a monster with three heads.' The contro- 
versy was soon brought to an issue ; for Vaughan received an 
order from Shute, while at Boston, to appoint a fast, which he did 
not obey. He received another to prorogue the assembly, in- 
stead of which he dissolved them, without the advice of council. 
He required the opinion of the council on the extent of his power, 
but they declined giving it. Penhallow, the governor's chief 
friend, was a warm opposer of Vaughan's pretensions, and incur- 
red so much of his displeasure, that he publicly charged him with 
sowing discord in the government, and suspended him 
^^ ■ ■ from his seat in council. On hearing this, Shute hasten- 
ed to Portsmouth, and having summoned the council, ordered 
the king's instruction to him for suspending counsellors to be read, 
and demanded of Vaughan whether he had any instruction which 
superseded it. He answered, No. The governor then asked 
the council's advice whether the suspension of Penhallow was 
legal ; they answered in the negative. He then restored him to 
his seat, and suspended Vaughan.- 

The assembly, which Vaughan had assumed the right to dis- 
solve, met again, and approved the proceedings against him, jus- 
tifying the construction which the governor had put on his com- 
mission, and his opinion of the extent of the lieutenant-governor's 
power ; which was ' to observe such orders, as he should from 
* time to time receive from the king or the governor in chief.' 
The representatives of Hampton presented a remonstrance ; in 
wjiich, admitting the lieutenant-governor's opinion, that ' when the 
' governor is out of the province, die lieutenant-governor is im- 
' powered to execute the king's commission,' and asserting that 
the governor was not in the province when the lieutenant-governor 

(1) Assembly Records. (2) Council Minutes. 



1717.1 PROVINCE. SAMUEL SHUTE. 137 

dissolved the assembly, they declared diat they could not act with 
the house, unless they were re-elected.^ This remonstrance was 
deemed a libel, and the governor in council having summoned 
them before him, laid diem under bonds of four hundred pounds 
each, for their good behaviour.- He dien issued a proclamation, 
asserting his sole power, as commander in chief; and declaring 
that the lieutenant-governor had no right to exercise any acts of 
government without his special order.'^ 

To maintain a controversy with a superior oflicer on the extent 
of power, equally claimed by both, requires a delicacy and an 
address which does not fall to the lot of every man. An aspiring 
and precipitate temper may bring on such a contention, but dis- 
qualifies the person from managing it with propriety. Had 
Vaughan proposed to submit the question to the king, he would 
have acted more in character, and might have preserved his rep- 
utation, though he had lost his power. But having offended tho 
governor, and disgusted the council and assembly, he could hope 
for no favor from the crown. When the report of die proceed- 
ings was sent to England, Sir William Ashurst, who had great in- 
terest at court, and w^as a friend to New-England, and who greatly 
disrelished the memorial which Vaughan had formerly presented 
to the king, easily found means to displace him ;'* and in his 
room was appointed John Wentworth, Esquire, whose commission 
was published on the seventh of December. The celebrated Mr. 
Addison, being then secretary of state, this commission is coun- 
tersigned by a name particularly dear to the friends of liberty and 
literature.'^ 

John Wentworth, Esquire, grandson of William Wentworth, 
formerly mentioned as one of the first settlers of the country, had 
been in the early part of his life, commander of a ship ; and had 
acquired a handsome fortune by mercantile industry. Without 
any superior abilities or learning, by a steady attention to business, 
and a prudent, obliging deportment, he had recommended him- 
self to the esteem of die people. Having been five years in the 
council, before his appointment as lieutenant-governor, he had 
carried the same useful qualities into public life, and j)reserved or 
increased that respect which he had acquired in a private station. 
The rancor of contending parties made moderation a necessary 
character in a chief magistrate ; and the circumstances of the 
province, at that time, required a person of experience in trade, 
at its head. 

It being a time of peace, after a long and distressing war, the 
inqirovement of. which the province was capable, in regard to its 
natural productions, lumber and naval stores, rose into view and 
became objects of close attention both here and in England. As 

(1) Assembly Records. (2) Council Minutes. (3) Pcnliallow's MSS.— 
(4) Ashursfs letter, MS. (.")) Original MS. 



183 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPSIIIRE. [1717. 

early as IGG3, the government of Massachusetts, under which the 
province tiien was, had reserved for the pubhc use all white pine 
trees of twenty-four inches in diameter, at three feet from the 
ground.^ In King William's reign, a surveyor of the woods was 
appointed by the crown ; and an order was sent to the Earl of 
Bellomont, to cause acts to be passed in his several governments 
for the preservation of the white pines.^ In 1708, a law made in 
New-Hampshire prohibited the cutting of such as were twenty- 
four inches in diameter, at twelve inches from the ground, without 
leave of the surveyor; who was instructed by the queen, to mark 
with the broad arrow, those which were or might'be fit for the use 
of the navy, and to keep a register of them.^ Whatever severity 
might be used in executing the law, it was no difficult matter for 
those who knew the woods and were concerned in lumbering, to 
evade it ; though sometimes they were detected and fined."* Great 
complaints were frequently made of the destruction of the royal 
woods ; every governor and lieutenant-governor had occasion to 
declaim on the subject, in their speeches and letters ;^ it was a 
favorite point in England, and recommended them to their supe- 
riors as careful guardians of the royal interest. On the other 
hand, the ])eople made as loud complaints against the surveyor, 
for prohibiting the cutting of pine trees, and yet neglecting to mark 
such as were fit for masts ; by which means many trees, which 
never could be used as masts, and might be cut into logs for saw- 
ing, were rotting in the woods ; or the people who got them were 
exposed to a vexatious prosecution.^ When no surveyor was on 
the spot, the governor and council appointed suitable persons to 
take care that no waste should be made of the mast trees ; and these 
officers with a very moderate allowance, performed the duty, to 
much better purpose, than those who were sent from England and 
maintained at a great expense to the crown. "^ 

As those trees which grew within the limits of the townships 
were deemed private property, the people were desirous to get other 
J - . Q townships laid out, that the trees might be secured for their 
own use. This was a difficult point. The assembly in 1704, 
during the controversy with Allen, had explicitly disclaimed all 
tide to the waste lands, by which they understood all those with- 
out the bounds of their towns. The heirs of Allen kept a jeal- 
ous eye upon them. Usher, who claimed by mortgage from gov- 
ernor Allen, was still living, and was daily inviting purchasers by 
advertisements.^ The heir of Sir Charles Hobby, whose claim 
was founded on purchase from Thomas Allen, had offered his 
title to the assembly, but they had refused it. The creditors of 
Hobby's estate had aj)plicd for letters of administration ; and 

(1) Mass. Rec. (2) Council Minutes. (3) Laws. Cliap. 20. (4) U.slier's 
MSS. (.")) Council and As.spnibly Records. ((5) Penhallow's MSS. (7) As- 
Bcinbly Records. (8) Ne'iv-Eiiglaiid Courants. 



1718.] PROVINCE. SAMUEL SHUTE. ]Q() 

though the matter had heen, by the judge of probate, submitted to 
the general court, and by their advice suspended, yet the letters 
had been granted.^ Allen's other heirs were in a state of minori- 
ty in England ; but tlieir guardian was attentive to their interest. 2 
The controversy had become more complex than before ; and the 
claimants, however multiplied in number and discordant in their 
views, yet had an interest separate from that of the public. Tiie 
royal determination could not be had, but on an appeal from a 
verdict at law ; but no suits were now pending ; nor could the 
lands be granted by royal charter, without seeming to intrench on 
the property of the claimants. Notwithstanding these difficulties, 
the necessity of extending the settlements, and improving the nat- 
ural advantages of the country, was too apparent to be neglected. 

Great quantities of iron ore were found in many places ; and 
it was in contemplation to erect forges on some of the riv- ,«, q 
ers and to introduce foreign artists and laborers to refine 
it. A law was made laying a penalty of ten pounds per ton on 
the transporting of it out of the province ; but for the further en- 
couragement of the manufacturer, it was deemed necessary, that 
some land should be appropriated, to the purpose of supplying 
with fuel, the iron works which were to be erected, on Lamprey 
river, and of settling the people who were to be employed in that 
service."^ On this occasion, it was recollected, that in 1672, while 
this province was subject to the Massachusetts government, and 
after the town of Portsmouth had made a liberal contribution for 
the rebuilding of Harvard College, a promise had been made by 
the general court to grant to that town a quantity of ' land for a 
' village, when they should declare to the court the place where 
' they desired it.'^ Upon this, a petition was presented to the 
governor and council praying for a fulfilment of this promise ; and 
after some hesitation, a grant was made of a slip of land two 
miles in breadth above the head line of Dover, for the use of the 
iron works, which was called the ' renewing a grant formerly 
' made.'^ This was known by the name of the two mile slip, and 
it was afterward included in the township of Barrington. 

In some parts of the province, were many pitch-pine trees, unfit 
for masts, but capable of yielding tar and turpentine. A monop- 
oly of this manufacture had been attempted by a company of 
merchants ; but when many thousand trees were prepared for use, 
they were destroyed by unknown hands.^ Afterwards a law was 
made providing that tar should be received in lieu of taxes, at 
twenty shillings per barrel.'^ This encouraged the making of it 
for some time. Another law laid a penalty on the injuring of 
trees for drawing turpentine.^ But, private interest was too strong 

(1) Assembly Records. (2) Printed state of Allen's title. (3) Laws, chap. 
90. Couacil Minutes. (4) Mass. Rec. (5) Council Minutes. (C) Ibidem. 
(7) Laws, chap. ID. (8) Chap. 94. 



190 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1719. 

to be counteracted by a sense of pnblic utility. Too many in- 
cisions being made in tlie trees at once, tiiey were soon destroyed ; 
and those wliich were near at liand became scarce, the manufac- 
ture was gradually discontinued. 

Hemp was another object. Some had been sown, and from 
the specimen of its growth, much advantage was expected. An 
act was made to encourage it ; and it was allowed to be received 
at the treasury, in lieu of money, at one shilling per pound. i But 
as there was scarcely land enough in cultivation, for the produc- 
tion of corn, it was vain to think of raising a less necessary com- 
modity. 

The parliament of England was attentive to the advantages 
which might be derived to the nation from the colonies, to which 
tliey were particularly incited by the war, which at this time raged 
between Sweden and Russia, the grand marts for naval stores 
in Europe. A duty which had been paid on lumber imjiorted 
from America, was taken off; and this was esteemed so great fa- 
vor to New-Hampshire that the assembly thanked Shute for the 
share he had in obtaining it.^ About the same time, an act of 
parliament was made for the preservation of the white pines. — 
Penalties in proportion to the size of tlie trees, were laid on the 
cutting of those which grew without the bounds of townships ; 
and for the greater terror, these penalties were to be recovered by 
the oath of one witness, in a court of admiralty ; where a single 
judge, appointed by the crown, and removable at pleasure, de- 
termined tlie cause without a jury .^ While this bill was pending, 
Henry Newman, the agent for New-Hampshire, petitioned against 
the severity of it, but without effect.'* 

Great inconveniences had arisen for want of a due settlement 
of the limits of the province. The people who lived near the 
supposed line, were sometimes taxed in both provinces, and were 
liable to arrest by the ofHcers of both ; and sometimes the officers 
themselves were at variance, and imprisoned each other. Several 
attempts had been made to remove the difficulty, and letters fre- 
quently passed between the two courts on the subject, in conse- 
quence of petitions and complaints from the borderers. In 171 G, 
commissioners were appointed by both provinces, to settle the 
line. The New-Hampshire commissioners were furnished by 
lieutenant-governor Vaughan, with a copy of the report of the 
lords chief justices in 1 677, and were instructed ' to follow the 
' course of the river 3Ierrimack, at the distance of three miles 
* nordi as far as the river extends.'^ The conuiiissioners on the 
other side complained that this power was not sufficient ; if by 
sufficient it was meant that they had no power to vary from their 

(1) Laws. chaj). 04. (2) Assembly Records. (^5) Statute of Goorire I. 
chap 12. (4) MS. Petition . (5) Original MS. initruction. MS. Letter of 
Lt. Governor Wentworth. 



1719.] PROVINCE. SAMUEL SHUTE. 191 

instructions, the objection was true, but why this should have been 
objected it is not easy to account, since the instructions would have 
given Massachusetts all which they could claim by virtue ol" their 
old charter ; or the judgment upon it, on which they always laid 
much stress. Three years afterward the afl'air was agitated again, 
in obedience to an order from the lords of trade j who directed 
a map to be drawn and sent to them, in which die boundaries of 
the province should be dehneated, and the best accounts and 
vouchers procured to elucidate it.^ Commissioners were again 
appointed to meet at Newbury ; and those from New-Hampshire 
were instructed by lieutenant-governor Wentworth to confer with 
the others ; and if they could agree, in fixing the place where to 
begin the line, they were to report accordingly f but if not, they 
were to proceed ex parte, ' setting their compass on the north side 
' of the mouth of Merrimack river at high water mark, and from 
' thence measuring three miles on a north line, and from the end 
' of the first three miles on a west line into the country, till they 
' should meet the great river which runs out of Winnipisiogee 
' pond.' To this idea of a west line, the IMassachusetts commis- 
sioners objected ; and desired that the commission of the govern- 
or of New-Hampshire might be sent to Newbury, which was re- 
fused, and the conference ended without any agreement. How- 
ever, a plan was drawn agreeably to these instructions, and sent 
to the lords of trade ; and Newman, the agent was instructed to 
solicit for a confirmation of it. In these instructions, the ideas of 
the gentlemen in government are more fully^ expressed. The 
due west line on the southern side of the province, they supposed, 
ought to extend as far as Massachusetts extended.^ The line on 
the northerly side adjoining to the province of Maine, they sup- 
posed, ought to be drawn up the middle of the river Pascataqua, 
as far as the tide flows in the Newichwannock branch ; and 
thence northwestward, but whether two or more points westward 
of north was left for further consideration. 

While these things were in agitation, the province unexpected- 
ly received an accession of inhabitants from the north of Ireland. 
A colony of Scotch presbyterians had been setded in the province 
of Ulster, in the reign of James I. They had borne a large share 
in the sufferings, which the protestants in that unhappy country 
underwent, in the reign of Charles I. and James II. ; and had 
thereby conceived an ardent and inextinguishable diirst for civil 
and religious liberty.'^ Notwithstanding the peace which Ireland 
had enjoyed, since the subjection of the Popish party by King 
William, some penal laws were still in force ; which, with the in- 
convenience of rents and tidies, made these people wish for a 
setdement in America ; where they might be free from diese 

(1) Original MS. order. (2) Original MS. instructions. (3) Penhallow's 
MSS. (4) Hume. 



192 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1719. 

burthens and have full scope for their industry. One Holmes, a 
young man, son of a clergyman, had been here and carried home 
a lavorable report of the country,^ which induced his father, with 
three other presbyterian ministers, James Macgregore, William 
Cornwell, and William Boyd, and a large number of their con- 
gregations, to resolve on an emigration. Having converted their 
substance into money, they embarked in five ships, and about one 
Oct. 14. hundred families of them arrived at Boston. Cornwell, 

I7ld. vvith about twenty families more, arrived at Casco. They 
immediately petitioned the assembly of Massachusetts for a tract 
of land ; who gave them leave to look out a settlement of six miles 
square, in any of the unappropriated lands at the eastward. After 
a fruitless search along the shore, finding no place that suited 
them there ; sixteen families, hearing of a tract of good land, 
above Haverhill, called Nutfield (from the great number of chest- 
nut and walnut trees there) and being informed that it was not 
appropriated, determined there to take up their grant ; the others 
dispersed themselves into various parts of the country. 

As soon as the spring opened, the men went from Haverhill, 
where they left their families, and built some huts near a 

^^' ' brook which falls into Beaver river, and which they named 
West-running brook.* The first evening after their arrival, a 

(1) MS. of John Harvey. 

* [The sixteen families wliich first removed to the place were the following. 
Randel Alexander, Jolin Barnet, John Mitchell, Thomas Steele, 

Samuel Allison, Arch. Clendenin, John Morrison, Sterrett, 

Allen Anderson, James Clark, James McKeen, John Steward, 

James Anderson, James Gregg, John Nesmith, Robert Weir. 

These were men principally in the middle age of life, robust, persevering, 
and adventurous ; sucli as were well suited to encounter the toils, and endure 
tlie hardships and self denials of conmiencing a new settlement. They were 
soon followed bv many of tlieir countrymen, who had emigrated with them to 
America, so that, before the close of tiie year, the number of families was 
considerably increased. Being industrious and frugal in their habits of life, 
and highly favored with the institutions of the gospel, they very soon became 
a thriving, wealthy, and respectable settlement. Rev. Edward L. Parker's 
Century Sermon, 11, 13. 

From several petitions of the inhabitants of Londonderry, found among the 
Waldron papers, deposited two or tlu-ee years since in the Secretary's office, 
I have collected the following list of persons who had settled in Londonderry 
before the year 173y, besides those above named. 

The names are given, generally, as found in the petitions, having in many 
cases the autograpJis of tlie first settlers. 

James Adams, John Barr, Ninin Cochran, 

John Adams, Samuel Barr, Peter Cochran, (2) 

James Aiken, John Bell, Robert Cochran, 

Nathaniel Aiken, James Blair, William Cochran, (2) 

William Aiken, John Blair, Tliomas Cochran, 

James Alexander, James Caldwell, John Conaghie, 

John Anderson, (2) James Campbell, Hugh Craige, 

Robert Arbuckel, David Cargin,(2) John Craig, 

John Archbald, Benja. Chamberlain, Jesse Cristi, 

John Barnett, IMatthew Clark, John Cromey, 

Moses Barnett, Andrew Clendenin, John Dinsmore, 



1719.] PROVINCE. SAMUEL SHUTE. 193 

sermon was preached to them under a large oak, which, is to this 
day regarded with a degree of veneration. As soon as they 
could collect their families, they called JMacgregore to be their 
minister, who since his arrival in the country had preached at 
Dracut. At the first sacramental occasion, were present two min- 
isters and sixty-five communicants. INIacgregore continued with 
them till his death;* and his memory is still precious among 
them. He was a wise, affectionate and faithful guide to them, 
both in civil and religious concerns. These people brought with 
them the necessary materials for the manufacture of linen ; and 
their spinning wheels, turned by the foot, were a novelty in the 
country. They also introduced the culture of potatoes, which 
were first planted in the garden of Nathaniel Walker of Andover. 
They were an industrious, frugal and consequently thriving 
people. 

They met with some difl!iculty in obtaining a title to their lands. 
If the due west line between the provinces had been established, 
it would have passed through their settlement and divided it be- 



Patrick Douglas, 
William Eayrs,(2) 
James Gillmor, 
Robert Gillmor, 
John Goffe, 
John Goffe, jr. 
Samuel Graves, 
John Gregg, 
Samuel Gregg, 
William Harper, 
James Harvey, 
Jo. Harvey, 
William Hogg, 
Abraham Holmes, 
Jonathan HoUrae, 
John Hopkins, 
Solomon Hopkins, 
Tliomas Horner, 
Samuel Houston, 
William Humplirey, 
David Hunter, 
Alexander Kelsey, 
Robert Kennedy, 
Benjamin Kidder, 
James Leslie, 



James Lindsay, 
Edward Linkiield, 
Daniel Macduffie, 
Robert Mcfarlin, 
Nathan Mcfarlin, 
James MacGregore, 
David McGregore, 
Robert McKean, 
Samuel McKeen, 



Matthew Reid, 
Alexander Renkine, 
Samuel Renkin, 
James Rodgers, 
Hugh Rogers, 
John Shields, 
Archibald Stark, 
Charles Stewart, 
Thomas Stewart, 



Archibald Mackmurphy, James Taggart, 



John Macmurphy, John Taggart, 

Alexander MacNeall, James Thomson, 
John McNeill William Thomson, 

William Michell, Robert Thompson, 

Hugh Montgomery, Andrew Todd, 

Jolm Moor, Samuel Todd, 

William Moore, Alexander Walker, 

James Morrison, James Walles, 

Robert Morrison, Archibald Wear, 

Samuel Morrison, Robert Weir, 

David Morrison, Benjamin Willson, 

James Nesmith, James Willson, 

Alex. Nickels, Hugh Wilson, 

Hugh Ramsey, Thomas Wilson. 

James Reid, 

A few names having become obliterated or not easily decyphered, are 
omitted. Where (2) is annexed, it shows that there were two persons of the 
same name, without the addition of any senior or junior. I have been more 
particular in giving the preceding list on account of the large number of em- 
igrants Londonderry has furnished for several towns in New-Hampshire, and 
Bome in Vermont. Among their descendants might be named those who 
sustained high military stations in the army of the Revolution ; — ' those who 
have been members of Congress ; — who have presided in our higliest semina- 
ries of learning ; — who have filled seats in our council and senate, — and who 
have sustained the chief magistracy of the state ; besides a number of emin- 
ent and distinguished ministers of the gospel.'] 

* March 5, 1729, aged 52. 
27 



194 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1719. 

Ivvccn Massachusetts and Ncw-Ham[isliire ; but the curve line, 
following the course of IMerriniack at three miles distance, would 
leave them unquestionably in New-Hampshire. This was the 
idea of the general court of Massachusetts, who, upon applica- 
tion to them for a confirmation of their former grant, declared 
them to be out of their jurisdiction. Among the many claimants 
to these lands, they were informed, that Colonel Wheelwright of 
Wells had the best Indian title, derived from his ancestors. Sup- 
posing this to be valid in a moral view, they followed the example 
of the first settlers of New-England, and obtained a deed of ten 
miles square, in virtue of the general license granted by the Indian 
sagamores in 1629. To prevent difficulty from Allen's claim, 
they applied for leave of settlement to Colonel Usher, who told 
them that tiie land was in dispute, and that he could not give them 
leave, but that he supposed they might settle on it, if they would 
hold it either of the king or of Allen's heirs, as the case might be 
determined.^ They also applied to the lieutenant-governor of 
New-Hampshire, who declined making them a grant in the king's 
name ; but, by adv^ice of council, gave them a protection, and 
extended the benefit of the law to them ; appointing James 
M'Keen to be a justice of the peace, and Robert Weir, a deputy 
sherifF.2 

Some persons who claimed these lands, by virtue of a deed of 
about twenty years' date, from John, an Indian sagamore, gave 
1 720 ^^^^^^ some disturbance ; but, having obtained what they 
judged a superior tide, and enjoying the protection of gov- 
ernment, they went on with their plantation ; receiving frequent 
ad(litions of their countrymen, as well as others, till in 1722, their 
town was incorporated by the name of Londonderry, from a city 
in the north of Ireland, in and near to which most of them had 
resided ; and in which some of them had endured the hardships 
of a memorable siege.*^ * 

(1) Usher's MSS. (2) Council Minutes. (3) Harvey and Macgregore's 
MSS. 

* John Barr, William Caldwell and Abraham Blair, with several others 
who had suffered in this siege, and came to America, were by King William's 
special order made free of taxes through all the British dominions. 

This, with several other circumstances relating to tliese people, I took from 
a manuscript letter written (1721)) by Mr. John Harvey, school-master in 
Londonderry, to Mr. Prince. In the same letter was the following brief ac- 
count of the siege above mentioned. ' Londonderry was besieged near half a 

* year (1G89) by King James's army, when he had all Ireland subdued but 
' Derry and a little place hard by. The besieged defended the city, most of 
' them being presbyterians, till they were very much pinched by famine, tiuit 
' a dog's head was sold cheap enough at half a crown ; and yet God supported 
' them until King William sent them relief by two ships with men and pro- 

* visions from England; at which sight, before the ships got up to the city 
' and landed their men, the besiegers moved their camp and fled to the west 
' of Ireland, where afterwards two bloody battles vveie fought and the papists 
' subdued. 



1720.] PROVINCE. SAMUEL SHUTE. I95 

The settlement of these emigrants, on the waste lands, opened 
the way for other plantations. Those who had borne the burthens 
and distresses of war, in defending the country, had long been 
circumscribed within the limits of the old towns ; but were now 
multiplied, and required room to make settlements for their chil- 
dren. They thought it hard to be excluded from the privilege of 
cultivating the lands, which they and their fathers had defended ; 
while strangers were admitted to sit down peaceably upon them. 
These were weighty reasons. At the same time no attempt was 
making, by any of the claimants, to determine the long contested 
point of property ; and in fact, no person could give a clear and 
undisputed title to any of the unsetded lands. 

In these circumstances, a company of about one hundred per- 
sons, inhabitants of Portsmouth, Exeter and Haverhill, pedtioned 
for liberty to begin a plantadon, 'he northerly part of ^^ry^ 
the lands called Nutfield. These were soon followed by 
petitioners from the other towns, for the lands which lay condgu- 
ous to them. The governor and council kept the petitions sus- 
pended for a long dme, giving public notice to all persons con- 
cerned to make their objections. In this dme, the lands were 
surveyed, and die limits of four proposed townships determined ; 
and the people were permitted to build and plant upon the lands 

* provided that they did not infringe on, or interfere with, 

* any former grants, possessions or properties.'^ Some of ^^^"^ 
these lands were well stocked with pine trees ; which were felled 
in great abundance ; this occasioned a fresh complaint from the 
king's surveyor. 

At length, charters being prepared, were signed by the gov- 

(1) Council Records. 

* Two things further, (sa3fs he) I have to relate respecting Derry. J . The 

* churcli of Derry is so strongly built with stone and lime that in the steeple 

* they had a cannon fixed, which did more hurt to the Irish army than six 

* upon the walls. 2. There was one Col. Murray in the siege. He and a 

* party were out against the enemy, and having got the advantage in an en- 

* gagement with them a mile from the walls, the enemy's general, who was a 

* Frenchman, and lie, met ; and having both fired their pistols, drew their 
' swords, and the general having a coat of mail, had the advantage of Murray 
' so that he could not hurt him. At length Murray observing that there was 

* no touching him but through the harness in his face, put his sword in through 
' the bars of the harness and killed him. They made a great slaughter that 

* day.' _ 

Nothing was more oflTensive to these emigrants than to be called Irish. 
Macgregore in a letter to Governor Sluite, (1720) says : ' We are surprised 
' to hear ourselves termed Irish people, when we so frequently ventured our 

* all for the British crown and liberties against the Irish papists ; and gave 
' all tests of our loyalty, which the government of Ireland required and are 
' always read}-^ to do the same when demanded.' 

The people of this country did not understand the distinction ; nor in fact 
did they treat these strangers with common decency on their first arrival. — 
The grudge subsisted along time, but is now worn out. 



196 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1722. 

ernor ; by which four townships, Chester,* Nottingham, Bar- 

.^^rt ri'iiglonf and Rochester were granted and incorporated. 

Ma'To '^'^^^ grants were made in the name of the king, who was 

"^^ ' considered as the common guardian, both of the people 

* [In October, 1719, about 80 persons, chiefly from Hampton and Ports- 
mouth, associated for tiie purpose of obtaining a grant of a township m the 
" Chestnut country ;" — ^placed three men on the land to keep possession, and 
petitioned for a grant. After some difficulty, they obtained a grant of a tract 
of land ten miles square, 26 August, 1720. Tlie settlement was immediately 
commenced by several persons from Rye and Hampton, of whom Samuel 
Ingalls, Jonathan Goodhue, Jacob Sargent, Ebenezer Dearborn, Robert Smith, 
B. and Enoch Colby, John and Samuel Robie seem ta have been most active 
and useful, and by several families from the north of Ireland, of whom John 
Tolford, afterwards a major, and engaged with Col. Lovewell in 1754, in ex- 
ploring the Coos territory, and who died in July, 1791, aged 90, Thomas 
Smitlit John Carr, James Wilson, who died in 1739, aged 100, (see vol. iii. 
251) William Wilson, Hugh Wilson and James Whiting, seem to have been 
among the earliest settlers. From 1722 to 1726, the settlement was retarded 
by an Indian war. The Indians, however, did no injury, except that they 
took Thomas Smith and John Carr, as related under 1724. Several garrison 
houses were maintained in this town till after the peace of 1749. In 1726, 
many new settlers arrived from Hampton, Rye and Bradford, (Mass.) among 
whom were Samuel Emerson, the first justice of the peace in the town, Fran- 
cis and Antliony Towle, Sampson Underbill, Nathan Webster, Ephraim 
Hazeltine, Sylvanus Smith, Ithamar, Benjamin and John Shackford, and in 
1728 and 1730, several emigrants from Ireland, among whom were James 
Campbell, Alexander and Andrew Craige, John Shirela, James Shirela (usu- 
ally written Shirley) who died in 1754, aged 105, John and Robert Mills, John 
and Charles Mooie, John Dickey, John and Samuel Aiken, Thomas Wason, 
William Crawford and John Carswell. The first child born in town was a 
daughter of Samuel Ingalls. She died a few years since in Candia, over 90 
years of age. The first male child born in town was John Sargent, who also 
died in Candia, between 70 and 80 years of age. The charter mentioned in 
the text included more than 120 square miles of territory. The first meeting 
under it was holden, 28 March, 1723. Until 1728, the town meetings were 
usually holden in one of the old towns in the province, and almost all the town 
officers, though proprietors, were not inhabitants of the town. In 1729, the 
town voted to build a meeting house, and in 1731, a church was formed, and 
Rev. Moses Hale, H. C. 1722, was ordained. He was dismissed 4 June, 1735. 
In 1734, the emigrants from Ireland, who were Presbyterians, formed a soci- 
ety, and settled Rev. John Wilson after the rules of the kirk of Scotland. 
He died 1 February, 1779, aged 76. In 1740, the first school house was built. 
In 1748, Capt. Abel Morse was chosen the first representative. In 1750, the 
inhabitants voted that the S. W. part of the town, should be set off with a 
part of Londonderry and the land next to Amuskeag, into a separate parish, 
which was incorporated 3 September, 1751, by the name of Dc.mjfield, and is 
now called Manchester. In 1753, the W. part of the town was set off as a 
distinct parish, and has been since known as the Lonor Meadows. In 1762, 



by the name of Raymond. In 1822, a part of Chester was disannexed with 
other tracts to form the town o? Ilooksctt. MS. Letter of Samuel D. Bell, Esq.] 
t [The settlement of Barrington began in 1732. Fourteen of the first plant- 
ers were living in 1785, who were between 80 and 90 years of age. A con- 
fregational church was organized and Rev. Joseph Prince was ordained 18 
une, 1755. He was dismissed in 1768. His successors have been Rev. Da- 
vid Tenney from 1771 to 1778, Rev. Benjamin Balch from 1784 to 1815, and 
Rev. Cephas H. Kent, from October, 1828 to 1830. The township was divided 
in 1820 into two nearly equal parts, and the western division was incorporated 
into a new town by the name of Strafford.] 



1722.] PROVINCE. SAMUEL SHUTE. 197 

and the claimants ; but with a clause of reservation, ' as far as in 
us lies,' that there might be no infringement on the claims. 

The signing of these grants was the last act of government 
performed by Shute in New-Hampshire. A violent party in 
Massachusetts had made such strenuous opposition to him and 
caused him so much vexation, as rendered it eligible for him to 
ask leave to return to England. He is said to have been a man 
of a humane, obliging and friendly disposition ; but having been 
used to military command, could not bear with patience the col- 
lision of parties, nor keep his temper when provoked. Fond of 
ease, and now in the decline of life, he would gladly have spent 
his days in America if he could have avoided controversy. The 
people of New-Hampshire were satisfied with his administration, 
as far as it respected them ; and though they did not settle a sal- 
ary on him as on his predecessor, yet they made him a grant twice 
in the year, generally amounting to a hundred pounds, and paid 
it out of the excise which was voted from year to year.^ This 
was more in proportion, than he received from his other govern- 
ment. On his departure for England, which was very ^mncy 
sudden and unexpected, lieutenant-governor Wentworth, j^^^^^ j* 
took the chief command, in a time of distress and perplex- 
ity ; the country being then involved in another war with the 
natives. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

The fourth Indian War, commonly called the three years' war, or Lovewell'a 



war. 



To account for the frequent wars with the eastern Indians, 
usually called by the French, the Abenaquis, and their unsteadi- 
ness both in war and peace ; we must observe, that they were 
situated between the colonies of two European nations, who were 
often at war with each other, and who pursued very different 
measures with regard to them. 

As the lands, on which they liv^ed, were comprehended in the 
patents granted by the crown of England, the natives were con- 
sidered by the English, as subjects of that crown. In the treaties 
and conferences held with them, they were styled the king's sub- 
jects ; when war was declared against them, they were called 
rebels; and when they were compelled to make peace, they sub- 
scribed an acknowledgment of their perfidy, and a declaration of 
their submission to the government, without any just ideas of the 

(1) Assembly Records. 



19S HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

meaning of those terms ; and it is a difficult point to determine 
what kind of subjects they were. 

Beside the patents, derived from the crown, the English, in 
general, were fond of obtaining from the Indians, deeds of sale for 
tliose lands, on which they were disposed to make settlements. 
Some of these deeds were executed with legal formality, and a 
valuable consideration was paid to the natives for the purchase ; 
others were of obscure and uncertain original ; but the memory 
of such transactions was soon lost, among a people who had no 
written records. Lands had been purchased of the Indian chiefs, 
on the rivers Kennebeck and St. George, at an early period ; but 
the succeeding Indians either had no knowledge of the sales made 
by their ancestors, or had an idea that such bargains were not 
binding on posterity ; who had as much need of the lands, and 
could use them to the same purpose as their fathers. At first, 
the Indians did not know that the European manner of cultivating 
lands, and erecting mills and dams, would drive away the game 
and fish, and thereby deprive them of the means of subsistence ; 
afterward, finding by experience that this was the consequence 
of admitting foreigners to settle among them, they repented of 
their hospitality, and were inclined to dispossess their new neigh- 
bors, as the only way of restoring the country to its pristine state, 
and of recovering their usual mode of subsistence. 

They were extremely offended by the setdements, which the 
English, after the peace of Utretcht, made on the lands to the 
eastward, and by their building forts, block houses and mills ; 
whereby their usual mode of passing the rivers and carrying-places 
was interrupted ; and they could not believe, though they were 
told with great solemnity, that these fortifications were erected for 
their defence against invasion.^ When conferences were held 
with them on this subject, they either denied that the lands had 
been sold, or pretended that the sachems had exceeded their 
power in making the bargains ; or had conveyed lands beyond the 
limits of their tribe ; or that the English had taken advantage of 
their drunkenness to make them sign the deeds ; or that no val- 
uable consideration had been given for the purchase." No argu- 
ments or evidence which could be adduced would satisfy them, 
unless the lands were paid for again ; and had this been done 
once, their posterity after a few years would have renewed the 
demand. 

On the other hand, the French did not in a formal manner de- 
clare them subjects of the crown of France ; but every tribe, 
however small, was allowed to preserve its independence.^ Those 
who were situated in the heart of Canada kept Uieir lands to dicm- 
selves, which were never solicited from them ; those who dwelt 

' (1) Governor Shute's conference, 1717. (2) Waldo's defence of Leveret's 
title. (3) Abbe Raynal. 



1717.] PROVINCE. SAMUEL SIIUTE. jgg 

on the rivers and shores of the Atlantic, though distant from tlie 
French colonies, received annual presents from the king of 
France ; and solitary traders resided with, or occasionally visited 
them ; but no attempt was made by any company to settle on 
their lands. 

It was in the power of the English to supply them with provis- 
ions, arms, ammunition, blankets and other articles which they 
wanted, cheaper than they could purchase them of the ,:~,« 
French. Gov^ernor Shute had promised that trading houses 
should be established among them, and that a smith should be 
provided to keep their arms and other instruments in repair ; but 
the unhappy contentions between the governor and assembly of 
Massachusetts prevented a compliance with this engagement. 
The Indians were therefore obliged to submit to the impositions 
of private traders, or to seek supplies from the French ; who failed 
not to join with them in reproaching the Enghsh for this breach 
of promise; and for their avidity in getting away the land. 

The inhabitants of the eastern parts of New-England were not 
of the best character for religion, and were ill adapted to engage 
the affections of the Indians by their example. The frequent 
hostilities on this quarter, not only kept alive a spirit of jealousy 
and z-evenge in individuals, but prevented any endeavors to prop- 
agate religious knowledge among the Indians by the government ; 
though it was one of the conditions of their charter ; and though 
many good men wished it might be attempted. At length. Gov- 
ernor Shute, in his conference with their sachems at Arrowsick, 
introduced this important business by offering them in a formal 
manner, an Indian bible, and a protestant missionary; but they 
rejected bodi, saying ' God hath given us teaching already, and if 
' we should go from it, we should displease him.' He would 
have done much better service, and perhaps prevented a war, if 
he had complied with their earnest desire to fix a boundary, be- 
yond which the English should not extend their settlements. ^ 

A gentleman, in conversation with one of their sachems, asked 
him why they were so strongly attached to the French, from 
whom they could not expect to receive so much benefit as from the 
English ; the sachem gravely answered, ' because the French 
' have taught us to pray to God, which the English never did.'^ 

It has been observed in the former part of this work, that the 
Jesuits had planted themselves among these tribes. They had 
one church at Penobscot, and another at Norridgewog, where 
Sebastian Ralle, a French Jesuit, resided. He was a man of 
good sense, learning and address, and by a compliance with their 
mode of life, and a gentle, condescending deportment, had gained 
their affections so as to manage them at his pleasure. Knowing 
tlie power of superstition over the savage mind, betook advantage 

(1) Judge Sewal's memorial. (2) Penhallow's MSS. 



200 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1720. 

of this, and of their prejudice against the English, to promote the 
cause, and strengthen the interest of the French among them. 
He even made the offices of devotion serve as incentives to their 
ferocity, and kept a flag, in which was depicted a cross, surround- 
ed by bows and arrows, which lie used to hoist on a pole, at the 
door of his church, when he gave them absolution, previously to 
their engaging in any warlike enterprise.^ * 

With this Jesuit, the governor of Canada held a close corres- 
pondence ; and by him was informed of every thing transacted 
among the Indians. By this means, their discontent with the 
English, on account of the settlements made at the eastward, was 
heightened and inflamed ; and they received every encourage- 
ment, to assert their title to the lands in question, and molest the 
settlers, by killing their cattle, burning their stacks of hay, rob- 
bing and insulting them. These insolencies discouraged the peo- 
ple, and caused many of them to remove. The garrisons were 
then reinforced ; and scouting parties were ordered into the east- 
ern quarter, under the command of Colonel Shadrach Walton. 
By this appearance of force, the Indians, who dreaded the power 
of the English, were restrained from open hostilities. They had 
frequent parleys with the commanders of forts, and with commis- 
sioners who visited them occasionally ; and though at first they 
seemed to be resolute in demanding the removal of the English, 
declaring that ' they had fought for the land three times, and 
* would fight for it again j'^ yet when they were told that there 
was no alternative but perfect peace or open war, and that if they 
chose peace they must forbear every kind of insult, they seemed 
to prefer peace ; and either pretended ignorance of what had 
been done, or promised to make inquiry into it ; and as an evi- 
dence of their good intentions, offered a tribute of skins, and de- 
livered up four of their young men as hostages. 

Tliis proceeding was highly disrelished by the governor of 
Canada ; who renewed his efforts to keep up the quarrel, and 
secretly promised to supply the Indians with arms and ammuni- 
tion ; though as it was a time of peace between the two crowns, 
he could not openly assist them.^ 

(1) New-Enorland Courant, No. IGO. (2) Captain Penhallow's MSS.— 
(3) Hutch. Hist. 203. 

* [The writer of a biographical memoir of Ralle, published in the 2 Coll. 
Mass. Hist. Soc. viii. 25U — 257, has attempted to vindicate his character from 
this charge, and from several aspersions which appear in works of writers 
contemporary with the missionary. In relation to tlie statement in the text, 
derived from the New-England Courant, the writer says, " How much reli- 
ance is to be placed upon newspaper paragraphs, written respecting those 
with whom hostilities are carried on, the dispassionate will judge. Imputed 
reasons are not always correct : if they were, tlie aborigines might infer tliat 
the figure of an Indian, with a drawn sword over his head on the flag of the 
English inhabitants of Massachusetts, implied that it was borne in menace of 
an exterminating war against all Indians."] 



1720.] PROVINCE. SAMUEL SHUTE. 201 

The New-England governments, though highly incensed, were 
not easily persuaded to consent to a war. The dispute was be- 
tween the Indians and the proprietors of the eastern lands, in 
which the public were not directly interested. No blood had as 
yet been shed. Canseau had been surprised and plundered, and 
some people killed there ; but that was in the government of Nova- 
Scotia. Ralle was regarded as the principal instigator of the In- 
dians ; and it was thought, that if he could be taken off they 
would be quiet. It was once proposed to send the sheriff of 
York county, with a posse of one hundred and fifty men, to seize 
and bring him to Boston ; but this was not agreed to. The . ^^ i 
next summer, Ralle in company with Castine from Penob- 
scot, and Croisil from Canada, appeared among the Indians, at a 
conference held on Arrowsick Island, with Captain Penhal- 
low, the commander of the garrison, and brought a letter, ^' 
written in the name of the several tribes of Indians, directed to 
Governor Shute ; in which it was declared, ' that if the English 
' did not remove in three weeks, they would kill them and their 
* cattle, and burn their houses.' An additional guard was sent 
down ; but the government, loath to come to a rupture, and de- 
sirous if possible to treat with the Indians separately from the 
French emissaries, invited them to another conl'erence, which in- 
vitation they treated with neglect. 

In the succeeding winter, a party under Colonel Thomas West- 
brooke was ordered to Norridgewog to seize Ralle. They ar- 
rived at the village undiscovered ; but before they could surround 
his house, he escaped into the woods, leaving his papers in his 
strong box, which they brought off without doing any other dam- 
age. Among these papers were his letters of correspondence 
with the governor of Canada, by which it clearly appeared, that 
he was deeply engaged in exciting the Indians to a rupture, and 
had promised to assist them. 

This attempt to seize their spiritual father, could not long be 
unrevenged. The next summer, they took nine families ,^00 
from Merrymceting bay, and after distnissing some of the jy^eis' 
prisoners, retained enough to secure the redemption of 
their hostages and sent them to Canada.^ About the same time, 
they made an attempt on the fort at St. George's ; but were re- 
pulsed with considerable loss. They also surprised some fishing 
vessels in the eastern harbors; and at length, made a furious at- 
tack on the town of Brunswick, which they destroyed. ^^ 
This action determined the government to issue a declar- 
ation of war against them, which was published in form at Boston 
and Portsmouth. 

New-Hampshire being seated in the bosom of Massachusetts, 
had the same interest to serve, and bore a proportionable share 

(1) Penhallow's Indian wars, p. 85. 
28 



202 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1722. 

of all these transactions and the expenses attending them. Wal- 
ton, who first commanded the forces sent into the eastern parts, 
and Westbrooke, who succeeded him, as well as Penhallow, the 
commander of the fort at Arrovvsick, were New-Hampshire men. 
The two former were of the council. A declaration of war being 
made, the enemy were expected on every part of the frontiers ; 
and the Assembly were obliged to concert measures for their se- 
curity, after an interval of peace for about ten years. 

The usual route of the Indians, in their marches to the frontiers 
of New-Hampshire, was by the way of Winnipiseogee lake. 
The distance from Cochecho falls, in the town of Dover, to the 
southeast bay of that lake, is about thirty miles. It was thought 
that if a road could be opened to that place, and a fort built there, 
the enemy would be prevented from coming that way. Orders 
were accordingly issued, and a party of two hundred and fifty 
men were employed in cutting down the woods for a road ; but 
the expense so far exceeded the benefit which could be expected 
from a fort at such a distance, in the wilderness, to be supplied 
with provisions and ammunition by land carriage, which might 
easily be interrupted by the enemy, that the design was laid aside, 
and the old method of defence by scouts and garrisons was adop- 
ted.^ Lieutenant Governor Wentworth, being commander in 
chief in Shute's absence, was particularly careful to supply the 
garrisons with stores, and visit them in person, to see that the duty 
was regularly performed ; for which, and other prudent and 
faithful services, he frequently received the acknowledgments of 
the Assembly and grants of money, generally amounting to one 
hundred pounds at every session, and sometimes more. They 
also took care to enlist men for two years, and to establish the 
wages of officers and soldiers at the following rates ; a captain, 
at seven pounds per month ; a lieutenant, four pounds ; a ser- 
geant, fifty-eight shillings ; a corporal, forty-five shillings, and a 
priviite, forty shillings. A bounty of one hundred pounds was 
offered for every Indian scalp. The difference between the cur- 
rency and sterling, was two and a half for one.* 

(1) Assembly Records. 

* [1723. On the 24 February, sixty three of the inhabitants " living in tliat 
part of New-Castle, called Little-Harbor and Sandy Beach, and at the east- 
ward of the Little River, so called, at the easterly end of Hampton next to 
Sandy Beach, with sundry persons of Portsmouth living near Sandy Beach," 
bein<T in all sixty families or upwards^ petitioned the governor and council to 
be set off as " a particular district or precinct for maintaining a minister with 
the privileges of carrying on the affairs of a town or parish." The petition- 
ers state that by reason of the great distance they live from any meeting 
house, the " greatest part of tlieir families were deprived of the dispensations 
of the gospel, and that there had been almost a famine of the word and wor- 
ship of God amongst them, there being near four hundred souls, whereof not 
above the sixth or seventh part could attend said wor.^hip." IMS. Petition. — 
Their petition was probably granted, as the next year, tiiey built a meeting 
house, and in 172G, gatliered a church, and settled Rev. Nathaniel Morrill for 



1722.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTH. 203 

The first appearance of the enemy in New-Hampshire, was at 
Dover, where they surprised and killed Joseph Ham, and . „^^ 
took three of his children ; the rest of the family escaped '^' 

to the garrison. Soon after, they waylaid the road, and 
killed Tristram Heard.* Their next onset was at Lamprey Aug. 29. 
river, where they killed Aaron Rawlins and one of his children, 
taking his wife and three children captive. ^ f 

(1) Penhallow, page 96. 

their first minister. The early names in Ryo were those of Berry, Seavey, 
Brackett, Rand, Locke, Wallis and Jenness, most of which are still found 
there. It had 72 ratable polls in 1727, and 736 inhabitants in 1767. The 
settlement of this town dates back to the year 1631, perhaps somewhat earlier.] 

* [Tristram Heard was son of the widow Elizabeth Heard, who so remark- 
ably escaped in 1680, when Major Waldron and his neighbors were slain. 
He was born 4 March, 1667, and was consequently 56 years of age when 
killed. His mother, who is said by Rev. John Pike to have been, " a grave 
and pious woman, even the mother of virtue and piety," died 30 November, 
1706.] 

i * This Aaron Rawlins (whose wife was a daughter of Edward Taylor, who 

* was killed by the Indians 1704) lived upon the plantation left by Taylor, 

* about half a mile west from Lamprey river landing, at the lower falls on 
' Piscasick river. The people there at that time, commonly retired, at night, 

* to the garrisoned houses, and returned home in the day time ; but tiiat 
' night they neglected to retire as usual. His brother Samuel also lived 

* about half a mile distant on the same river. It seems the Indian scout con- 
' sisted of eighteen, who probably had been re'ionnoitering some time, and in- 
' tended to have destroyed both the families, and for that purpose divided, and 
' nine went to each house ; but the party that went to Samuel Rawlins's, 
' beating in the windows, and finding the family gone, immediately joined 
' their companions, who were engaged at Aaron's. His wife went out at the 

* door, perhaps sooner than they would otherwise have assaulted the house, 

* and was immediately seized, and one or two of her children who followed 
' her. Her husband being alarmed, secured the door before they could enter, 

* and with his eldest daughter, about twelve years old, stood upon his defence, 
' repeatedly firing wherever they attempted to enter, and at tlie same time 

* calling earnestly to his neighbors for help ; but the people in the several 

* garrisoned houses near, apprehending from the noise and incessant firing, 
' the number of the enemy to be greater than they were and expecting every 

* moment to be attacked themselves, did not venture to come to his assistance. 
' Having for some time bravely withstood such unequal force, he was at last 
' killed l)y their random shots through the house, wliicli the}' then broke open, 

* and killed his daughter. They scalped him, and cut oft' his daughter's head, 

* either through haste, or probably being enraged against her, on account of 
' the assistance she had afforded her father in their defence, which evidently 

* appeared by her hands being soiled with powder. His wife and two chil- 
' dren, a son and a daughter, they carried to Canada : The woman was re- 

* deemed in a few years. The son was adopted hy the Indians, and lived with 

* them all his days ; he came into Penacook with the Indians after the peace, 

* and expressed to some people with whom he conversed, much resentment 
' against his uncle Samuel Rawlins, on supposing he had detained from his 

* mother some property left by his father, but manifested no desire of return- 
' ing to Newmarket again. The daughter married witli a Frenchman, and 
' when she was near sixty years old, returned with her husband to her native 
' place, in expectation of recovering the patrimony she conceived was left at 
' the death of her father : But the estate having been sold by her grand- 
' father Taylor's administrators, they were disappointed, and after a year or 
' two went back to Canada.' 

This account was collected from some of the surviving sulferers, and other 
aged persons who were witnesses of the scene, by Wentworth Cheswell, Esq. 
of Newmarket. 



204 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1724. 

The next spring, they killed James Nock,* one of the elders 
of the church at Oyster river, as he was returning on horeseback 

g . front) setting his beaver traps in the woods. ^ Soon after, 
they appeared at Kingston, where they took Peter Col- 
May 16. ^^j.j ^1^ J Ephraim Stevens, and two children of Ebenezer 
Stevens.2 They were pursued by scouts from Kingston and 
Londonderry, but in vain. Colcord made his escape in about six 
months, and received a gratuity of ten pounds from the Assembly, 
for his ' courage and ingenuity, and for the account he gave of the 
* proceedings of the enemy. '^^ 

On a sabbath day, they ambushed die road at Oyster river, and 

j^^ 24 1^'lled George Chesley, and mortally wounded Elizabeth 

' Burnham, as they were returning together from public 

worship.'^ In a few days more, five Indians took Thomas 

June 2. gj^jjj^ gj^jj JqJ^j^ q^j-j. g^ Chester ; and after carrying 

them about thirty miles, bound them and lay down to sleep. The 
captives escaped, and in three days arrived safe at a garrison in 
Londonderry.^ 

The setdements at Oyster river being very much exposed, a 
company of volunteers under the command of Abraham Benwick, 
who went out on the encouragement offered by the government 
for scalps, were about marching to make discoveries. It hap- 
pened that Moses Davis,-}- and his son of the same name, 
■ being at work in their corn field, went to a brook to drink, 
where tliey discovered three Indian packs. They immediately 
gave notice of this discovery to the volunteer company, and went 
before to guide them to the spot. The Indians had placed them- 
selves in ambush ; and the unhappy father and son were both 
killed. The company then fired, killed one and wounded two 
others, who made their escape, though they were pursued and 
tracked by their blood to a considerable distance.^ The slain In- 
dian was a person of distinction, and wore a kind of coronet of 
scarlet dyed fur, with an appendage of four small bells, by the 
sound of which the others might follow him through the thickets. 
His hair was remarkably soft and fine ; and he had about him a 
devotional book and a muster-roll of one hundred and eighty In- 
dians ; from which circumstances it was supposed that he was a 
natural son of the Jesuit Ralle, by an Indian woman who had 
served him as a laundress.''' | His scalp was presented to the lieu- 

(1) MS. of Rev. Hiijrh Adams. (2) MS. of Rev. Ward Clark. (3) Assem- 
bly Records. (4) Penhallow and Hugh Adams. (.5) New-England Courant. 
(6) Penhallow, p. 101. (7) Hugh Adams's MS. 

* [Penhallow says Sylvanus Nock.] 

t [Moses Davis was son of John Davis, and brotlier of Captain James Davis, 
afterwards colonel, who is mentioned under 1701^ and 1700. He was born at 
Dover, '.iO December, 1G57, and was in the G7th year of his age at the time he 
was killed.] 

t [The writer before referred to, (2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. viii. 256) remarka 
on tliii statement as follows : " Now, we learn from Charlevoix, T. II. p 



1724.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTH. 205 

tenant governor in council, by Robert Burnham, and the promis- 
ed bounty was paid to captain Francis Matthews, in trust lor the 
company.^ 

Within the town of Dover were many families of Quakers ; 
who scrupling the lawfulness of war, could not be persuaded to 
use any means for their defence ; though equally exposed with 
their neighbors to an enemy who made no distinction between 
them. One of these people, Ebenezer Downs, was taken by the 
Indians, and was grossly insulted and abused by them, because he 
refused to dance as the other prisoners did, for the diversion of 
their savage captors. Another of them, John Hanson, who lived 
on the outside of the town, in a remote situation, could not be per- 
suaded to remove to a garrison, though he had a a large family 
of children. A party of thirteen Indians, called French Mo- 
hawks, had marked his house for their prey ; and lay several days 
in ambush, waiting for an opportunity to assault it. While Han- 
son with his eldest daughter were gone to attend the weekly meet- 
ing of friends, and his two eldest sons were at work in a meadow 
at some distance ; the Indians entered the house, killed and scalp- 
ed two small children, and took his wife, with her infant of four- 
teen days old, her nurse, two daughters and a son, and after 
rifling the house, carried them off. This was done so suddenly 
and secretly, that the first person who discovered it was the eldest 
daughter at her return from the meeting before her father. See- 
ing the two children dead at the door, she gave a shriek of dis- 
tress, which was distinctly heard by her mother, then in the hands 
of the enemy among the bushes, and by her brothers in the 
meadow. The people being alarmed, went in pursuit ; but the 
Indians cautiously avoiding all paths, went off with dieir captives 
undiscovered. After this disaster had befallen his family, Han- 
son removed the remainder of them to the house of his brother ; 
who, though of the same religious persuasion, yet had a number 
of lusty sons, and always kept his fire-arms in good order, for the 
purpose of shooting game.* 

(1) Assembly Records, June 12. 

107 and 379, that the Sieur de S. Castine had married an Abnaquis ; that 
the children lived with their maternal relations ; that the eldest son, the Bar- 
on de Castine, considered himself as belonging on his motlier's side to the 
nation of the Abnaquis, and in 1721, had become acknowledged as their cJiief. 
* From which circumstances, it may be supposed' 2cith much ffrrater prohahil- 
ity, that the Indian in question was of the ivnaWy oi Castine, and nota natural 
son of the priest. His muster roll imports his being a chieftain ; and his cor- 
onet designates his claim to nobility."] 

* This account is given as collected from the information of the family. A 
narrative of their distresses is in print. The woman, though of a tender 
constitution, had a firm and vigorous mind, and passed through the various 
hardships of an Indian captivity, with much resolution and patience. When 
her milk failed, she supported her infant with water, which she warmed in 
her mouth, and dropped on her breast, till the squaws taught her to beat the 
kernel of walnuts and boil it with bruised corn, which proved a nourishing 
food for her babe. Tiiey wero all sold to the Freach in Canada. Hanson 



206 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1724. 

These and other insolcncies of the enemy being daily perpe- 
trated on tlie frontiers, caused the governments to resolve on an 
expedition to Norridgcwog. The captains Moulton* and Har- 
. ^ , man, both of York, each at the head of company of one 

°" " hundred men, executed their orders with great address. 
They conii)letely invested and surprised that village ; killed the 
obnoxious Jesuit with about eighty of his Indians ; recovered 
three captives ; destroyed the chapel, and brought away the plate 
and furniture of the altar, and the devotional flag, as trophies of 
their victory. f Ralle was then in the sixty-eighth year of his 
age, and had resided in his mission at Norridgewog twenty-six 
years ; having before spent six years in travelling among the In- 
dian nations, in the interior parts of America.^ J 

(1) Hutch. Hist. Mass, ii. 309. New-England Courant. MS. of Hugh 
Adams. 

went the next spring and redeemed his wife, the tliree younger cliildren and 
the nurse but he could not obtain the elder daughter of seventeen years old, 
though he saw md conversed witli her. He also redeemed Ebenezer Downs. 
He made a second attempt in 17^27, but died at Crown-point, on liis way to 
Canada. The girl was married to a Frenchman, and never returned. 

* [He was afterwards colonel of a regiment of provincials at the seige of 
Louisburg in 1745. He was also a member of the executive council of Mas- 
Bachusetts, and sustained witli high reputation, the first civil and military of- 
fices in the county of York. He died in the town of York, 20 July, 1765, aged 
77. Alden, Coll. of Epitaphs, ii. 118.] 

t [From the Memoir before quoted, it maybe proper to give an abstract of 
the French account of the attack on Narrantsouak or Norridgewog, as given 
by Father de k Chasse, superior general of the missions to New France. (See 
2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. viii. 254.) 

" There were not above fifty fighing men in the village. Tliese took to 
their arms, and ran out in confusion, not with any expectation of defending 
the place against an enemy already in possession, but to favor the escape of 
their wives, their old men and children, and to give them time to gain the oth- 
er side of the river, of wliichthe English had not then possessed themselves. 

" The noise and tumult gave Fatlier Rasles notice of the danger his con- 
verts were in. Not intimidated, lie went out to meet the assailants in hopes 
to draw all liis attention to himself and secure his flock at tlie peril of his own 
life. He was not disappointed. As soon as he appeared, the English set up a 
shout, which was followed by 'a shower of shot, and he fell near a cross which 
he had erected in the middle of the village, and witli him seven Indians, who 
had accompanied him to shelter him with their own bodies. Tiie Indians, in 
tiie greatest consternation at his death, immediately took to flight, and crossed 
the river, some by fording, and others swimming. The enemy pursued tliem 
vmtil they entered far into the woods ; and tiien returned, and pillaged and 
l)urnt the church and the wigwams. Notwithstanding so many shot had been 
fired, only thirty of tiie Indians were slain, and fourteen wounded. After 
having accomplislied tiieir object, the English withdrew with such precipita- 
tion that it seemed rather a flight than a victory." 2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. 
viii. 254, 255.] 

t [Sebastian Rasles. or Ralle, was of a respectable famil}- in Franche-Comie, 
and was born about the year 1657. Being appointed a missionary from the 
Society of Jesuits to the Indinns of Nortli America, he embarked at Roclielle, 
in France, on the23d of July ]6H!>, and arrived at Quebec, in October follow- 
ing. He immediately applied liimself to learning tlie language of the Jlhna- 
kis ; and went to reside in tlieir village, containing 200 inhabitants and situ- 
ated about three leagues from Que liec, in the midst of a forest. Among the 
various tribes of Indians, he passed the rest of his life, conforming to their 
eustoras. living upon their unpalatable food, in irregular and uncertain Bup- 



1724.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTII. 0^7 

The parties of Indians who were abroad, continued to ravage 
the frontiers. Two men being missing from Dunstable, a scout 
of eleven went in quest of them. They were fired upon by thir- 
ty of the enemy, and nine of them were killed. ^ The ^ 
other two made their escape, though one of them was badly ' 
wounded.* Afterward another company fell into dieir ambush 

(1) New-England Courant. 

plies ; taking long journeys through a rugged wilderness, without shelter or 
comfortable repose by night, and with incessant fatigue l)y day. He is said 
to have been a man of superior sense and profound learning ; and particular- 
ly skilled in Latin, which he wrote with classical purity. SSee Memoir of him 
in 2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. viii. 5>50— 257.] 

* [The persons taken were Nathan Cross and Thomas Blanchard, who Iiad 
been engaged in the manufacture of turpentine on the north side of Nashua 
river, near where Nashua village now stands. At that time, there were no 
houses or settlements on that side of the river. These men had been in the 
habit of returning every night to lodge in a saw mill on the other side. Tliat 
night tlie}' came not as usual. An alarm was given, as it was feared they had 
fallen into the hands of the Indians. A party consisting of ten of tlie princi- 
pal inhabitants of the place started in search of them under the direction of 
one French, a sergeat of the militia. In this company was Joseph Farwell, 
who was the next year lieutenant under Lovewell. When this party arrived 
at the spot where these men had been laboring, they found the hoops of the 
barrel cut, and the turpentine spread on the ground. From certain marks on 
the trees made with coal mi.xed with grease, they understood that the men 
were taken and carried oft" alive. In the course of the e.xamination, Farwell 

Eerceived the turpentine had not ceased spreading, and called the attention of 
is comrades to this circumstance. They concluded that the Indians had been 
fone but a short time, and must be near, and decided upon an instant pursuit, 
arwell advised them to take a circuitous route, to avoid an ambush ; but un- 
fortunately, he and French had a short time previous had a misunderstandinor, 
and were tlien at variance. French imputed this advice to cowardice, and 
called out, " I am going to take the direct path ; if any of you are not .afraid, 
let him follow me." French led the way, and tiie whole party followed, Far- 
well falling in the rear. Their route was up the Merrimack, towards which 
they bent their course to look for their horses upon the interval. At tlie 
brook, near Lutwyche's (now Thornton's) ferry, they were way-laid. The 
Indians fired upon tiiem, and killed the larger part instantly. A few fled, but 
were overtaken and destroyed. French was killed about a mile from the 
place of action, under an oak tree, lately standing in a field belonging to Mr. 
Lund of Merrimack. Farwell, in the rear, seeing those before him fall, 
sprung behind a tree, discharged his piece and ran. Two Indians pursued 
him : the chase was vigorously maintained for some time, without gaining 
much advantage, till Farwell passing through a thicket, the Indians lost sio-ht 
of him, and probably fearing he might have loaded again, tliey desisted. ?Ie 
was the only one of the company that escaped. A company from the neio-h- 
borhood mustered on the news of this disaster, proceeded to the fatal spot, 
took up the bodies of their friends and townsmen, and interred them in the 
burying ground in Dunstable. 

My frieiul J. B. Hill, Esq., of E.xeter, Maine, to whom I am indebted for 

the preceding note, communicated in 1823, informs me, that in the old church 

yard in Dunstable, on the road to Boston, near the south line of the town, is 

a monument with the following inscription, copied verbatim ct literatim. 

" Mrmcnf.0 Mori. 

Here lies the body of Mr. Thomas Lpnd, 

who departed this life, Sept. 5th, 1724, in the 

42d year of his age. 

This man with seven more that lies in 

this grave was slew all in a day by 

the Indiens." 



208 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMFSHIRE. [1724. 

and engaged ihem ; but the enemy being superior in number 
overpowered them, killed one, and wounded four, the rest 
^^ ■ ■ retreated. At Kingston, Jabez Colman* and his son Jo- 
seph, were killed as they were at work in the field. ^ The success 
ot" the forces at Norridgewog and die large premium offered for 
scalps, having induced several volunteer companies to go out, 
they visited one after another of the Indian villages, but found 
them deserted. The fate of Norridgewog had struck such a ter- 
ror into them, that they did not think themselves safe at any of 
their former places of abode, and occupied them, as resting places 
only, when they were scouting or hunting. 

One of these volunteer companies, under the command of 
captain John Lovewell of Dunstable, was greatly distinguished, 
first by their success and afterwards by their misfortunes. This 
company consisted of thirty. At their first excursion to the 
northward of Winnipiseogee lake, they discovered an In- 
dian wigwam, in which were a man and a boy.^ They 
killed and scalped the man and brought the boy alive to Boston, 
where they received the reward, promised by law, and a hand- 
some gratuity besides. 

By this success, his company was augmented to seventy. They 
marched again, and visiting the place where they had killed the 
Indian, found his body as they had left it two months before. ^ 
,^r Their provision falling short, thirty of them were dismissed 
'"^' by lot and returned. The remaining forty continued their 
march till they discovered a track, which they followed till they 
saw a smoke just before sunset, by which they judged that 
■ the enemy were encamped for the night."^ They kept 
themselves concealed till after midnight ; when they silently ad- 
vanced, and discovered ten Indians asleep, round a fire, by the 
side of a frozen pond. Lovewell now determined to make sure 
work ; and placing his men conveniently, ordered a part of them 
to fire, five at once, as quick after each other as possible, and an- 
other part to reserve their fire : he gave the signal, by firing his 
own gun, which killed two of them ; the men firing according to 
order, killed five more on the spot ; the other three starting up 

(1) PenluiHow, p. 100. (2) Ibid. p. 107. (3) New-England Courant.— 
<4)MS. of Hugh Adams. 

Blanchard and Cross were carried to Canada. After remaining there some 
time, tliey succeeded by their own exertions in effecting their redemption, 
and returned to their native town. The text says tliat tlie party wlio went 
after them consisted of eleven ; Penhallow says fourteen, but the number 
stated in this note is probably correct, it being derived from the late colonel E. 
Bancroft of Tyngsborough.] 

* [The late venerable Samuel Welch, of Bow, who died 5 April, 1823, in 
the 113th year of his age, remembered the death of Colman, as well as the 
capture of Colcord and Stevens, mentioned under May, 1724, and related to 
the editor some of the circumstances of these attacks of the Indians, less than 
a month before his death. It seemed from liis account that Colman waa shot, 
" one ball through his neck and another through his hip."] 



1725.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTH. 209 

from their sleep, two of them were immediately shot dead by the 
reserve. The other, though wounded, attempted to escape by 
crossing the pond, but was seized by a dog and held fast till they 
killed him. Thus in a few minutes the whole company was de- 
stroyed, and some attempt against the frontiers of Ncw-IIamp- 
shire prevented ; for these Indians were marching from Canada, 
well furnished with new guns, and plenty of ammunition ; ihey 
had also a number of spare blankets, mockaseens and snow-shoes 
for the accommodation of the prisoners whom they expected to 
take, and were within two day's march of the frontiers.^ The 
pond where this exploit was performed is at the head of a branch 
of Salmonfall river, in the township of Wakefield, and has ever 
since borne the name of Lovcwell's pond. The action is spoken 
of by elderly people, at this distance of time, with an air of ex- 
ultation ; and considering the extreme difficulty of finding and 
attacking Indians in the woods, and the judicious manner in 
which they were so completely surprised, it was a capital exploit. 

The brave company, with the ten scalps stretched on hoops, 
and elevated on poles, entered Dover in triumph, and pro- „ , ^ 
needed thence to Boston ; where they received the bounty 
•of one hundred pounds for each, out of the public treasury. 

Encouraged by this success, Lovewell marched a third time ; 
intending to attack the villages of Pequawket, on the upper ^ ^ 
part of the river Saco, which had been the residence of a 
formidable tribe, and which they still occasionally inhabited. ^ His 
company at this time consisted of forty-six, including a chaplain 
and surgeon. Two of them proving lame, returned ; anoti»er 
falling sick, they halted and bulk a stockade fort on die west side 
■of great Ossipee pond ; partly for the accommodatioji of the sick 
man, and partly for a place of retreat in case of any misfortijne. 
Here the surgeon was left with the sick man, and eight of the 
company for a guard. The number was now reduced to thirty- 
four.* Pursuing dieir march to the northward, they came to a 

(1) Penhallow, p. 110. (2) Symmes's Memoirs. 

* [The names of this brave company deserve to be transmitted to posterity. 
They were Capt. John Lovewell, Lieut. Joseph Farwell. Lieut. Jonntliaii Rob- 
bins, Ensign John Harwood, Sergeant Noah Johnson, Robert Usher and Sam- 
uel Wiiiting, all of Dunstable ; Ensign Seth Wj-nian, Corporal Thomas Ricii- 
ardson. Timothy Richardson, Ichalxul Jolnison and Josiah Johnson of Wo- 
burn ; Eleazar Davis, Josiah Dnvis, Josiah Jones, David Melvin. Eleazar 
Melvin, Jacob Farrar and Joseph Farrar of Concord ; Chaplain Jonathan Frye 
of Andover ; Sergeant Jacob Fulham of Weston ; Corp. Edward Lingfield of 
Nutfield ; Jonathan Kittredge and SolomVin Keyes of Rillerica ; John Jefts, 
Daniel Woods, Thomas Woods, John Chamberlain, Elins Borron, Isaac Lar- 
kin and Joseph Gilson of Groton ; Ebenezer Ayer and Abicl Asten of FJaver- 
liill ; and one whose name was considered unworthy of being transmitted to 
posterity. Noah Johnson was the last survivor of this company. He was a 
native of Wo])urn, Massachusetts, and one of the first settlers of Pend)roke, 
the town granted to the survivors and the heirs of tliose who were killed, 
where he was deacon of the church. He removed to Plymouth in liis old 
age, and there died 13 August, 17'J8, in the 100th year of his age.J 

29 



310 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1725. 

pond, about twenty-two* miles distant from the fort, and encamped 
by the side of it. Early the next morning, while at their devo- 
^^ ■ tions, they heard the report of a gun, and discovered a single 
Indian, standing on a point of land, which runs into the pond, 
more tlian a mile distant. They had been alarmed the preceding 
ni"ht by noises round their camp, which they imagined were 
made by Indians, and this opinion was now strengthened. They 
suspected that the Indian was placed there to decoy them, and 
that a body of the enemy was in their front. A consultation be- 
ing held, they determined to march forward, and by encompass- 
in»- the pond, to gain the place where the Indian stood ; and that 
they mighi be ready for action, they disencumbered themselves 
of their packs, and left them, without a guard, at the northeast 
end of the pond, in a pitch-pine plain, where the trees were thin 
and the brakes, at that time of the year, small. It happened that 
Lovewell's march had crossed a carrying-place, by which two 
parties of Indians, consisting of forty-one men, commanded by 
Paugus and Wahwa, who had been scouting down Saco river, 
were returning to the lower village of Pequawket, distant about a 
mile and a half from this pond. Having fallen on his track, they 
followed it till they came to the packs, which they removed ; and 
counting them, found the number of his men to be less than their 
own. They therefore placed themselves in ambush, to attack 
them on their return. The Indian who had stood on the point, 
and was returning to the village, by another path, met them, and 
received their fne, which he returned, and wounded Lovewell 
and another with small shot. Lieutenant Wyman firing again, 
killed him, and they took iiis scalp. f Seeing no other enemy, 
they returned to the place where they had left their packs, and 
while they were looking for them, the Indians rose and ran to- 
ward them with a horrid yelling. A smart firing commenced on 
both sides, it being no\i^ about ten of the clock. Captain Love- 

* The printed accounts 5a.y forty ; it is probable that the march was circui- 
tous. 

\ This Indian has been celebrated as a hero, and ranked with the Roman 
Curtius, wlio devoted himself to death to save his country. (See Hutchin- 
son's History, vol. ii. page 315.) 

Having been on the spot where this celebrated action happened, and having 
conversed witli persons who were acquainted witii the Indians of Pequawket, 
before and after this battle, I am convinced that tiiere is no foundation for the 
idea that he was ])laced there as a decoy ; and that he had no claim to the 
character of a liero. The point on which he stood is a noted fisliing place ; 
the gun which alarmed Lovewell's company was fired at a flock of ducks ; 
and when they met him he was returning home with his game and two fowling 
pieces. Tiie village was situated at the edge of tiie meadow, on Saco river ; 
which here forms a large bend. The remains of the stockades were found by 
the first settlers, forty years afterward. The pond is in the township of Frye- 
burg, [where, on the 1S> May, 1625, was holden the first Centennial Celebra- 
tion°of " Lovewell's Fight," and an Address delivered by Charles S. Daveis, 
Esquire. The Address, containing 04 pages bvo. was published at Porllqjid 
the same year.] 



1725.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTH. 211 

well and eight more were killed on the spot. Lieutenant Farwell 
and two others were wounded. Several of the Indians fell ; but, 
being superior in number, they endeavored to surround the party, 
who, perceiving their intention, retreated ; hoping to be sheltered 
by a point of rocks which ran into the pond, and a few large pine 
trees standing on a sandy beach. In diis forlorn place, they took 
tlieir station. On their right was the mouth of a brook, at that 
time unfordable ; on their left was the rocky point ; their front 
was partly covered by a deep bog and partly uncovered, and the 
pond was in their rear. The enemy galled them in front and 
flank, and had them so completely in their power, that had they 
made a prudent use of their advantage, the whole company must 
either have been killed, or obliged to surrender at discretion ; be- 
ing destitute of a mouthful of sustenance, and an escape being 
impracticable. Under the conduct of Lieutenant Wyman, they 
kept up their fire, and shewed a resolute countenance, all the re- 
mainder of die day ; during which, their chaplain, Jonathan Frye,* 
Ensign Robbins, and one more, were mortally wounded. The 
Indians invited them to surrender, by holding up ropes to them, 
and endeavored to intimidate them by their hideous yells ; but 
ihey determined to die rather than yield ; and by their well di- 
rected fire, the number of the savages was thinned, and their cries 
became fainter, till, just before night, they quitted their advanta- 
geous ground, carrying off their killed and wounded, and leaving 
the dead bodies of Love well and his men unscalped. The shat- 
tered remnant of this brave company, collected themselves to- 
gether, found three of their number unable to move from the spot, 
eleven w'ounded but able to march, and nine who had received no 
hurt. It was melancholy to leave their dying companions behind, 
but there was no possibility of removing them. One of them, en- 
sign Robbins, desired them to lay his, gun by him charged, that 
if the Indians should return before his death he might be able to 
kill one more. After the rising of the moon, diey quitted the fatal 
spot, and directed their march toward the fort, where the surgeon 
and guard had been left. To their great surprise, they found it 
deserted. In the beginning of the action, one man, (whose name 
has not been thought worthy tobe transmitted to posterity) quitted 
the field, and fled to the fort ; where, in the style of Job's messen- 
gers, he informed them of Lovewell's death, and the defeat of the 
whole company ; upon which they made the best of their way 
home ; leaving a quantity of bread and pork, which was a season- 
able relief to the retreating survivors. From this place, they en- 
deavored to get home. Lieutenant Farwell and the chaplain^ 
who had the journal of the march in his pocket, and one more, 

* [He was the son of Capt. James Frye of Andover, wliere lie was born. — 
He graduated at Harvard college in 17:23. The large elm near the house of 
Mr. John Petera in Andover, waa set out by him. Abbot, Hist. Audover, 
135.] 



212 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1725. 

perished ia the woods, for want of dressing for their wounds. 
The others, after enduring the most severe hardships, came in 
one after another, and were not only received with joy, but were 
recompensed for their valor, and sufferings ; and a generous pro- 
vision was made for tiie widows and children of the slain. ^ 

A party from the frontiers of New-Hampshire, were ordered 
out to bury the dead j but by some mistake, did not reach die 
place of action. Colonel Tyng, with a company from Dunstable, 
went to the spot, and having found the bodies of twelve, buried 
them, and carved their names on the trees whefe the batde was 
fought. At a litde distance, he found diree Indian graves, which 
he opened ; one of the bodies was known to be dieir warrior 
Paugns. He also observed tracks of blood, on the ground, to a 
great distance from the scene of action. It was remarked that a 
week before this engagement happened, it had been reported in 
Portsmouth, at the distance of eighty miles, with but litde varia- 
tion from the truth.- Such incidents were not uncommon, and 
could scarcely deserve notice, if diey did not indicate that a taste 
for the marvellous was not extinguished in the minds of the most 
sober and rational. 

This was one of the most fierce and obstinate batdes which had 
been fought with the Indians. They had not only the advantage 
of numbers, but of placing themselves in ambush, and waiting with 
deliberation the moment of attack. These circumstances gave 
them a degree of ardor and impetuosity. Lovewell and his men, 
though disappointed of meeting the enemy in their front, expected 
and determined to fight. The fall of their commander, and more 
than one quarter of their number, in the first onset, was greatly 
discouraging ; but they knew that the situation to which they were 
reduced, and their distance from the frontiers, cut off all hope of 
safety from flight. In these circumstances, prudence as well as 
valor dictated a continuance of the engagement, and a refusal to 
surrender ; until the enemy, awed by their brave resistance, and 
weakened by their own loss, yielded them the honor of the field. 
After this encounter, the Indians resided no more at Pequawket, 
till the peace.* 

The conduct of the Marquis de Vaudreuil, governor of Cana- 
da, was so flagrant a breach of the treaty of peace, subsisting be- 
tween the crowns of England and France, that it was thought, a 
spirited remonstrance might make him ashamed, and produce 
some beneficial effects. With diis view, the general court of 

(1) Symmes's Memoirs. (2) Penliallow's Indian wars. 

* This account of Lovewcll's bntllf is collorled from the autliorities cited, 
and from tlie verbal informal ion of ajrcd and intelligent persons. The names 
of the dead, on the trees, and the lioles where balls liad entered and been cut 
out, were plainly visible, when I was on the spot in 1784. The trees had the 
appearance of being very old, and one of them was fallen. 



1725.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTII. 213 

Massachusetts proposed to the colonies of New-York, Connecti- 
cut, Rhode-Island and New-Hampshire, to join in sending com- 
missioners to Canada on this errand. New-Hampshire was the 
only one which consented ; and Theodore Atkinson was appoint- 
ed on their part, to join with William Dudley and Samuel Thax- 
ter on the part of Massachusetts.* 

The instructions which they received from the lieutenant-gov- 
ernors, Dummer and Wentworth, by advice of the council and 
assembly of each province, were nearly similar.^ They were to 
demand of the French governor, restitution of the captives who 
had been carried into Canada ; to remonstrate to him on his in- 
justice and breach of friendship, in countenancing the Indians in 
their hostilities against the people of New-England ; to insist on 
bis withdrawing his assistance for the future ; and to observe la 
him, that if in the farther prosecution of the war, our Indian allies, 
should in their pursuit of the enemy commit hostilities against the 
French, the blame would be entirely chargeable to himself.^ If 
the French governor or the Indians, should make any overtures- 
for peace, they were empowered to give them passports, to come- 
either to Boston or Portsmouth, for that purpose, and to return ; 
but they were not to enter into any treaty with them. The com- 
missioners were also furnished with the original letters of Vau- 
dreuil to the governors of New-England, and to the Jesuit Ralle, 
and with copies of the several treaties which had been 
made with the Indians. The gentlemen went by the way 
of Albany, and over the lakes, on the ice, to Montreal, jyj^j. 2 
where they arrived after a tedious and dangerous journey. 

The Marquis, who happened to be at Montreal, received and 
entertained them with much politeness. Having delivered their 
letters, and produced their commissions, they presented their re- 
monstrance in writing, and made the several demands agreeably 
to their instructions ; using this among other arguments, ' Those 
' Indians dwell either in the dominions of the king of Great-Brit- 
' ain, or in the territories of the French king. If in the French 
' king's dominions, the violation of the peace is very flagrant, they 
' then being his subjects ; but if they are subjects of the British. 
' crown, then much more is it a breach of the peace, to excite a 
' rebellion among the subjects of his majesty of Great-Britain. '^ 

The governor gave them no written answer ; but denied that 
the Abenaquis were under his government, and that he had either 
encouraged or supplied them for the purpose of war. He said 
that he considered them as an independent nation, and that the 
war was undertaken by them, in defence of their lands, which had 

(1) Mass. and N. H. Records. (2) [Ibid.] (2) Atkinson's MS. Journal. 

* Mr. Hutciliinson in his history, has not said a word respectinsj this em- 
bassy. [The resolve appointing a commissioner in New-Hampshire passed 
tlie General Assembly. J2 December, 1724.] 



214 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1725. 

Jbeen invaded by the people of New-England. The commission- 
ers in reply, inlormcd him, ilsat the lands for which the Indians 
had quarrelled, were fairly purchased of their ancestors, and had 
been for many years inhabited by the English. They produced 
liis own letters to the governors of New-England, in which he had 
(inconsistently, and perhaps inadvertently) styled these Indians 
' subjects of the king of France.' They also alleged the several 
treaties held with them as evidence that they had acknowledged 
themselves subjects of the British crown ; and, to his great morti- 
fication, they also produced his own original letters to the Jesuit 
Ralle, which had been taken at Norridgcwog, in which the evi- 
dence of his assisting and encouraging them in the war was too 
flagrant to admit of palliation. Farther to strengthen this part of 
their argument, they presented to the governor, a JMohawk whom 
they had met with at JMontreal, who, according to his own volun- 
tary acknowledgment, had been supplied by the governor with 
arms, ammunition and provision to engage in the war, and had 
killed one man, and taken another, whom he had sold in Canada. 
In addition to what was urged by the commissioners in general, 
Mr. Atkinson, on the part of New-Hampshire, entered into a 
particular remonstrance ; alleging that the Indians had no cause 
of controversy with that province, the lands in question being out 
of their claim. To this, the governor answered, that New-Hamp- 
shire was a part of the same nation, and the Indians could make 
no distinction. Atkinson asked him why they did not for the same 
reason make war on the people of Albany ? Tlie governor an- 
swered, ' The people of Albany have sent a message to pray 

* me to restrain the savages from molesting them ; in a manner 
' very different from your demands :' To which Atkinson with 
equal spirit replied, . ' Your lordship then is the right person, for 

* our governments to apply to, if the Indians are subject to your 

* orders.' 

Finding himself thus closely pressed, he promised to do what 
Jay in his power to bring them to an accommodation, and to restore 
those captives who were in the hands of the French, on the pay- 
ment of what they had cost ; and he engaged to see that no un- 
reasonable demands should be made by the persons who held 
them in servitude. As to those who still remained in the hands 
of the Indians, he said, he had no power over them, and could 
not engage for their redemption. He complained in his turn, of 
the governor of New- York, for building a fort on the river Onon- 
dago, and said, that he should look upon that proceeding as a 
breach of the treaty of peace ; and he boasted that he had the 
five nations of the Iroquois so much under his influence, that he 
could at any time, cause them to make war upon the subjects of 
Great-Britain. 

The commissioners employed themselves very diligently in their 



1725.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTH. 210 

inquiries respecting the captives, and in settling the lernns of their 
redemption. They succeeded in effecting the ransom of sixteen^ 
and engaging for ten others. The governor obhged the French, 
who held them, to abate of their demands ; but after all, they 
were paid for at an exorbitant rate. He was extremely desirous, 
that the gentlemen should have an interview with the Indians, who 
were at war ; and for this purpose, sent for a number of them 
from the village of St. Francis, and kept them concealed in Mon- 
treal. The commissioners had repeatedly told him, that they had 
no power to treat with them, and that they would not speak to 
them, unless they should desire peace. At his request, the chief 
of the Nipissins visited the commissioners, and said that they dis- 
approved the war, which their children the Abenaquis had made, 
and would persuade them to ask for peace. After a variety of 
manoeuvres, the governor at length promised the commissioners, 
that if they would consent to meet the Indians at his house, they 
should speak first. This assurance produced an interview ; and 
the Indians asked the commissioners whether they would make 
proposals of peace .^ they answered. No. The Indians then pro- 
posed, that ' if the English would demolish all their forts, and re- 
' move one mile westward of Saco river ; if they would rebuild 
' their church at Norridgewog, and restore to them their priest, 
' they would be brothers again.' The commissioners told them 
that they had no warrant to treat with them ; but if they were 
disposed for peace, they should have safe conduct to and from 
Boston or Portsmouth ; and the governor promised to send his 
son with them to see justice done. They answered, that ' this 
' was the only place to conclude peace, as the nations were near 
' and could readily attend.' The governor would have had them 
recede from their proposals, which he said were unreasonable, 
and make others ; but father Le Chase, a Jesuit, being present, 
and acting as interpreter for the Indians, embarrassed the matter 
so much that nothing more was proposed. It was observed by 
the commissioners, that when they conversed with the governor 
alone, they found him more candid and open to conviction, than 
when Le Chase, or any other Jesuit was present ; and, through 
the whole of their negotiation, it evidently appeared, that the gov- 
ernor himself, as well as the Indians, were subject to the powerful 
influence of these ecclesiastics ; of whom there was a seminary 
in Canada, under the direction of the Abbe de Belmont. 

Having completed their business, and the rivers and lakes being 
clear of ice, the commissioners took their leave of the governor, 
and set out on their return, widi the redeemed captives, and a 
guard of soldiers, which the governor ordered to attelid diem, as 
far as Crown-point. They Avent down the river St. Lawrence to 
the moudi of the Sorel, then up that river to Chamblee, and 
through the lakes to fort Nicholson. After a pleasant passage, of 
seven days, they arrived at Albany, [on the first of IMay.] 



216 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1725. 

Here tlicy found commissioners of Indian affairs for the prov- 
ince of New- York, to whom ihey comuuinicaled the observations 
which they had made in Canada, and what the Marquis de "V'au- 
dreuil* had said respecting the five nations, and the fort at Onon- 
dago. There being a deputation from these nations at Albany, 
they held a conference with them, and gave them belts ; request- 
ing their assistance in establishing a peace with the Abenaquis. 
From this place, Mr. Atkinson wrote to M. Cavanielle, son of 
the Marquis, acknowledging the polite reception the commission- 
ers had met with from the family ; subjoining a copy of the infor- 
mation which they had given to the commissioners of New- York ; 
and promising, that a due representation should be made, to the 
kings of England and France, on the subject of dieir negotiation- 

The report of the commissioners being laid before the assem- 
blies of Massachusetts and New-Hampshire, it was determined to 
prosecute the war with vigor. Orders were issued for the de- 
fence and supply of the frontiers, and for the encouragement of 
ranging parties, both volunteers and militia. ^ A petition was sent 
to the king, complaining of the French governor, and desiring 
that orders might be given to the other colonies of New-England, 
and to New-York, to furnish their quotas of assistance, in the fur- 
ther prosecution of the war ; and letters were written to the gov- 
ernor of New- York, requesting that such of the hostile Indians as 
should resort to Albany, might be seized and secured. 

The good effects of this mission to Canada were soon visible, 
■One of the Indian hostages who had been detained at Boston 
through the whole Avar, together vi'ith one who had been taken, 
were allowed on their parole, to visit their countrymen ; and they 
-returned with a request for peace. Commissioners from both 
provinces went to St. George's ; where a conference was held, 
which ended in a proposal for a farther treaty at Boston. In die 
-mean time, some of the enemy were disposed for further mischief. 
'Those who had been concerned in taking Hanson's family at Do- 
ver, in a short time after their redemption and return, came down 
with a design to take them again, as they had threatened them be- 
fore they left Canada. Whcnthey had come near the house, 
^^ ■ '■■ they observed some people at work in a neighboring field, by 
which it was necessary for them to pass, both in going and return- 
ing. This obliged them to alter their purpose, and conceal them- 
selves in a barn, till they were ready to attack them. Two wo- 
men passed by the barn, while they were in it, and had just reach- 
ed the garrison as the guns were fired. They shot Benjamin 

(1) Assembly Records. 

* [He liad been the governor of Canada through the war with the French 
and Indians, called Queen Anne's war, and through Lovewells wnr. He 
■died this year (17-25) on the 25 of October. He was distinguislied for bravery, 
firmness and vigilance, and gave tiie English incredible trouble by the long 
war he maintained against Ihom, by exciting tlie savages to perpetual in- 
roads on their frontier. Lord, Lejnpriere, ii. 74l>.] 



1725.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWOJITH. 217 

Evans dead on the spot ; wounded William Evans and cut his 
throat. John Evans received a slight wound in the hrcast, which 
bleeding pentifully, deceived them, and thinking him dead, they 
stripped and scalped him. He bore the painful operation without 
discovering any signs of life, though all the time in his perfect 
senses, and continued in die feigned a])pearance of deadi, till they 
had turned him over, and struck him several blows with their 
guns, and left him for dead. After Uiey were gone off, he rose 
and walked, naked and bloody, toward the garrison ; but on meet- 
ing his friends by the way dropped, fainting on the ground, and 
being covered with a blanket was conveyed to the house. He 
recovered and lived fifty years. A pursuit was made after the 
enemy, but they got ofF undiscovered, carrying with them Benja- 
min Evans, junior, a lad of thirteen years old, to Canada, whence 
he was redeemed as usual by a charitable collection. 

This was the last effort of the enemy in New-Hampshire. In 
three months, the treaty which they desired was held in Boston, 
and the next spring ratified at Falmouth.* A peace was ^ ^^ 
concluded in the usual form ; which was followed by re- 
straining all private traffic with die Indians, and establishing truck- 
houses in convenient places, where they were supplied widi the 
necessaries of life, on the most advantageous terms. ^ Though 
the governments on the whole, were losers by the trade, yet it 
was a more honorable way of preserving the peace, than if an 
acknowledgement had been made to the Indians in any other 
manner. 

None of the other colonies of New-England bore any share in 
the expenses or calamities of this war ; and New-Hampshire did 
not suffer so much as in former wars ; partly by reason of the 
more extended frontier of Massachusetts, both on the eastern and 
western parts, against the former of which the enemy directed their 
greatest fury ; and partly by reason of the success of the ranging par- 
ties, who constantly traversed the woods as far northward as die 
White Mountains. The militia at this time was completely trained 
for active service ; every man of forty years of age having seen more 
than twenty years of war. They had been used to handle their 
arms from the age of childhood, and most of them, by long prac- 
tice, had become excellent marksmen, and good hunters. They 
were well acquainted wiUi the lurking places of the enemy ; and 
possessed a degree of hardiness and intrepidity, which can be 
acquired only by the habitude of those scenes of danger and fa- 

(1) Hutch, ii. 318. 

* [The commi-ssioners sent from New-Hampshire, and who were present at 
the formation of this treaty, were from the council. John I'Vost and Sliadrach 
Walton, and from tlie liouse, John Gilman and Theodore Atkinson. Those 
appointed to attend the ratification of it, were Georjre JailVey, Sliadrach Wal- 
ton and Richard Wibird of tiic council, and Peter VVeare, Theodore Atkinson 
and John Gilman of tlie liouse.] 

30 



218 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPSHIRE. [1725. 

ligue, to which they were daily exposed. They had also imbibed 
from their infancy a strong antipathy to the savage natives ; which 
was strengthened by repeated horrors of blood and desolation, and 
not obliterated by the intercourse which they had with them in 
time of peace. As the Indians frequently resorted to the frontier 
towns in time of scarcity, it was common for them to visit the 
families whom they had injured in war ; to recount the circum- 
stances of death and torture which had been practised on their 
friends ; and when provoked or intoxicated, to threaten a repe- 
tition of such insults in future wars. To bear such treatment re- 
quired more than human patience ; and it is not improbable that 
secret murders were sometimes the consequence of these harsh 
provocations. Certain it is, that when any person was arrested, 
for killing an Indian in time of peace, he was either forcibly res- 
cued from die hands of justice, or if brought to trial, invariably 
acquitted ; it being impossible to impannel a jury, some of whom 
had not suffered by tlie Indians, either in their persons or families. 



CHAPTER XV. 

Wentworth's administration continued. Burnet's short administration. Bel- 
cher succeeds him. Wentworth's death and character. 

During the war, the lieutenant governor had managed the ex- 
ecutive department with much prudence ; the people were satis- 
fied with his administration, and entertained an affection for him, 
which was expressed not only by words, but by frequent grants of 
^ „P money, in the general assembly. When he returned from 
Jan 5' Boston, where the treaty of peace was concluded, they 
presented to him an address of congratulation, and told 
him that ' his absence had seemed long ; but the service he had 
' done them filled their hearts with satisfaction.'^ This address 
was followed by a grant of one hundred pounds. He had, just 
before, consented to an emission of two thousand pounds in bills of 
credit, to be paid, one half in the year 1735, and the other half in 
173G. An excise was laid for three years, and was framed for 
three hundred pounds. 

The divisional line between the provinces of New-Hampshire 
and iMassachusetts was yet unsettled, and in addition to the usual 
disadvantages occasioned by this long neglect, a new one arose. 
By the construction which Massachusetts put on their charter, all 
the lands three miles northward of the river ]Merrimack were 
within dieir limits. On this principle, a grant had formerly been 

(1) General Court Records. 



1726.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTII. 219 

made to Governor Endecott, of some lands at Penacook ; which 
had been the seat of a numerous and powerful tribe of Indians. 
The quality of the land at that place invited the attention of ad- 
venturers from Andover, Bradford and Haverhill ; to whom a 
grant was made of a township, seven miles square ; comprehend- 
ing the lands on both sides of the Merrimack, extending soudi- 
wardly from the branch called Contoocook.i This grant awak- 
ened the attention of others ; and a motion was made in 
the Massachusetts assembly, for a line of townships, to ex- 
tend from Dunstable on Merrimack, to Northfield on Connecticut 
river; but the motion was not immediately adopted. The assem- 
bly of New-Hampshire was alarmed. Newman, their agent, had 
been a long time at the British court, soliciting the settlement of 
the line, and a supply of military stores for the fort. Fresh in- 
structions were sent to him to expedite the business, and to sub- 
mit the setdement of the line to the king. A committee was ap- 
pointed to go to Penacook, to confer with a committee of Massa- 
chusetts, then employed in laying out the lands, and to remonstrate 
against their proceeding.^ A survey of other lands near Winni- 
piseogee lake, was ordered ; that it might be known, what number 
of townships could be laid out, independendy of the Massachusetts 
claim. On the other hand, the heirs of Allen renewed Uieir 
endeavors, and one of them, John Hobby, petitioned the assembly 
to compound with him for his claim to half the province ; but the 
only answer which he could obtain was that ' the courts of law 
^ were competent to the determination of titles,' and his petition 
was dismissed. 

Both provinces became earnestly engaged. Massachusetts 
proposed to New-Hampshire the appointment of commissioners, 
to establish the line. The New-Hampshire assembly refused, 
because they had submitted the case to the king. The JMassa- 
chusetts people, foreseeing that the result of this application might 
prove unfavorable to their claim of jurisdiction, were solicitous to 
secure to themselves the property of the lands in question. Ac- 
cordingly, the proposed hne of townships being surveyed, ' preten- 

* ces were encouraged and even sought after, to entide persons to 

* be grantees.'^ The descendants of the officers and soldiers, who 
had been employed in expeditions against the Narraganset Indians,* 
and against Canada,f in the preceding century, were admitted j 

(1) Mass. Records. (2) N. II. Records. (3) Hutch, ii. 331. 

* [Seven townships were finally granted to the ofRcers and soldiers living', 
and the heirs of those deceased, who were in the Narraganset warof 1G75 and 
1C76. Two of tlie townships are witiiin the presentliniits of New-llanipsiiire, 
viz. Amlierst, which was called Souhejian-West, until incorporated in 17G0, 
and Merrimack, called Souhegau-East, until 174li.] 

t [" Nine townships were granted to the heirs of the militia or soldier.?, 
who went against Canada, Anno IG!)0, and were called Canada Townships." 
Douglass, Summary, i 424. Six of these townships were in New-Hampshire, 



220 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1726. 

and the survivors of the late Captain Lovewell's company, with 
the heirs of the deceased, had a select tract granted to them at 
Suncook.i Tliere was an appearance of gratitude in making these 
grants, and tiiere would have been policy in it, had the grantees 
been able to com|ily with the conditions. New-Hampshire fol- 
lowed the example, and made grants of the townships of 
1727. Epsom, Chichester, Barnstead, Canterbury, Gilmanton 
" ^ oq' and Bow. All these, excepting the last, were undoubtedly 
wiiliin their limits ; but the grant of Bow interfered with 
the grants which Massachusetts had made, at Penacook and Sun- 
cook, and gave rise to a litigation, tedious, expensive, and of forty 
years continuance. 

These tracts of land granted by both provinces were too nu- 
merous and extensive. It was impracticable to fulfil the conditions, 
on which the grants were made. Had the same liberal policy 
prevailed here as in Pennsylvania, and had the importation of 
emigrants from abroad been encouraged, the country might have 
been soon filled with inhabitants; but the people of Londonderry 
were already looked upon with a jealous eye, and a farther intru- 
sion of strangers was feared, lest they should prove a burden and 
charge to the community. People could not be spared from the 
old towns. Pcnacook was almost die only settlement which was 
effected by emigrants from Massachusetts.* A small beginning 

(1) Mass. Records. 

viz. 1. Canada to Beverly ; 2. Canada to Salfim (now Lyjideborough) ; 3. 
Canada to fjiswicli, all which were situated on Piscataquog, or its branches ; 
4. Canada to Rowley (now Rindge) ; 5. Canada to Gallop; and (J. Canada 
to Sylvester.] 

* [Penacook was very early visited by the first emigrants. The first notice 
which I have found of it is in Gov. Winthrop's Hist. N. E. i. 304, from which 
it aj)pears that so early as ](i3i), the government of Massachusetts sent men to 
discover the Merrimack, who reported tliatthey found " some part of it about 
Fenkook to lie more northerly than forty -three and a half." From Felt'a 
Annals of Salem, p. 358, it appears tiiat the people of Salem had a plantation 
granted to them at Penacook in ]()(i3, but that they iiad never made a settle- 
ment there, altliough some of them had as early as 1074, erected a trading 
house there. They jietitioned the General Court in 1714, that the grant 
mi"ht be confirmed to tlieiii, and assigned among other reasons for its con- 
firmation, that since the grant was first made, they had been embarrassed by 
Indian wars. It would seem that tlieir petition was not granted, as seven 
years afterwards, several persons of Haverhill explored the lands in the vicin- 
ity, and presented a petition to the General Court of Massachusetts, for a 
tract of land " situated on the river Merrymake, at the lower end of Pena- 
cook," to contain eight miles square, and in 17::25, obtained the grant of a 
township about seven miles square. The settlement was commenced in 172G, 
by inhabitants from Haverhill, Andover and Salisbury. In 1733, they were 
incorporated into a town by Ihe nanift of llumford, having settled a minister 
in 1730. From 174'J to 17(13, tliere existed a violent and perplexing contro- 
versy between the proprietors of Bow and the inhabitants of Riunford, which 
was finally decided by the King in Council, '■>[) December, 1702. On the 17 
June, 1705, the charter of the town was granted, by which it received the 
name of CoNconn. A church was gathered and Rev. Timothy Walker, who 

fraduated at II. C. 1725, was ordained 18 Nov. 1730. He died 2 September, 
782, aged 77. Hie successors have been Rev. Israel Evans, Rev. Asa M'- 



1727.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTH. ^21 

was made by the New-Hampshire proprietors, at Bow, on Sun- 
cook river ; but the most of the intermediate country remained 
uncultivated for many years. Schemes of settlement were indeed 
continually forming ; meetings of proprietors were frequently 
held, and an avaricious spirit of speculation in landed property 
prevailed ; but the real wealth and improvement of the country 
instead of being promoted was retarded. 

On the death of King George I., the assembly, which had sub- 
sisted five years, was of course dissolved ; and writs for the election 
of another were issued in the name of George the Second. ^ . 
The long continuance of this assembly was principally 
owing to die absence of Governor Shute, in whose administration 
it commenced ; and the uncertainty of his return or the appoint- 
ment of a successor. It had been deemed a grievance, and an 
attempt had been made, in 1724, to limit the duration of assemblies 
to three years, in conformity to the custom of England. At the 
meeting of the new assembly, the first business which they 
took up was to move for a triennial act. The lieutenant 
governor was disposed to gradfy them. Both houses agreed in 
framing an act for a triennial assembly, in which the duration of 
the present assembly was hmited to three years, (unless sooner 
dissolv'ed by the commander in chief) ; writs were to issue fifteen 
days at least, before a new election ; the qualification of a repre- 
sentative was declared to be a freehold estate of three hundred 
pounds value.- The qualification of an elector was a real estate 
of fifty pounds, within the town or precinct where the election 
should be made ; but habitancy was not required in either case. 
The selectmen of the town, with the moderator of the meeting, 
were constituted judges of the quahfications of electors, saving an 
appeal to the house of representatives. This act having been 
passed, in due form, received the royal approbation, and was the 
only act which could be called a constitution or form of govern- 
ment, established by the people of New-Hampshire ; all other 
parts of their government being founded on royal commissions 
and instructions. But this act was defective, in not determining 
by whom the writs should be issued, and in not describing the 
places from which representatives should be called, either by name, 
extent or population. This defect gave birth to a long and bitter 
controversy, as will be seen hereafter. 

The triennial act being passed, die house were disposed to make- 
other alterations in the government. An appeal was allowed in- 
all civil cases from the inferior to the superior court j if the matter 

(1) N. II. Records. (2) Edition of Laws in 1771, page 166. 

Farland, D. D., and Rev. Nathaniel Bouton. A second congregational (uni- 
tarian) church was organized and Rev. Moses G. Thomas ordained 25 Febru- 
ary, 1829. The ]>.)pulation of Concord in 1767, was 7.")2 ; in 1775, 1052 ; in 
1790, 1747 ; in 1«00, 2052 ; in 1810, 2303 ; and in 1620, 2838.] 



222 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1727. 

in controversy exceeded one hundred pounds, another appeal was 
allowed to the governor and council ; and if it exceeded three 
hundred pounds, to the king in council. The appeal to the gov- 
ernor in council was first established by Cutt's commission, and 
continued by subsequent commissions and instructions. In Queen 
Anne's time, it was complained of as a grievance, that the governor 
and council received appeals and decided causes, without taking 
an oath to do justice. An oath was then prescribed and taken. 
The authority of this court had been recognised by several clauses 
in the laws ; but was disrelished by many of the people j partly 
because the judges who had before decided cases, were generally 
members of the council ; partly because no jury was admitted in 
this court of appeal ; and partly because no such institution was 
known in the neighboring province of Massachusetts. The house 
moved for a repeal of the several clauses in the laws relative to 
this obnoxious court ; the council non-concurred their vote, and 
referred them to the royal instructions. The house persisted in 
their endeavors, and the council in their opposition. Both sides 
grew warm, and there was no prospect of an accommodation. 
The lieutenant governor put an end to the session, and soon after 
dissolved the assembly by proclamation.* 

A new assembly was called ; the same persons, with but two or 
three exceptions, were re-elected, and the same spirit appeared jn 
f^OQ all their transactions. They chose for their speaker Na- 
thaniel Weare, who had been speaker of the former as- 
sembly, and having as usual presented him to the lieutenant gov- 
ernor, he negatived the choice. The house desired to know by 
what authority ; he produced his commission ; nothing appeared 
in that, which satisfied them ; and they adjourned from day to 
day without doing any business. After nine days, they chose 
another speaker, Andrew VViggin, and sent up the vote, with a 
preamble, justifying their former choice. The lieutenant govern- 
or approved the speaker, but disapproved the preamble ; and thus 
the controversy closed, each side retaining their own opinion. 
The speeches and messages from the chair, and the answers from 
the house, during this session, were filled with reproaches ; the 
public business was conducted with ill humor, and the house car- 
ried their opposition so far as to pass a vote for addressing the king 
to annex the province to Massachusetts ; to this vote the council 
made no answer. But as a new governor was expected, they 

* [1728. Pembroke, originally Suncook, was granted by Massachusetts to 
60 persons, of whom 4Gwere the soldiers, or their legal representatives, who 
were engaged with Capt. John Lovewell in May, 17'2^y, against the Indiana 
at Pequawke-t. Tlie settlement began the next year after the grant was made. 

The first permanent settlement of Rochester was made 26 December, 1728, 
by Capt. Timothy Roberts. Rev. Amns Main, H. C. 172!t, the first minister, 
was ordained in 1737, at which time the place contained GO families. (MS. 
Petition.) Farmington, incorporated iu 171)8, and Milton, incorporated in 
1802, were both taken from Rochester.] 



1728.] PROVINCE. WILLIAM BURNET. 223 

agreed in appointing a committee of both houses to go to Boston, 
and compliment him on his arrival. 

The expected governor was William Burnet, son of the cele- 
brated Bishop of Sarum, whose name was dear to the peo])le of 
New-England, as a steady and active friend to civil and religious 
liberty. Mr. Burnet was a man of good understanding and polite 
literature ; fond of books and of die conversation of literary men ; 
but an enemy to ostentation and parade. He had been governor 
of New- York and New-Jersey, and quitted those provinces with 
reluctance, to make way for another person, for whom the British 
ministry had to provide. Whilst at New-York, he was very 
popular, and his fame having reached New-England, the expect- 
ations of the people were much raised on the news of his appoint- 
ment, to die government of Massachusetts and New-Hampshire. 
Lieutenant Governor Wentworth characterized him in one of his 
speeches as ' a gendeman of known worth, having justly obtained 
' a universal regard from all who have had the honor to be under 
' his government.' He was received widi much parade at ^^ 
Boston, whither the lieutenant-governor of New-Hamp- " ^ 
shire, with a committee of the council and assembly, went to 
compliment him on his arrival.* 

Mr. Burnet had positive instructions from die crown to insist on 
the establishment of a permanent salary in both his provinces. 
He began with IMassachusetts, and held a long controversy with 
the general court to no purpose. In New-Hampshire, a precedent 
had been established in the administration of Dudley, which was 
favorable to his views. Though some of the assembly were averse 
to a permanent salary ; yet the lieutenant governor had so much 
interest with them, by virtue of having made them proprietors in 
the lately granted townships, that they were induced to consent ; 
on condition that he should be allowed one third part of the salary, 
and they should be discharged from all obligadons to him.^ ^ _ 
This bargain being concluded, the house passed a vote, ^^ „* 
with W'hich the council concurred, to pay ' Governor Bur- 
' net, for the term of three years, or during his administration, the 
' sum of two hundred pounds sterhng, or six hundred pounds in 
' bills of credit ; which sum was to be in full of all demands from 

(1) Belcher's MS. letter. 

* Mr. Hutchinson has represented Governor Burnet as a man of humor, 
and given an anecdote respecting his indifference to the custom ot' saying' 
grace at meals. The following story of the same kind, perliaps will not be 
disagreeable to tlie reader. 

One of tlie coiinnittee, who went from Boston, to meet him on the borders 
of Rhode-Island, and conduct him to the seat of government, was the facetious 
Col. Tailer. Burnet complained of tiie long graces whicli were said by cler- 
gymen on tlie road, and asked Tailer when they would siiorten. He answer- 
ed, ' the graces will increase in length, till you come to Boston ; after that 
* they will shorten till you come to your government of New-Hampshire, 
' where your Excellency will fmd no grace at all.' 



224 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPSHIRE. [1729. 

* this government, for his saLiry ; and all expenses in coming to, 

* tarrying in, or going from this province ; and also for any al- 

* lovvance to he made to the lieutenant governor ', and that the 
' excise on liquors should be appropriated to that use.'^ To this 
vote, six of the representatives entered dieir dissent. 

The governor came but once into New-England. His 

' death, which happened after a few months, was supposed 

to be occasioned by the ill effect, which his controversy with 

Massachusetts, and the disappointment which he suiFered, had on 

his nerves.* 

When the death of Governor Burnet was known in England, 
the resentment against the province of Massachusetts was very 

£j„ high, on account of their determined refusal to fix a salary 
on the king's governor.- It was even proposed, to reduce 
them to ' a more absolute dependence on the crown ;' but a spirit 
of moderation prevailed ; and it was thought that Mr. Jonathan 
Belcher, then in England, being a native of the province, and well 
acquainted with the temper of his countrymen would have more 
influence than a stranger, to carry the favorite point of a fixed 
salary. His appointment, as governor of New-Hampshire, was 
merely an appendage to his other commission. 

Belcher was a merchant of large fortune and unblemished 
reputation. He had spent six years in Europe ; had been twice 
at the court of Hanover, before the protestant succession took 
place in the family of Brunswick ; and had received from the 
Princess Sophia, a rich golden medal. -^ He was graceful in his 
person, elegant and polite in his manners ; of a lofty and aspiring 
disposition ; a steady, generous friend ; a vindictive, but not im- 
placable enemy. Frank and sincere, he was extremely liberal 
in his censures, both in conversation and letters. Having a high 
■sense of the dignity of his commission, he determined to support 
it, even at the expense of his private fortune ; the emoluments of 
office in both provinces being inadequate to the style in which he 
«hose to live. 

Whilst he was in England, and it was uncertain whether he 
would be appointed, or Shute would return, Wentworlh wrote 
letters of compliment to both. Belcher knew nothing of the let- 
ter to Shute, till his arrival in America, and after he had made a 

(1) Journal of tlie House of Representatives. (2) Letters of Francis Wilkes, 
agent. (3) Belcher's letter to the Bishop of Lincoln, MS. 

* [1720. Litchfield, a small fertile township on Merrimack river, was set- 
tled by people from Chelmsford. Its Indian name was Natticott, and it was 
granted by Massacliusetls as early as l(i.j(i, to a Mr. Brenton, and for many 
years was known by the n:uiie of Brcnton's Farm. It was ufterward.s inclu- 
ded ill Dunstable grant, from which it was separated and incorporated by 
Massachusetts in T7;U. On tlie settlement of the boundary line in ]74], it 
fell witiiin New-Hampsliiro, and was incorporated ") Jnne, J741>. A church 
was organized, and a minister. Rev, Joshua Tufts, H. C. 173G, was ordained 
as early as 174L] 



1730.1 PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 225 

visit to New-Hampshire, and had been entertained at the house 
of the lieutenant-governor. He was then informed, that VVent- 
worth had written a letter to Shute, of the same tenor as that to 
himself. This he deemed an act of duplicity. How far it was 
so, cannot now be determined. The persuasion was so strong in 
the mind of Belcher, that on his next visit to Portsmouth, he re- 
fused an invitation to Wentworth's house. This was not the only- 
way in which he manifested his displeasure. When the affair of 
the salary came before the assembly, he not only refused ^^^ ^^ 
to make such a compromise as Burnet had done ; but ^" 
obliged the lieutenant-governor under his hand, to ' quit all claim 
to any part of the salary, and to acknowledge that he had no ex- 
pectation from, or dependence on the assembly, for any allowance, 
but that he depended wholly on the governor.' The same salary 
was then voted, and in nearly the same words, as to his predeces- 
sor. He allowed the lieutenant-governor, the fees and perquisites 
only which arose from registers, certificates, licenses and passes, 
amounting to about fifty pounds sterling. Wentworth and his 
friends were disappointed and digusted. He himself did not 
long survive ; being seized with a lethargic disorder, he 
died within five months; but his family connections resent- J^'^q' 
ed the affront, and drew a considerable party into their 
view^s. Benning Wentworth, his son, and Theodore Atkinson, 
who had married his daughter, were at the head of the opposition. 
The latter was removed from his office of collector of the customs, 
to make room for Richard Wibird ; the naval ofiice was taken 
from him and given to Ellis Hnske ;* and the office of high 
sheriff, which he had held, was divided between him and Eleazar 
Russell. Other alterations were made, which gieatly offended 
the friends of the late lieutenant-governor ; but Belcher, satisfied 
that his conduct was agreeable to his commission and instructions, 
disregarded his opponents and apprehended no danger from their 
resentment. Atkinson was a man of humor, and took occasion to 
express his disgust in a singular manner. The governor, who 
was fond of parade, had ordered a troop of horse, to meet him on 
the road, and escort him to Portsmouth. The officers of govern- 
ment met him, and joined the cavalcade. Atkinson was tardy; 
but when he appeared, having broken the sheriff's wand, he held 
one half in his hand. Being chid by the governor for not appear- 
ing sooner, he begged his excellency to excuse him, because he 
had but half a horse to ride. 

In addition to what has been observed, respecting Lieutenant 
Governor Wentworth, die following portrait of his character, by 
some contemporary Iriend, deserves remembrance. 

* [His son Ellis Huske was Postmaster in Boston, and tlie publisher of (he 
Boston Weekly Post Boy, He was the person, it is said, who recoiiunended 
to the British government, the Stamp Act of 17G5.] 

31 



226 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1730. 

' He was born at Portsmouth of worthy parents, from whom 
' he had a religious eclucalion. His inclination leading him to the 
' sea, he soon became a commander of note, and gave a laudable 

* example to that order, by his sober behaviour, and his constant 
' care to uphold the worship of God in his ship. Wherever he 

* came, by his discreet and obliging deportment, he gained the love 
' and esteem of those with whom he conversed. 

' On his leaving the sea, he had considerable business as a 
' merchant, and always had the reputation of a fair and generous 
' dealer. 

' He has approved himself to the general acceptance of his 

* majesty's good subjects throughout this province, and under his 
' mild administration, we enjoyed great quietness. 

' He was a gentleman of good natural abilities, much improved 

* by conversation ; remarkably civil and kind to strangers ; re- 
' spectful to the ministers of the gospel ; a lover of good men of 
' all denominations ; compassionate and bountiful to the poor ; 
' courteous and affable to all ; having a constant regard to the du- 
' ties of divine worship, in private and public, and paying a due 
' deference to all the sacred institutions of Christ. 

' He had sixteen children, of whora fourteen yet survive 
' him.'i * 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Dunbar's lieutenancy and enmity to Belcher. Efforts to settle the boundary 
lines. Divisions. Riot. Trade. Episcopal Churclu Throat distemper. 

Mr. Wentwouth was succeeded in the lieutenancy by David 
Dunbar, Esquire, a native of Ireland, and a reduced colonel in 

c>i the Britisli service; who was also deputed to be surveyor 
J e24 *^^^^^^ king's woods. This appointment was made by the 
recommendation of die board of trade ; of which Colonel 
Bladen was an active member, who bore no good will to Governor 
Belcher. Dunbar had been commander of a fort at Pcmaquid, 
which it was in contemplation to annex to Nova-Scotia. ^ He had 
taken upon him to govern the few scattered people in that district, 
with a degree of rigor to which they could not easily submit. 
This conduct had already opened a controversy, between him and 

(1) N. E. Weekly Journal, Dec. 28. (2) Hutch, ii. 224, 37i). 

* [Lieutenant Governor Wentworth was son of Samuel Wentworth, and 
was born lli June, ir)72. One of tlie fourteen surviving children was Ren- 
ning Wentworth, the first governor of New-naanpsliire afler the establish- 
ment of the boundary lines.] 



1731.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 227 

the province of Massachusetts ; and it was very unfortunate for 
Belcher to have such a person connected with both his govern- 
ments. What were the merits, which recommended Dunbar to 
these stations, it is not easy at diis time to determine. Tiie only 
qualifications, which appear to have pleaded in his favor, were 
poverty and the friendship of men in power. He was an instru- 
ment of intrigue and disaffection ; and he no sooner made his 
appearance in New-Hampshire, than he joined the party who 
were in opposition to the governor. Belcher perceived die ad- 
vantage which his enemies would derive from diis alliance, and 
made all the efforts in his power to displace him. In his letters 
to the ministry, to the board of trade, and to his friends in Eng- 
land, he continually represented him in the worst light, and solicited 
his removal. It is not improbable, that his numerous letters of 
this kind, written in his usual style, with great freedom and with- 
out any reserve, might confirm the suspicions, raised by the letters 
of his adversaries, and induce the ministry to keep Dunbar in 
place, as a check upon Belcher, and to preserve the balance of 
parties.! 

Within a few weeks after Dunbar's coming to Portsmouth, a 
complaint was drawn up against Belcher, and signed by 
fifteen persons ; alleging that his government was grievous, -^ 
oppressive and arbitrary, and praying the king for his removal. 
This roused the governor's friends, at the head of whom was 
Richard Waldron,* the secretary who drew up a counter address, 
and procured an hundred names to be subscribed. ^ Both address- 
es reached England about the same time. Richard Partridge,f 
Mr. Belcher's brother in law, in conjunction with his son Jona- 
than Belcher, then a student in the Temple, applied for a copy of 
the complaint against him, at the plantation office, and obtained it; 

(1) Belcher's MS. letters. (2) MS. copies of Addresses. 

*[He was the son of Colonel Richard Waldron, and grandson of Major Rich- 
ard Waldron, who was killed at Dover in 1(>89. He was born 21 Februarj', 
1G94, and graduated at Harvard college in 1712. He fixed his residence at 
first on his paternal estate at Dover, but removed afterwards to Portsmouth, 
and lived at the plains. In 1728, he was appointed a counsellor, and soon af- 
ter, secretary of the province. In 1737, he was appointed judge of probate. 
He retained these offices as long as Governor Belcher was in office ; but soon 
after Governor Wentworth commenced his administration, he suspended Mr. 
Waldron as counsellor, removed him from office, and appointed Theodore At- 
kinson, secretary, and Andrew Wiggin, judge of probate. 

In 1749, he was elected a representative of Hampton, and when the assem- 
bly met, was unanimously chosen speaker. Mr. Waldron was a person of 
distinguished talents and literary acquirements. A strong friendship existed 
between him and Governor Belcher, which continued through life. He was a 
professor of religion, and zealously attached to tlie church, of which he was a 
respectable member. He died in 1753, aged 59. Thomas Westbrook Wal- 
dron, who died at Dover, 3 April, 1785, aged 64, washis son. Adams, Annals 
of Portsmouth, 191, 192.] 

t [Richard Pnrtridge, as has been already stilted, was son of Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor William Partridge. He was born 9 December, lfi81, and after being 
appointed agent, resided in London, where he was living in 1749.] 



228 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1731. 

but, could not get sight of the letters which accompanied it, though, 
on the foundation of those letters, a representation had been made 
by the board of trade, to the king.^ 

Tlie only eflect which Dunbar's letters had at that time, was to 
procure the appointment of Theodore Atkinson, Benning Went- 
vvorth and Joshua Peirce, to be counsellors of New-Hampshire ; 
and though Belcher remonstrated to the secretary of state against 
these appointments, and recommended other persons in their 
room, he could not prevail, any farther than to delay the admis- 
sion of the two former for about two years ; during which time, 
they were elected into the house of representatives, and kept up 
the opposition there. The recommendations, which he made of 
other persons, were duly attended to when vacancies haj)pened ; 
and thus the council was composed of his friends, and his ene- 
mies. The civil officers, whom he appointed, were sometimes 
superseded, by persons recommended and sent from England ; 
and in one instance, a commission for the naval office, in favor of 
a Mr. Reynolds, son of the bishop of Lincoln, was filled up in 
England, and sent over with orders for him to sign it ; which he 
was obliged punctually to obey. 

From the confidential letters of the leading men on both sides, 
which have fallen into my hands in the course of my researches, 
the views of each party may plainly be seen ; though they en- 
deavored to conceal them from each other. The governor and 
his friends had projected an union of New-Hampshire with Mas- 
sachusetts ; but were at a loss by what means to bring it into effect. ^ 
The most desirable method would iiave been, a unanimity in the 
people of New-Hampshire, in petitioning the crown for it; but as 
this could not be had, the project was kept out of sight, till some 
favorable opportunity should present. 

The other party contemplated not only the continuance of a sep- 
arate government, but the appointment of a distinct governor, who 
should reside in the province, and have no connection with Massa- 
chusetts. The greatest obstacle in their way, was the smallness 
and poverty of the province, which was not able to support a gen- 
tleman in the character of governor. To remove this obstacle, it 
was necessary to have the limits of territory, not only fixed, but 
enlarged. They were therefore zealous, in their attempts for this 
purpose ; and had the address to persuade a majority of the peo- 
ple, that they would be gainers by the establishment of the lines ; 
that the lands would be granted to them and their children ; and 
that the expense of obtaining the settlement would be so trifling, 
that each man's share would not exceed the value of a pullet. 

The governor's friends were averse to pressing the settlement 
of the line ; and their reasons were these. The controversy is 

(1) Belcher's letters. (2) Belclier's, Waldron's, Atkinson's and Thomlin- 
son's letters MS. 



1731.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER 229 

either between the king and the subjects of his charter government 
of JMassachusetts ; or else, between the heirs of INIason or Allen 
and the people of Massachusetts. If the controversy be settled 
even in favor of New-Hampshire, the lands which fall within the 
line, will be eidier the king's property, to be granted by his gov- 
ernor and council according to royal instructions ; or else the 
property of the heirs of Mason or Allen, to be disposed of by 
them. On both suppositions, the people of New-Hampshire can 
have no property in the lands, and therefore why should they be 
zealous about the division, or tax themselves to pay the expense 
of it ? 

The governor, as obliged by his instructions, frequently urged 
the setdement of the lines in his speeches, and declared, that the 
assembly of New-Hampshire had done more towards effecting it, 
than that of Massachusetts. A committee from both provinces met 
at Newbury in the autumn of 1731, on this long contested g^ ^ ^i 
affair ; but the influence of that party in Massachusetts, of 
which Elisha Cooke was at the head, prevented an accommoda- 
tion. Soon after this fruitless conference, the representatives of 
New-Hampshire, of whom a majority was in favor of settling the 
line, determined no longer to treat with Massachusetts ; but to 
represent the matter to the king, and petition him to decide the con- 
troversy. ^ Newman's commission, as agent, having expired, 
they chose for this purpose, John Rindge, merchant, of Ports- 
mouth, then bound on a voyage to London. The appointment of 
this gentleman was fortunate for them, not only as he had large 
connexions in England ; but as he was capable of advancing 
money, to carry on the solicitation. The council, a majority of 
which was in the opposite interest, did neither concur in the ap- 
pointment, nor consent to the petition. 

Mr. Rindge, on his arrival in England, petitioned the king in 
his own name, and in behalf of the representatives of New- 
Hampshire, to establish the boundaries of the province ; 1732. 
but his private affairs requiring liis return to America, he 
did, agreeably to his instructions, leave the business in the liands 
of Captain John Thomlinson, merchant, of London ; who was 
well known in New-Hampshire, where he had frequently been in 
quality of a sea commander. He was a gendeman of great pen- 
etration, industry and address ; and having fully entered into the 
views of Belcher's opponents, prosecuted the affair of the line, 
' wiUi ardor and diligence ;' employing for his solicitor, Ferdinan- 
do John Parris ; who being well supplied with money, was inde- 
fatigable in his attention. The petition was of course referred 
to the Lords of Trade, and Francis Wilks the agent of Massa- 
chusetts, was served with a copy to be sent to his constituents.* 

(1) Assembly Records. 

* [The province of New-Hampshire at this time (1732) contained 25 incor- 
porated townships and parishes, 2940 ratable inhabitants, 131G two story dwell- 



230 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1732. 

Whilst the matter of the line was pending on the other side of 
the Atlantic, the parlies in New-Hampshire maintained their op- 
position ; and were on all occasions vilifying and ahusing each 
other, especially in their letters to their friends in England. On 
the one side, Belcher incessantly represented Dunbar, as the fo- 
menter of ojiposition ; as false, perfidious, malicious and re- 
vengeful ; that he did no service to the crown, nor to himself ; 
but was ' a plague to the governor and a deceiver of the peojjle.' 
He was also very liberal in his reflections, on his other opposers. 
On the other side, they represented him as unfriendly to the royal 
interest ; as obstructing the settlement of the lines ; conniving at 
the destruction of the king's limber, and partial to his other gov- 
ernment, where all his interest lay ; and that he had not even a 
freehold in New-Hampshire. As an instance of his partiality, they 
-„c,^ alleged, that in almost every session of the assembly of 
Massachusetts, he consented to grants of the disputed 
lands, to the people of that province ; by which means, their as- 
sembly raised money, to enable their agent to protract the con- 
troversy, that they might have opportunity to lay out more town- 
ships ; while at the same time, he rejected a supply bill of the 
New-Hampshire assembly, and dissolved them, because that in it, 
they had made an appropriation for their agent. The truth was, 
that the council did not consent to the bill, because thej^ had no 
hand in appointing the agent, and the bill never came before the 
governor. The frequent dissolution of assemblies was another 
subject of complaint ; and in fact, this measure never produced 
the desired efiect ; for the same persons were generally re-elected, 
and no reconciling measures were adopted by either party.* 

ing houses, GOG one story ditto, and 1G,434 acres of improved land. This view 
of the province embraced the towns of Portsmouth, Greenland, Hampton, 
Hampton-Falls, Dover, Durham, Somerswortli, Exeter, Newmarket, New- 
Castle, Stratham, Kingston, Newington and Londonderr)'. The remaining 
ten townships had been granted but a few years and some of them had not 
been settled. We have no data in our records by which the number of polls, 
houses, and acres of improved lands in the remaining towns, can be estimated. 
1732. Durham, formerly called Oyster River, was incorporated 15 May 
this year. The act passed the assembly 13 May, and received the signature 
of Governor Belcher on the 15th.] 

* [17.33. The Plains in the S. W. part of Portsmouth, agreeably to their 
petition signed by 72 persons, was set off as a parish 9 March, 1733. It then 
contained 80 families besides the families of si.x widows, 108 ratable polls and 
450 souls. They had seven years before erected a meeting house, and from 
the month of February, 1725, to March, 1727, had defrayed the charge of con- 
stant pi^eaching, paying also their full proportion for tlie support of the gospel 
ministry at the Bank at the same time. MS. Petition among the Waldron 
papers in secretary's office. 

The towns of Amherst and Boscawen were granted this year, and settled in 
1734. The settlement of the first was commenced by Samuel Walton and 
Samuel Lampson, from Massachusetts. Others followed from the county of 
Essex, so that in 1741, there were fourteen families settled there. A church 
was gathered 22 September. 1741, and on the next day, Rev. Daniel Wilkins 
was ordained. He died 11 February, 1784, aged 72. The town was called 
Sov he. (ran- West until it was incorporated by ^1. II., 18 January, 1700. See 
Hist. Sketch of Amherst, 8vo. pp. 35, published in 1820. boscawen was 



1733.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BE], CHER 231 

The governor frequently complained, in his speeches, ijiat the 
public debts were not paid ; nor the Jbrt, prison, and other public 
buildings kept in repair ; because of their failure in supply- 
ing the treasury. The true reason of their not supplying 
it was, that they wanted emissions of paper money, to be drawn 
in, at distant periods. To this, the governor could not consent, 
being restrained by a royal instruction, as well as in principle, op- 
posed to all such practices. But one emission of paper was made 
in his administration ; and for its redemption a fund was establish- 
ed in hemp, iron, and other productions of the country. When 
a number of merchants and otliers had combined to issue notes, 
to supply the place of a currency, he issued a proclamation against 
them ; and in his next speech to the assembly, condemned them 
in very severe terms. The assembly endeavored to vindicate the 
character of the bills -, but in a few days he dissolved them, with a 
reprimand ; charging them with trifling, with injustice and hypoc- 
risy. It must be remembered, that his complaints of an empty 
treasury were not occasioned by any failure of his own salary, 
which was regularly paid out of the excise. 

Belcher revived the idea of his predecessor, Shute, which was 
also countenanced by his instructions, that he was virtually pres- 
ent in New-Hampshire, when personally absent, and attending his 
duty, in his other province ; and therefore, that the lieutenant- 
governor could do nothing but by his orders. Dunbar had no 
seat in the council, and Shadrach Walton being senior member, 
by the governor's order, summoned them and presided. He also 
held the command of the fort, by the governor's commission, 
granted passes for ships, and licenses for marriage ; and received 
and executed military orders, as occasion required. The lieu- 
tenant-governor contested this point ; but could not prevail ; and 
finding himself reduced to a state of insignificance, he retired in 
disgust, to his fort at Pemaquid ; where he resided almost two 
years. The governor's friends gave out that he had absconded 
for debt, and affected to triumph ov-er the opposition, as poor and 
impotent ; but their complaints, supported by their agent Thom- 
linson, and the influence of Bladen at the board of trade, made 
an impression there much to the disadvantage of Mr. Belcher ; 
though he had friends among the ministry and nobility ; the prin- 
cipal of whom was Lord Townsend, by whose influence he had 
obtained his commission. 

After Dunbar's return to Portsmouth, the governor thought it 
good policy to relax his severity ; and gave him the command of 
the fort, with the ordinary perquisites of office, amounting to about 

jyrantedto 01 proprietors, who gave to it the name of Contoocook, its original 
(ndian name. Tiie settlement commenced early in the year 1734, by people 
from Newbury and the adjacent towns. It was incorporated by N. II. '22 
April, J7G0, when from an English admiral, it received the name ofBo.scawen 
See Rev. Mr. Price's History of Boscawen, 8vo. pp. 110, Concord, 1823 ] 



232 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1734. 

fifty pounds sterling. Not content with this, he complained, that 
the governor did not allow him one third of his salary. The gov- 
ernor's salary was hut six hundred pounds currency ; he spent at 
least one hundred, in every journey to New-Hampshire, of which 
he made two in a year. At the same time, Dunbar had two hun- 
dred pounds sterling, as surveyor general of the woods ; which, 
with the perquisites, amounting to one hundred more, were 
divided between him and his deputies. But it must be re- 
membered that he was deeply in debt, both here and in England. 

The rigid execution of the office of surveyor general had al- 
ways been attended with difficulty ; and the violent manner, in 
which Dunbar proceeded with trespassers, raised a spirit of oppo- 
sition on such occasions. The statutes for the preservation of the 
woods empowered the surveyor to seize all logs, cut from white 
pine trees, without license ; and it rested on the claimant, to prove 
his property, in the court of admiralty. Dunbar went to the saw 
mills ; where he seized and marked large quantities of lumber ; 
and with an air and manner to which he iiad been accustomed in 
his military capacity, abused and threatened the people. That 
class of men, with whom he was disposed to contend, are not ea- 
sily intimidated with high words ; and he was not a match for 
them, in that species of controversy, which they have denomina- 
ted sioamp law. An instance of this happened at Dover, whither 
he came, with his boat's crew, to remove a parcel of boards, which 
he had seized. The owner, Paul Gerrish, warned him of the 
consequence : Dunbar threatened with death the first man who 
should obstruct his intentions : the same threat was returned to 
the first man who should remove the boards. Dunbar's prudence 
at this time, got the better of his courage, and he retired. 

With the like spirit, an attempt of the same kind was frustrated 
at Exeter, whither he sent a company in a boat to remove lum- 
ber. Whilst his men were regaling themselves at a public house, 
in the evening, and boasting of what they intended to do the next 
<iay ; a number of persons, disguised like Indians, attacked and 
beat them ; whilst others cut the rigging and sails of the boat, and 
made a hole in her bottom. The party not finding themselves 
safe in the house, retreated to the boat, and pushed off; but being 
there in danger of sinking, they with difficulty regained the shore, 
and hid themselves till morning, when they returned on foot to 
Portsmouth. 

This was deemed a flagrant insult. Dunbar summoned the 
council, and complained to them of the riotous proceedings at 
r,. Exeter, where there was ' a conspiracy against his life, by 
"" ^ ' ''■ ' evil minded persons, who had hired Indians to destroy 
* him.' He proposed to the council, the issuing of a proclama- 
tion, offering a reward to apprehend the rioters. The major part 
of the council were of opinion, that no proclamation could he is- 



1734.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 233 

sued but by the governor.* Information being sent to the gov- 
ernor, he issued a proclamation ; commanding all magistrates to 
assist in discovering the rioters. 

This transaction afforded matter for complaint, and a memorial 
was drawn up by Thomlinson, grounded on letters which he had 
received. It was suggested, that the governor's pretence to favor 
the surveyor was deceitful ; that the rioters at Exeter were his 
greatest friends ; that the council, wholly devoted to him, would 
not advise to a proclamation till they had sent to Boston ; that the 
proclamation was delayed ; and when it appeared offered no re- 
ward ; though Dunbar had proposed to pay the money himself ; 
and, that by reason of this delay and omission, the rioters escaped 
with impunity. 1 

In jusuce to Mr. Belcher, it must by said, that there was no 
delay on his part, the proclamation being sent from Boston within 
six days. It also appears, from the secret and confidential letters 
of the governor, that he disapproved the riot, and even called it 
rebellion ; that he gave particular orders to the magistrates, to 
make inquiry, and take depositions, and do their utmost to discover 
the rioters. If he did not advertise a reward, it was because 
there was no money in the treasury ; and if Dunbar had been 
sincere in his offer to pay it, he might have promised it, by ad- 
vertisement. The true reason that the rioters were not discovered, 
was, that their plan was so artfully conducted, their persons so 
effectually disguised, and their confidence in each other so well 
placed, that no proof could be obtained ; and the secret remained 
with themselves, till the danger was over, and the government had 
passed into other hands. 

A law had been made, for holding the inferior court of common 
pleas, alternately in each of the four old tow^ns ; and the practice 
had been conUnued for several years, much to the convenience and 
satisfaction of the people j but Dunbar remonstrated against it, to 
the board of trade, and moved for a disallowance of the act, be- 
cause the people who had obstructed him in his office deserved 
not so much favor. The act was in consequence disallow- ^ ^„^ 
ed, and the courts were afterward confined to Portsmouth. 
The order for disallowance, came to the hands of Dunbar, who 
called a meeting of the council, that they might advise to its pub- 
lication. A majority of them would not consent, till the original 

(1) MS. letters. 

* This was also the governor's opinion ; and in his letters he frequently 
asserts that Dunbar had no command in New-Hampshire wiiilst he was in 
either of his governments. To be consistent, he should have maintained, 
that the lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts had no command whilst he was 
in New-Hampsiiire ; hut there occurs an instance of a proclamation issued 
by Lieutenant Governor Phips, (March 25, 1737) on occasion of a riot at Bos- 
ton, wiiilst the governor was in New-Hampshire ; and at his return, he issued 
another, in which he refers to the former, not only without censuring it, but 
in terms of approbation. 

32 



234 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPBHIRE. [1735. 

order was sent to Boston, and Governor Belcher directed the 

publication of it. This transaction served as matter of 

fresh complaint, and was alleged as an argument for the 

appointment of a governor, who should reside constantly in the 

province. 

To finish what relates to Dunbar. He was caressed by the 
party in opposition to Belcher, under the idea that he had interest 
enough in England, to obtain a commission for the government of 
New-Hampshire. In 1737, he went to England to prosecute his 
design ; where, by his old creditors, he was arrested and thrown 
into prison. Thomlinson found means to liberate him ; but per- 
ceived that he had neither steadiness nor ability for the station at 
which he aimed, nor interest enough to obtain it ; though, by his 
presence in England, he served to keep up the opposition to Bel- 
cher, and was used as a tool for that purpose, till the object was 
accomplished. 1 After which, he was (1743) appointed, by the 
East India Company, governor of St. Helena. 

The trade of the province at this time consisted chiefly in the 
exportation of lumber and fish to Spain and Portugal, and the 
Caribbee Islands. The mast trade was wholly confined to Great 
Britain. In the winter, small vessels went to the southern colo- 
nies, with English and West-India goods, and returned with corn 
and pork. The manufacture of iron within the province, which 
had been set up by the late Lieutenant Governor Wentworth, and 
other gentlemen, lay under discouragement, for want of experi- 
enced and industrious workmen. The woollen manufacture 
was diminished, and sheep were scarcer than formerly ; the com- 
mon lands on which they used to feed, being fenced in by the 
proprietors.^ The manufacture of linen was much increased by 
means of the emigrants from Ireland, who were skilled in that 
business. No improvements were made in agriculture, and the 
newly granted townships were not cultivated with spirit or 
success. 

There had not been any settled episcopal church in the prov- 
ince from the beginning, till about the year 1732 ; when some 
gentlemen who were fond of the mode of divine worship, in the 
church of England, contributed to the erection of a neat building 
on a commanding eminence, in Portsmouth, which they called 
the queen's chapel. Mr. Thomlinson was greatly instrumental of 
procuring them assistance in England, toward completing and 
furnishing it. It was consecrated in 1734; and in 173(3 they ob- 
tained Mr. Arthur Brown for their minister, with a salary from the 
society for propagating the gospel in foreign parts. 

About this time, the country was visited with a new epidemic 
disease, which has obtained the name of the tlu-oat distemper. 

(1) Thomlinson's letters, MS. (2) Belcher's letters to the board of trade, 
MS. 



X735.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 235 

The general description of it was a swelled tliroat, widi white or 
ash-colored specks, an efflorescence on the skin, great debility 
of the whole system, and a strong tendency to putridity. Its first 
appearance was in May, 1735, at Kingston, in New-Hampshire, 
an inland town, situate on a low plain. The first person seized, 
was a child,* who died in three days. About a week afi,er, in 
another family, at the distance of four miles, three children were 
successively attacked, who also died on the third day. It contin- 
ued spreading gradually, in that township, through the summer, 
and of the first forty who had it, none recovered. ^ In August, 
it began to make its appearance at Exeter, six miles north-east- 
ward ; and in September, at Boston, f fifty miles southward, 
though it was October, before it reached Chester, the nearest 
setdcment on the west of Kingston. It continued its ravages 
through the succeeding winter and spring, and did not disappear 
till the end of the next summer. 

The most who died of this pestilence, were children ; and the 
distress, which it occasioned, was lieightened to the most poignant 
degree. From three to six children were lost out of some fam- 
ilies. Several buried four in a day, and many lost their all. In 
some towns, one in three, and in others one in four of the sick 
were carried off. In the parish of Hampton-Falls, it raged most 
violently. Twenty families buried all their children. Twenty- 
seven persons were lost out of five families ; and more than one 
sixth part of the inhabitants of that place died within thirteen 
months. In the whole province, not less than one thousand per- 
sons, of whom above nine hundred were under twenty years of 
age, fell victims to this raging distemper. 

Since the settlement of this country, such a mortality had not 
been known. It was observed, that the distemper proved most 
fatal, wlien plentiful evacuations, particularly bleeding, were used ; 
a great prostration of strength being an invariable symptom. The 

(1) Douglass's practical history of a new miliary fever. Fitch's Narrative. 

* [Abigail Gilman, according to the late Mr. Welch, of Bow, who then 
lived in Kingston.] 

t On its first appearance in Boston, it was supposed to be nothing more 
than a common cold; butwhen the report of the mortality in New-Hampshire 
was received, and a young man from Exeter, whose brother had died of it, 
was seized (October 17;3.5) the house was shut and guarded, and a general 
alarm spread tlirough the neighboring towns and colonies. \]\nm Iiis death, 
no infection was observed in that house or neighboriiood ; but the distemper 
appeared in other places, which had no communication witli the sick. The 
physicians did not take the infection, nor convey it to their families, nor their 
other patients. It was therefore concluded, that it was not like tlie small pox, 
or tlie plague, communicable by infection, from the sick or from clothes ; and 
tlie physicians, having by desire of tlie selectmen, held a consultation, pub- 
lished their opinion ; that it proceeded entirely from ' some occult quality in 
the air.' Weekly News Letter, April 2I>, 173G. 

Dr. Douglass computes tiie number of persons who had tlie distemper in 
Boston at 'lUOO ; of wliom ]]4 died, wliich is one in 35. Tiie whole number 
of inhabitants at that time was estimated at 1G,000. 



236 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE-. [1735. 

summer of 1735, when the sickness began, was unusually wet 
and cold, and the easterly wind greatly prevailed. But it was ac- 
knowledged to be, not ' a creature of the seasons ;' as it raged 
through every part of die year. Its extent is said to have been 
' from Pemaquid to Carolina ;' but widi what virulence it raged, 
or in what measure it proved fatal to the southward of New-Eng- 
land, does not appear. 

The same distemper has made its appearance at various times 
since. In 1754 and 1755, it produced a great mortality in several 
parts of New-Hampshire, and the neighboring parts of Massa- 
chusetts. Since that time it has either put on a milder form, or 
physicians have become better acquainted widi it. The last time 
of its general spreading was in 1784, 5, 6 and 7. It was first 
seen at Sanford in die county of York ; and thence diffused it- 
self, very slowly, through most of the towns of New-England j 
but its virulence, and the mortality which it caused, were com- 
paratively inconsiderable. ' Its remote, or predisposing cause, 
' is one of those mysteries in nature, which baffle human inqui- 
ry.'i * 

(1) Dr. Hall Jackson's observations, 1766. 

* The following Table, drawn from an account, published by Mr. Fitch, 
minister of Portsmouth, July 20, 173G, is a Bill of Mortality for 14 months pre- 
cedinjr. 



Towns. 



Portsmouth, 


81 


15 


1 




Dover, 


77 


8 


3 




Hampton, 
Hampton-Falls, 


37 

160 


8 
40 


8 
9 


1 
1 


Exeter, 


105 


18 


4 




New-Castle, 


11 








Gosport, 

Rye, 

Greenland, 


34 
34 
13 


2 

10 

2 


3 




Newington, 


16 


5 






Newmarket, 


20 


1 




1 


Stratham, 


18 








Kingston, 


96 


15 


1 


1 


Durham, 


79 


15 


6 




Chester, 


21 









99 

88 

55 

210 

127 

11 

37 

44 

18 

21 

22 

18 

113 

100 

21 



802 139 35 4 3 1 984 



After this account was taken, ' several otlier children' died of the throat 
distemper. In the town of Hampton, 13 more witiiin the year 1736. So tluit 
the whole number must have exceeded a thousand. In the town of Kittery, 
in the county of York, died 122. 

It appears also, from the church records of Hampton, that from January 
J 754, to July 1755, fifty-one persons died of the same distemper, in that town. 



PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 237 



CHAPTER XVII. 

State of parties. Controversy about lines. Commissioners appointed. Their 
session and result. Appeals. Complaints. 

We have now come to that part of the history of New-Hamp- 
shire, in which may be seen, operating in a smaller sphere, the 
same spirit of intrigue which has frequently influenced the conduct 
of princes, and determined the fate of nations. Whilst on the 
one hand, we see Massachusetts stiffly asserting her chartered 
claims ; and looking with contempt, on the small province of New- 
Hampshire, over which she had formerly exercised jurisdiction ; 
we shall see, on the other hand, New-Hampshire aiming at an 
equal rank, and contending with her for a large portion of terri- 
tory ; not depending solely on argument ; but seeking her refuge 
in the royal favor, and making interest with the servants of the 
crown. Had the controversy been decided by a court of law, 
the claims of Massachusetts would have had as much weight as 
those of an individual, in a case of private property ; but the 
question being concerning a line of jurisdiction, it was natural to 
expect a decision, agreeable to the rules of policy and con- 
venience J especially where the tribunal itself was a party con- 
cerned. 

It must be observed, that the party in New-Hampshire, who 
were so earnestly engaged in the establishment of the boundary 
lines, had another object in view, to which this was subordinate. 
Their avowed intention was to finish a long controversy, which 
had proved a source of inconvenience to the people who resided 
on the disputed lands, or those who sought an interest in them ; 
but their secret design was to displace Belcher, and obtain a gov- 
ernor who should have no connexion with Massachusetts. To 
accomplish the principal, it was necessary that the subordinate ob- 
ject should be vigorously pursued. The government of New- 
Hampshire, with a salary of six hundred pounds, and perquisites 
amounting to two hundred pounds more, equal in the whole to about 
eight hundred dollars per annum, was thought to be not worthy the 
attention of any gentleman ; but if the lines could be extended on 
both sides, there would be at once an increase of territory, and a 
prospect of speculating in landed property ; and in future, there 
would be an increase of cultivation, and consequently of ability 
to support a governor. 

The people were told that the lands would be granted to them ; 
and by this bait they were induced to favor the plan ; whilst the 
ministry in England, were flattered widi the idea, of an increase 
of crown influence in the plantations. 



238 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

The leading men in Massachusetts were aware of the views of 
those in New-Hampshire, and determined to guard against them. 
They presumed, that a line of jurisdiction would not affect prop- 
erty ; and therefore endeavored to secure the lands to themselves, 
by possession and improvement, as far as it was practicable. The 
same idea prevailed among the governor's friends in New-Hamp- 
shire. They perceived, that a tract of wilderness on the north 
eastern side of JMerrimack. river, and the ponds which flow into 
it, must doubtless fall into New-Hampshire. For these lands 
they petitioned the governor, and a charter was prepared, in 
which this whole tract, called King's-Wood, was granted to them. 
It contained all the lands not before granted, between the bounds 
of New-Hampshire on the south-west and north-east ; which, 
according to the ideas of those concerned, would have been sufK- 
cient for about four large townships. 

Governor Belcher had a difficult part to act. He was at the 
head of two rival provinces ; he had friends in both; who were 
seeking iheir own as well as the public interest : He had ene- 
mies in both, who were watching him, eager to lay hold on the 
most trivial mistake, and magnify it to his disadvantage. His own 
interest was to preserve his commission, and counteract the mach- 
inations of his enemies ; but as the settlement of the line, and the 
removing of him from his office, were carried on at the same 
time, and by the same persons, it was difficult for him to oppose 
the latter, without seeming to oppose the former. Besides, Mr. 
Wilks, the agent of Massachusetts, was well known to be his 
friend ; and when it was found necessary to increase the number, 
one of them was his brother, Mr. Partridge. On the other hand, 
Mr. Rindge and Mr. Thomlinson were his avowed enemies. 
There was also a difference in the mode of appointing these agents. 
Those of Massachusetts were constituted by the council and 
representatives, with the governor's consent. Those of New- 
Hampshire were chosen by the representatives only, the council 
nonconcurring in the choice ; which, of course, could not be 
sanctioned by the governor's signature, nor by the seal of the 
province. 

When the petition which Rindge presented to the king, had 
been referred to the board of trade, and a copy of it giv^en to 
17^19 Wilks, to be sent to his constituents, it became necessary 
that they should instruct him. Their instructions were 
designedly expressed in such ambiguous terms, that he was left 
to guess their meaning, and afterward blamed for not observing 
their directions. His embarrassment on this occasion, expressed 
in his petition and counter petition, to the board of trade, protracted 
the business, and gave it a complexion, unfavorable to his constitu- 
ents, but extremely favorable to the design of New-Hampshire. ^ 

(1) Ilutcli. ii. 385. Wilks' petitions and report of board of trade, MS. 



1733.1 PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 239 

To bring forward the controversy, Parris, the soHcitor of tlic 
agents of New-Hampshire, moved a question, ' From what ^^„ 

* part of Merrimack river the hne should begin?' The ^''^'^' 
board of trade referred this question, to the attorney and solicitor 
general, who appointed a day to hear council on both sides. ' 
The council for New-Hampshire insisted, that the line ought to 
begin three miles north of the mouth of the Merrimack. The 
council for Massachusetts declared, that in their opinion, the solu- 
tion of this question would not determine the controversy, and 
therefore declined saying any thing upon it. The attorney . ^^^ 
and solicitor reported, that ' whether this were so or not, jyng5* 

* they could not judge ; but as die question had been re- 

' ferred to them, they were of opinion, that according to the char- 
' ter of William and Mary, the dividing line ought to be taken 
' from three miles north of the mouth of Merrimack, where it runs 
' into the sea.' Copies of this opinion were given to each ., ^qr 
party ; and the lords of trade reported, that the king should ju'^g 5* 
appoint commissioners, from the neighboring provinces, to 
mark out the dividing line. This report was approved by the 
lords of council. 

Much time was spent in references, messages and pedtions, 
concerning the adjustment of various matters; and at ^,^0^ 
length, the principal heads of the commission were deter- p^j^ ^ q* 
mined. The first was, that the commissioners should be 
appointed, from among the counsellors of New-York, New-Jersey, 
Rhode-Island and Nova-Scotia. These were all royal govern- 
ments, except Rhode-Island ; and with that colony, as well as 
New- York, Massachusetts had a controversy, respecting bounda- 
ries. Connecticut, though proposed, was designedly omitted, 
because it was imagined that they would be partial to Massachu- 
setts, from the similarity of their habits and interests. The other 
points were, that twenty commissioners should be nominated, of 
whom five were to be a quorum ; that they should meet at Hamp- 
ton, in New-Hampshire, on the first of August, 1 737 ; that each 
province should send to the commissioners, at their first meetingy 
the names of two public officers, on whom any notice, summons, 
or final judgment might be served ; and at the same time should 
exhibit, in writing, a plain and full state of their respective claims, 
copies of which should be mutually exchanged ; and that if either 
province should neglect to send in the names of their officers, or 
the full state of their demands, at the time appointed, then the 
commissioners should proceed ex parte. That when the com- 
missioners should have made and signed their final determination, 
they should send copies to the public otHcers, of each province j 
and then should adjourn for six weeks, that cither party might 
enter their appeal.^ 

(1) Printed brief. MS. report. (2) Printed brief. 



240 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMrSHIRE. [1737. 

These points being determined ; the board of trade wrote let- 
tei^ to Belcher, enclosing the heads of the proposed commission, 
and directing him to recommend to the assemblies of each 
province, to choose their public oflicers, and prepare their 
demands, by the lime when the commissioners were to meet. 
These were accompanied with letters to the governors of the 
several provinces, from which the commissioners were elected, 
informing them of their appointment. The letters were delivered 
to Parris, and by him to Thomlinson, to be sent by the first ship 
to America.! Those to Massachusetts and New-Hampshire, 
were directed, the one to Mr. Belcher, by name, as governor of 
Massachusetts ; the other, to the commander in chief, resident in 
New-Hampshire ; and it was required that the delivery of the 
letters should be certified by affidavit. The design of this singu- 
lar injunction was, that Dunbar, if present, should receive the 
letter, and call the assembly of New-Hampshire immediately ; and 
that if Belcher should forbid or hinder it, the blame of the neglect 
should fall on him. At the same time, auother letter, respecting 
a petition of a borderer on the line, and containing a reprimand 
to Belcher, was sent in the same manner, to be delivered by Dun- 
bar, into Belcher's hands. These intended afflonts, both failed 
of their effect ; Dunbar having, before the arrival of the letters, 
taken his passage to England. 

The anxiety of Thomlinson, to have the earliest notice possible, 
of the intended commission sent to New-Hampshire, led him not 
only to forward the public letters ; but to send copies of all the 
transactions, to his friends there. In a letter to Wiggin 
and Rindge, (the committee who corresponded with him) 
he advised them, to make the necessary preparations, as soon as 
possible, to act in conformity to the commission and instructions ; 
and even went so far as to nominate the persons, whom they should 
appoint, to manage their cause before the commissioners.^ 

These papers were communicated to the assembly, at their 

session in March ; and at the same time the governor laid before 

them, a copy of the report of the board of trade, in favor 

■ of a commission, which had been made in the preceding 

December. In consequence of which, the assembly appointed a 

committee of eight* who were empowered ' to prepare 

^^^ ' ' witnesses, pleas and allegations, papers and records, to 

' be laid before the commissioners ; to provide for their recepfion 

* and entertainment, and to draw upon the treasurer for such 

* supplies of money as might be needful.'^ This appointment was 

(1) Original letters of Parris. (2) Original MS. letter. (3) Assembly 
Records and printed brief. 

* OJ the Cmincil. Of the Hovsc. 

Sliadrach Walton, Andrew Wiggin, 

George .laft'rey, John Rindge, 

Jotliain Odiorne, Thomas Packer, 

Theodore Atkinson. .Tames Jeffrey. 



1737.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 241 

made by the united voice of the council and representatives, and 
consented to by the governor ; and though it was made, three 
weeks before tlie reception of tiie letters, from the lords of trade; 
directing the appointing of public officers, and preparing a state- 
ment of claims ; yet it was understood to be a full compliance 
with the orders and expectations of the government in England. 

The same day on which this order passed, the governor pro- 
rogued the assembly to the sixth of July ; and on the twentieth of 
June, he prorogued it again, to the fourth of August. 

The letters respecting the commission, were delivered to Mr. 
Belcher, on the twenty-second of April ; and he acknowledged 
the receipt of them, in a letter to the board of trade, on the tenth 
of May. The commission itself was issued on the ninth of April, 
and sent to Mr. Rindge ; who kept it till the meeting of the com- 
missioners, and then delivered it to them. The expense of it, 
amounting to one hundred and thirty-five pounds sterling, was 
paid by the agents of New-Hampshire. 

At the spring session of the general court in Massachusetts, the 
governor laid before them the letter from the lords of 
trade, inclosing an order from the privy council, and re- ^^ 
commended to them to stop all processes in law, respecting any 
disputes of the borderers, till the boundaries should be determin- 
ed.^ During the same session, he reminded them of the order, 
and desired them to consider it ; telling them that he had 
no advice of the appointment of commissioners. His " ^ 
meaning was, that the commission itself, in which they were named, 
had not been sent to him ; nor was he actually informed that it 
was in America, till after he had prorogued the assemblies of both 
provinces to the fourth of August. In obedience to the royal 
order, the assembly of Massachusetts appointed Josiah r , r 
Willard, secretary, and Edward Winslow, sherifFof Suf- ^ ^ "^^ 
folk, to be the two public officers ; on whom, or at whose place of 
abode, any notice, summons, or other process of the commission- 
ers, might be served. 

On the day appointed, eight of the commissioners met at 
Hampton.* They published their commission, opened . 
their court, chose William Parker their clerk, and George ""' 
IMitchel, surveyor. On the same day, the committee of eight, 
who had been appointed by the assembly of New-Hampshire, in 
April, appeared ; and delivered a paper to the court, reciting the 
order of the king, for the appointment of two public officers ; al- 

(1) Journal of Assembly. 

* From Nova-Scotia. From Rhode-Island. 

William Skene, President, Samuel Vernon, 

Erasmus James Phillips, John Gardner, 

Otho Hamilton. John Potter, 



33 



Ezekiel Warner, 
George Cornel. 



242 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPSHIRE. [1737. 

leging that the assembly had not been convened since the arrival 
of that order ; but, that there should be no failure for want of such 
officers, they appointed Richard Waldron, secretary, and Eleazar 
Russell, sherifF.i They also delivered the claim and demand of 
New-Hampshire, in the following words. ' That the southern 
boundary of said province should begin at the end of three miles 
north from the middle of the channel of Merrimack river, where 
it runs into the Atlantic ocean ; and from thence should run, on 
a straight line, west, up into the main land (toward the south sea) 
until it meets his majesty's other governments. And that the 
northern boundary of New-Hampshire should begin at the en- 
trance of Pascataqua harbor, and so pass up the same, into the 
river of Newichwannock, and through the same, into the farthest 
head thereof ; and from thence northwestward, (that is, north, 
less than a quarter of a point, westwardly) as far as the Brhish 
dominion extends ; and also the western half of the Isles of 
Shoals, we say, lies within the province of New-Hampshire.'^ 
The same day, Thomas Berry and Benjamin Lynde, counsel- 
lors of Massachusetts, appeared and delivered the vote of their 
assembly, appointing two public officers, with a letter from the 
secretary, by order of the governor, purporting, that ' at the last 

* rising of the assembly, there was no account that any commission 

* had arrived ; that the assembly stood prorogued to the fourth 
' of August ; that a committee had been appointed, to draw up a 

* state of their demands, which would be reported at the next 
' session, and therefore praying that this short delay might not 
' operate to their disadvantage.' Upon this, the committtee of 

New-Hampshire drew up and presented another paper, 

°' ' charging the government of Massachusetts with ' great 

' backwardness, and aversion to any measures, which had a ten- 

* dency to the settlement of this long subsisting controversy ; and 

* also charging their agent, in England, with having used all im- 

* aginable artifices, to delay the issue ; for which reason, the 
' agent of New-Hampshire had petitioned the king, to give direc- 

* tions, that each party might be fully prepared, to give in a state 
' of their demands, at the first meeting of the commissioners ; 
' which direction they had faithfully observed, to the utmost of 
' their power ; and as the assembly of Massachusetts had made 
' no seasonable preparation, they did, in behalf of New-Hamp- 
' shire, except and protest against any claim or evidence being 
' received from them, and pray the court to proceed ex parte ^ 
' agreeably to the commission.'^ 

It was alleged in favor of Massachusetts, that by the first meet- 
ing of the commissioners could not be meant the first day, but the 
first session. The court understood the word in this sense, and 

(1) MS. original Minutes by Mr. Parker. (2) MS. Minutes, and Massa- 
chusetts Journal, p. 34. (3) MS. Minutes. 



1737.1 PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 243 

resolved, that Massachusetts should be allowed time, till the eighth 
of August, and no longer, to bring in their claims ; and that if 
they should Aiil, the court would proceed ex parte. The court 
then adjourned to the eighth day. 

The assembly of New-Hampshire met on the fourth ; and the 
secretary, by the governor's order, prorogued them to the 
tenth, then to meet at Hampton-Falls. On the same day, °' 
the assembly of Massachusetts met at Boston ; and after they had 
received the report of the committee, who had drawn up their 
claim, and despatched expresses to New- York and New-Jersey, 
to expedite the other commissioners; and appointed a committee 
to support their claims;* the governor adjourned them, to the 
tenth day, then to meet at Salisbury. Thus the assemblies of 
both provinces were drawn within five miles of each other ; and 
the governor declared, in his speech, that he would ' act as a 

* common father to both.'^ 

The claim of Massachusetts being prepared, was delivered to 
the court, on the day appointed. After reciting their grant 
and charters and the judicial determination in 1677, they °' 
asserted their ' claim and demand, still to hold and possess, by a 

* boundary line, on the southerly side of New-Hampshire, begin- 
' ning at the sea, three English miles north from the Black Rocks, 
' so called, at the mouth of the river Merrimack, as it emptied 

* itself into the sea sixty years ago ; thence running parallel with 

* the river, as far northward as the crotch or parting of the river ; 
' thence due north, as far as a certain tree, commonly known for 

* more than seventy years past, by the name of Endecott's tree ; 
' standing three miles northward of said crotch or parting of Mer- 
' rimack river ; and thence, due w^est to the south sea ; which, 

* (they said) they were able to prove, by ancient and incontestible 
' evidence, were the bounds intended, granted, and adjudged to 

* them ; and they insisted on the grant and settlements as above 
' said, to be conclusive and irrefragable.^ 

' On the northerly side of New-Hampshire, they claimed a 
' boundary line, beginning at the entrance of Pascataqua harbor ; 
' passing up the same, to the river Newichwannock ; through that 

* to the farthest head thereof, and from thence a due north west 
' line, till one hundred and twenty miles from the mouth of Pas- 

* cataqua harbor be finished.' 

(1) Massackusetts Assembly Records. (2) Journal, p. G. 

* This committee consisted of Edmund Quincy, William Dudley, Samuel 
Welles, Thomas Berry, and Benjamin Lynde, of the council ; and Elisha 
Cooke. Thomas Cashing, Job Almj-, Henry Rolfe, and Natlianiel Peaslee, of 
tlie house. Cooke died while tlie commissioners were sitting. He had been 
employed on the same affair at Newbury in 1731 , and it was by his means 
that tlie business was then obstructed. In reference to tliis, Belcher, in a 
private letter says, ' Generations to come will rise up and call him nirsc.d.' 
On account of Cooke's death, and the absence of another member, they ap- 
pointed John Read and Robert Auch'muty. August 13. 



244 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPSIIIRE. [1737. 

The court ordered copies of the claims of each province, to 
be drawn and exchanged ; and having appointed Benjamin Rolfe 
of Boston,* an additional clerk, they adjourned to the tenth of 
the month. 

On that day, both assemblies met at the appointed places. A 
cavalcade was formed from Boston to Salisbury, and the governor 
rode in state, attended by a troop of horse. f He was 
"^' ■ met at Newbury ferry by another troop ; who, joined by 
three more at the supposed divisional line, conducted him to the 
George tavern, at Hampton-Falls ; where he held a council and 
made a speech to the assembly of New-Hampshire. Whilst 
both assemblies were in session ; the governor, with a select com- 
pany, made an excursion, of three days, to the falls of Amuskeag ; 
an account of which was published in the papers, and concluded 
in the following manner : ' His excellency was much pleased 
' with the fine soil of Chester, the extraordinary improvements at 
' Derry, and the mighty falls at Skeag.'^ 

In the speech, which the governor made to the assembly of 
New-Hampshire, he recommended to them to appoint tw'o officers, 
agreeably to his majesty's commission. The assembly appeared 
to be much surprised at this speech ; and in their answer, said, 
that ' the committee before appointed had already given in the 
' names of two officers, which they approved of ; for had it not 
' been done, at the first meeting of the conmiissioners, they might 
* have proceeded ex i) arte.'' -^ 

Considering the temper and views of Mr. Belcher's opponents, 
this was rather unfortunate for him, so soon after his profession of 
being ' a common father to both provinces.' For if the commit- 
tee had a right to nominate the two officers, then his recommen- 
dation was needless ; if they had not, it might justly be asked, 

(1) Boston Weekly News Letter, Aug. 25. (2) Assembly Journal and 
printed brief. 

* [Benjamin Rolfe was afterwards one of the early settlers of Concord, then 
called Runiford, wliere he died 20 December, 1771. He graduated at Har- 
v.ard college in 1727, and for some time was the only magistrate in Concord. 
He married Sarah, daughter of Rev. Timothy Walker, and she, after the death 
of Mr. Rolfe, became the wife of Benjamin Thompson, afterward the distin- 
guished German count, who from his early residence in New-Hampshire, took 
the name of Rumford.] 

1 Tliis procession occasioned the following pasquinade, in an assumed 
Hibernian style. 

' Dear Paddy, you ne'er did behold such a siglit, 

As yesterday morning was seen before nigiit. 

You in all your born days saw, nor I didn't neither. 

So many fine liorses and men ride together. 

Attlie head, tlie lower house trotted two in a row, 

Tlien all the liiglier house pranced after tiie low ; 

Then the governor's coach gallop'd on like the wind, 

And the last tliat came foremost were troopers beiiind ; 

But I fear it means no good, to your neck or mine ; 

For they say 'tis to fi.\- a riglit place for the line.' 

Collection of Poems, p. 54. 



1737.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 245 

why did he not call the assembly together, on the sixth of July, 
to which day they had been prorogued ? The excuse was, that 
he did it, to avoid any objection, which might be made to the re- 
gularity of their appointment ; and to give them an opportunity 
to ratify and confirm it. The truth was, that Mr. Belcher high- 
ly resented the conduct of the committee of New-Hampshire, who 
concealed the commission, and never communicated it to him in 
form. Had he been aware of the use, which his enemies might 
make, of his rigid adherence to forms, when he could not but 
know the contents of the commission, and the time when it must 
be executed, prudence might have dictated a more flexible con- 
duct. They did not fail, to make the utmost advantage of his 
mistakes, to serve the main cause which they had in view. 

The expresses which were sent by Massachusetts, to call the 
other commissioners, had no other effect than to add to tlie num- 
ber, Philip Livingston, from New- York ; who, being senior in 
nomination, presided in the court. 

To prevent the delay, which would unavoidably attend the tak- 
ing of plans from actual surveys; the commissioners recommend- 
ed, to both assemblies, to agree upon a plan, by which the pre- 
tensions of each province should be understood ; but as this could 
not be done, a plan drawn by Mitchel was accepted, and when 
their result was made, this plan was annexed to it. They then 
proceeded to hear the answers, which each party made, to the 
demands of the other, and to examine witnesses on both sides. 
Neither party was willing to admit the evidence, produced by the 
other, and mutual exceptions and protests were entered. The 
points in debate were, whether Merrimack river, at that time, 
emptied itself into the sea, at the same place where it did sixty 
years before ? Whether it bore the same name, from the sea, 
up to the crotch ? and whether it were possible to draw a paral- 
lel line, three miles northward, of every part of a river ; the 
course of which was, in some places, from north to south ? 

With respect to the boundary line, between New-Hampshiro 
and Maine, the controverted points were, whether it should run 
up the middle of the river, or on its north-eastern shore ; and 
whether the line, from the head of the river, should be due north- 
west, or only a few degrees westward of north. 

The grand point on which the whole controversy respecting 
the southern line turned, was, whether the charter of William and 
Mary granted to Massachusetts, all the lands which were granted, 
by the charter of Charles the First .'' On this question, the com- 
missioners did not come to any conclusion. Reasons of policy 
might have some weight, to render them indecisive ; but, whether 
it were really so or not, they made and pronounced their result in 
the following words. In ' pursuance of his majesty's commission, 
' the court took under consideration, the evidences, pleas, and 
' allegations offered and made by each party ; and upon mature 



240 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1737. 

' advisement on the whole, a doubt arose in point of law ; and 
' ihe court thereupon came to the following resolution. That if the 
' charter of King William and Queen Mary, grants to the province of 
' jMassachusetts Bay, all the lands granted by the charter of King 
' Charles the First, lying to the northward of Merrimack river ; 

* then the court adjudge and determine, that a line shall run, par- 
' allel with the said river, at the distance of three English miles, 
' north from the mouth of the said river, beginning at the south- 
' eriy side of the Black Rocks, so called, at low water mark and 
' thence to run to the crotch, where the rivers of Pemigewasset 

* and Winnipiseogee meet ; and from thence due north three 
' miles, and from thence due west, toward the south sea, until it 
' meets with his majesty's other governments ; which shall be the 
' boundary or dividing line, between the said provinces of Mas- 
' sachusctts and New-Hampshire, on tliat side. But, if other- 
' wise, then the court adjudge and determine, that a line on the 
' southerly side of New-Hampshire, beginning at the distance of 
' three miles north, from the southerly side of the Black Rocks 
' aforesaid, at low water mark, and from thence running due west, 
' up into the main land, toward the south sea, until it meets with his 
' majesty's other governments, shall be the boundary line between 
' the said provinces, on the side aforesaid : Which point in doubt, 
' the court humbly submit, to the wise consideration of his most 
' sacred majesty, in his privy council j to be determined accord- 
' ing to his royal will and pleasure. 

' As to the northern boundary, between the said provinces, the 
' court resolve and determine ; that the dividing line shall pass 
' through the mouth of Pascataqua harbor, and up the middle of 
' the river of Newichwannock, (part of which is now called Sal- 
' mon-Falls) and through the middle of the same, to the farthest 
' head thereof, and from thence north, two degrees westerly, un- 
' til one hundred and twenty miles be finished, from the mouth 
' of Pascataqua harbor, aforesaid ; or until it meets with his maj- 

* esty's other governments. And, that the dividing line shall part 
' the Isles of Shoals, and run through the middle of the harbor, 
' between the islands, to the sea, on the southerly side ; and that 

* the southwesterly part of said islands shall lie in, and be account- 
' ed part of, the province of New-Hampshire ; and that the north- 
' easterly part thereof shall lie in, and be accounted part of, the 
' province of IMassachusetts Bay ; and be held and enjoyed by 

* the said provinces respectively, in the same manner as they now 
' do, and have heretofore held and enjoyed the same. 

' And the court do further adjudge, that the cost and charge 

* arising by taking out the commission, and also of the commis- 

* sioners and their officers, viz. the two clerks, surveyor and wait- 

* cr, for their travelling expenses, and attendance in the execu- 
' tion of the same, be equally borne by the said provinces.'^ 

(1) MS. Copy Journal of Maasachusetts Assembly, p. 35. 



1737.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 247 

Thus this long depending question, after all tlie lime, expense 
and argunncnt, which it has occasioned, remained undecided. 

When this evasive decree was published, the commissioners 
adjourned, to the fourteenth of October, to receive appeals ; and 
the same day, the governor, at the request of the council onlj', 
adjourned the assembly of New-Hampshire to the tvvslfth of Oc- 
tober. By this sudden adjournment, it was impossible for them 
to obtain a copy of the decree, before their dispersion, or to frame 
an appeal, till two days before the time, when it must have been 
presented. The assembly of Massachusetts continued their ses- 
sion, at Salisbury, five days longer. On the fifth of September, 
they obtained copies of the royal commission, and the decree of 
the commissioners, which they entered on their journal. On the 
sixth, they agreed upon an appeal • and on the seventh, at the 
united request of both houses, the governor adjourned them to the 
12th of October. 

The sudden adjournment of the assembly of New-Hampshire, 
when that of Massachusetts continued their session, was unfortu- 
nate for Governor Belcher ; and gave his opponents another ad- 
vantage, to pursue their grand design against him. The reasons 
assigned for it were, that the report of the commissioners being 
special, the whole matter would of course come before the king, 
without any appeal from either province. For this reason, a 
majority of the council were against an appeal. That as the 
committee, appointed in April, had the same pow'er to act in the 
recess, as in the session of the assembly ; and, as the council 
were against appealing ; so the appeal could not be made, by the 
whole assembly, and therefore the governor thought, that the best 
service which he could do to the province, was to adjourn the 
assembly, and leave the whole business in the hands of the com- 
mittee. With respect to the short time, between the 12th and 
14th of October, it was observed, that the claim of New-Hamp- 
shire was contained in a few lines, and their exceptions to the 
judgment of the commissioners might be prepared in a quarter of 
an hour.i 

Both assemblies met again, in the same places, at the appointed 
time. The representatives of New-Hampshire having, by 
the help of their committee, in the recess of the assembly, 
obtained the papers, framed their exceptions and sent a message, 
to know if the council were sitting ; but the council being deter- 
mined against an appeal, had met and adjourned, without doing 
any business. The house therefore was reduced to the necessity 
of desiring the commissioners to receive their appeal, without the 
concurrence of the governor and council. The appeal, from the 
assembly of Massachusetts, was presented in due form, authenti- 
cated by the speaker, secretary and governor. Their committee 

(1) Printed brief. 



248 HieXORY OF NEW-HAMPBHIRE. [1737. 

entered a protest against the appeal of New-Hampshire, because 
it was not an act of the whole legislature ; nevertheless, the com- 
missioners received it, and entered it on their minutes. Having 
received these appeals, the commissioners adjourned their court 
to the first of August, in the next year, but they never met again. 

The assembly of Massachusetts appointed Edmund Quincy 
and Richard Partridge agents, to join with Francis Wilks, their 
former agent, in the prosecution of their appeal before the king ; 
and raisetl the sum of two thousand pounds sterling, to defray the 
expense.* 

When the representatives of New-Hampshire proposed the 
raising of money, to prosecute their appeal, die council noncon- 
curred the vote.'^ Their reasons were, that the appeal was not an 
act of the council ; that they had no voice in the appointment of 
the agent ; and, that at the beginning of the affair, the house had 
declared to the council, that the expense of it would be defrayed 
by private subscription. 

At this session of the Massachusetts assembly, Mr. Belcher 
put them in mind that he had suffered in his interest, by the con- 
tinually sinking value of their bills of credit, in which his salary 
was paid ; a point which he had, often before, urged them to con- 
sider. In answer to this message, they made him a grant of 
<£333, G, 8, in bills of the new tenor .3 The same day, they 
made a grant of the like sum, to the president of Harvard college. 
Both these sums appear to have been justly due ; and at any 
other time, no exception could have been made to either. But, 
because the grant to the governor happened to be made, at the 
same time with the grant of £2000 sterling to the agents, his 
opponents pretended, that he received it as a bribe, from the as- 
sembly of Massachusetts, for favoring their cause. 

The appeal of New-Hampshire, from the judgment of the 
commissioners, was founded on the following reasons. With 
respect to the southerly line ; because it made the Black Rocks, 
lying in a bay of Merrimack river, the point from which the three 
miles were to be measured ; which point was three quarters of a 
mile north of the river's mouth ; and, because a line, parallel with 
the river, was not only impracticable, but founded on the old 
charter, which had been vacated ; and, if practicable, yet ought 
not to go farther than the river held a westerly course. With 
respect to the northern boundary, they objected to that part of the 
judgment only, which directed the line to run up the middle of 
the river ; alleging that the grant to Gorges was only of land, be- 
tween that river and Kennebeck ; and that New-Hampshire had 
always been in possession of the whole river, and had maintained 
a fortress which commanded its entrance.'* 

(1) Massachusetts Journal of Assembly. (2) Printed brief. (3) Hutch, ii. 
300. Journal, Oct 19. (4) MSS. 



1737.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 249 

The appeal of Massachusetts was grounded on the following 
reasons. That by the charter of William and ]\Iary, the old 
colony of Massachusetts was re-incorporated without any excep- 
tion ; that this charter empowered the governor and general as- 
sembly to grant all lands, comprehended in the old colony ; that 
the committee of New-Hampshire acknowledged, that New- 
Hampshire lay without the late colony of Massachusetts, by de- 
claring that it was between that and the province of Maine j that 
the west line, claimed by New-Hampshire, would cross Merrimack 
river, thirty miles from its mouth, and exclude forty miles of said 
said river out of Massachusetts, though declared, by both charters, 
to be in it. They objected to extending the line of New-Hamp- 
shire till it should meet with his majesty's other governments ; 
because according to Masoii's grant, New-Hampshire could ex- 
tend no farther than sixty miles from the sea. With respect to 
the northern boundary, they objected to a line north, two degrees 
westwardly, alleging that it ought to be on the northwest point ; 
they also excepted to the protraction of this line, till it should meet 
with his majesty's other governments j alleging that it ought to 
extend no farther than one hundred and twenty miles, the fixed 
limits of the province of Maine. 

It was unfortunate for Massachusetts that their committee had 
brought Mason's grant, in evidence to the commissioners, and 
again recited it in their appeal ; for a line of sixty miles from the 
sea would cross Merrimack river, long before the similar curve 
line, for which they contended, could be completed. Besides, 
Mason's grant extended to Naumkeag ; which was much further 
southward, than they would have been willing to admit. 

It may seem curious and unaccountable to most readers, that 
the commissioners should determine the northern, or rather east- 
ern bounds of the northern part of New-Hampshire, to be a line 
drawn north, two degrees westerly, from the head of Salmon-fall 
river ; when the express words of Gorges' patent are ' north 
westward.' The agents for Massachusetts, when this claim was 
put in by New-Hampshire, could hardly think it was seriously 
meant, when it was alleged that by northwestward must be under- 
stood, north a Utile westward.* The only ostensible reason, given 
for this construction was, that if a northwest line had been intended, 
then a southeast line, drawn from the mouth of the harbor, would 
leave all the Isles of Shoals in New-Hampshire; whereas, the 
dividing line runs between them.^ On the other side, it might 
have been said, with equal pro))riety, that a line drawn south, two 
degrees east, from the mouth of the harbor, would leave all these 
islands in Massachusetts. For the point where the islands are divi- 
ded bears south, twenty-nine degrees east, from the middle of the 
harbor's mouth ; the variation of the needle being six degrees west.^ 

(1) Hutch, ii. 389. (2) MS. minutes of the commissioners. (3) [As] ob- 
served 1781. 

34 



250 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, [1737. 

When this affair was again agitated in England, the agents of 
Massachusetts obtained a certificate from the learned Dr. Halley, 
that a line northwestward ought to run forty-five degrees westward 
of the north point. This was demonstratively true ; but there 
were political reasons for dissenting from mathematical demon- 
stration. One of them is thus expressed, in a private letter, from 
a committee of the assembly, to their agent Thomlinson. ' We 
' hope that the northern line will be but a few degrees to the west- 
' ward of north, that his majesty's province may include the great- 

* est number, and best mast trees for the royal navy.' Though 
this tiiought might never have occurred to a mathematician, yet 
someof the commissioners were doubtless acquainted with it; and 
it was too important, not to have been communicated to the king's 
ministers. Anotiier political reason of dissent was, that by en- 
larging New-Hampshire, there would be a better prospect of ob- 
taining a distinct governor, which was the grand object in view. 

The new agent of Massachusetts, Edmund Quincy, died of the 
small pox, soon after his arrival in London. The affair was then 
,_^Q left in the hands of Wilks and Partridge, neither of whom 
understood so much of the controversy as Thomlinson ; 
who was also far supefior to them in address. In his letters, to 
his friends in New-Hampshire, he frequently blames them for 
their negligence, in not sending to him the necessary papers in 
proper season ; and when sent, for the want of correctness and 
regularity in them. But their deficiency was abundantly com- 
pensated by the dexterity of his solicitor, Parris ; who drew up a 
long ' petition of appeal ;' in which, all the circumstances, attend- 
ing the whole transaction, from the beginning, were recited, and 
colored, in such a manner, as to asperse the governor and assembly 
of ' the vast, opulent, overgrown province of Massachusetts ;' 
while ' the poor, little, loyal, distressed province of New-Hamp- 

* shire' was represented as ready to be devoured, and the king's 
own property and possessions swallowed up, by the boundless 
rapacity of the charter government. Concerning the manner in 
which this masterly philippic was framed, and the principal object 
at which it was directed, there can be no belter evidence, than 
that which is contained in a letter, written by Parris to Thomlin- 
son, and by him sent to New-Hampshire. ' Two nights ago, I 

' received a heap of papers from you, about the lines ; 
^ ■ ■ ' and have been four times to the colony office, and board 

* of trade, to discover what I could in this imperfect affair ; but 
' cannot see the case, till after Tuesday next. Notwithstanding 
' which, I have, as well as I can, without proper materials, drawn 

* up a long petition of appeal, to his majesty ; and as the Massa- 
' chusetts have not yet presented theirs, I send you the draught 
' of it, and hope we shall have our appeal, as well as the petition, 
' from the New-Hampshire assembly, in, before the Massachusetts 
' get theirs in. Had your principals considered the great conse- 



1738.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 251 

' quence of being first, surely, in all this time, they would have 

* sent you a copy of their proceedings, in order to have enabled 
' us to be first ; but, as it is, 1 am forced to guess at matters, and 
' affirm facts at adventure, or upon dubious passages in letters; 

* which is a sad way of proceeding, and I wish we do not mistake 
' some facts. They oblige us to make bricks widiout straw. — 
' Above all, why did they not send a copy of their own appeal ? 
' For want of it, I have been forced to guess what that appeal 
' was, from loose i)assages in Mr. A.'s letters. Beg them, im- 

* mediately to order, an exact copy to be made of all their votes, 
' from March to October last. Had these votes come over regu- 
' larly and authentically, his Excellency would have been shaken 
' quite down, in a iew weeks by them. You'll observe, I have 
' laid it on him pretty handsomely, in my petition to the king.'* 

Thus the petition of appeal became a petition of complaint, 
against the governor and assembly of Massachusetts. Copies 
were delivered to their agents, and the governor was ordered to 
make answer to the allegations against him. At the same time, 
Thomlinson advised his friends in New-Hampshire, to prepare 
their proofs, as silently as possible ; and by no means to give any 
offence to the governor ; assuring them of the favorable disposition 
of several lords of the privy council, as well as the board of trade, 
toward their cause ; and that they had need to be in no pain, 
about the event.^ 

The death of Mr. Quincy at this critical moment, and the length 
of time necessary to prepare and send over answers, to the com- 
plaint which Parris had thus artfully drawn up, obliged the agents 
of Massachusetts to suspend the presenting of their appeal for 
several months. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

Revival of Mason's claim. Accusations against Belcher, real and forged. 
Royal censure. Final establishment of the lines. Hutchinson's agency. ' 
Spanisli war. Belcher's zeal and fidelity. His removal. Examination of 
his character. 

The spirit of intrigue was not confined to New-Hampshire ; 
for the politicians of ^lassachusetts, by bringing into view the long 
dormant claim of Mason, had another game to play, besides proving 
the small extent of New-Hampshire. They perceived that the 

(1) Thomlinson 'fl MS. letters. 

*This petition is printed at large, in the Journal of the Massachusetts as- 
sembly for 173S. with their vindication annexed, in which they call the peti- 
tion * a chain of blundering, if not malicious falsehood.' 



25:2 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1738. 

line, whether settled according to their own demand or that of 
New-Hampshire, would cut off a considerable part of several of 
their townships; and though they had, by their agent, obtained a 
promise, that private property should not be affected by the line 
of jurisdiction, yet they thought it best to have some other se- 
curity. 

For what reason the government of Massachusetts did not 
purchase the province of New-Hampshire, from Robert Mason, 
at the same time (1677) that they purchased the province of 
Maine, from the heirs of Gorges, we are not now able precisely 
to determine. It is probable that the purchase might then have 
been easily made, and much controversy prevented. When it 
was sold, by John and Robert Mason, to Samuel Allen (1691) 
the bargain was made in England ; and the lands were, by fiction 
of law, supposed to be there ;* by which means, the process re- 
specting the fine and recovery was carried on in the court of king's 
bench. During the lives of the two Masons, no notice was taken 
of the supposed flaw; and the sale to Allen was not disputed. 
The brothers returned to America. John, the elder, died 
without issue. Robert married in New-England, and had a son ; 
who, after the death of his father, conceived hopes of invalidating 
Allen's purchase, and regaining his paternal inheritance ; which 
it was supposed could not have been transferred by his father and 
uncle, for any longer term, than their own lives. It was also said 
that the fiction, by which the lands were described, to be within 
the jurisdiction of the courts of Westminster hall, rendered the 
proceedings void ; and therefore that the entail was still good. 
Filled with these ideas, he made strenuous exertions, to acquire 
money, to assist him in realizing his expectations ; but died in the 
midst of his days, (1718) at the Havana, whither he had made a 
voyage with this view. His eldest son, John Tufton,was bred to 
a mechanical employment in Boston ; and came of age, about the 
time in which the controversy between the two provinces was in 
agitation. He inherited the enterprising spirit of his ancestors, 
and the public controversy called his attention to his interest. On 
this young man, the politicians cast their eyes ; and having con- 
sulted counsel on the validity of his claim, and the defect of the 
transfer, they encouraged him to hope, that this was the most 
favorable time to assert his pretensions. ^ Had they purchased his 
claim at once ; they might doubtless have obtained it for a trifle, 
and have greatly embarrassed the views of their antagonists. In- 
stead of such a stroke of hberal policy, they treated with him, 

(1) MS. copy of Read's and Auchmuty's opinions. 

* In the process by which the entail was tlien docked, the situation of the 
land is expressed in these words : , „ j tvt • 

' In New-Hampshire, Main. Masonia, Laconia, Mason-hall and Mariana, 
in New-England, in America, in the parish of Greenwich." MS. in Proprie- 
tary Office. 



1738.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 255 

concerning the release all of those lands, in Salisbury, Atnesbury, 
Haverhill, Methuen and Dracul, which the line would cut off; 
and, for five hundred pounds currency, obtained a quit-claim of 
twenty-three thousand six hundred «nd seventy-five acres. They 
also admitted his memorial to the assembly ; in which he 
" ^ ■ represented to them, that his interest might probably be 
affected, by the final determination of the line, and praying that 
the province would be at the expense of his voyage to England, 
to take proper measures for securing it.^ To this, they consented, 
on condition that he should prove his descent from Captain John 
Mason, the original patentee.* Depositions were accordingly 
taken in both provinces, to which the public seals were affixed ; 
and they put him under the direction of their agents, ordering his 
expenses to be paid, as long as they should judge his presence in 
England serviceable to their views.'"^ 

The agents stated his case to their counsel, the king's solicitor ; 
and asked his opinion how they should proceed ; but he advised 
them, not to bring him into view, lest the lords should think it an 
artifice, intended to perplex the main cause. On this considera- 
tion, they dismissed him from any farther attendance ; and paid his 
expenses, amounting to above ninety pounds sterling. •]■ ^ 

(1) Journal of Assembly. (2) MS. copies in the proprietary office. — 
(3) Agent's letters in Secretary's office of Massachusetts. 

* [His descent from the original proprietor of New-Hampshire will appear 
from the following : 

Capt. John Mason was born at Lynn-;::Anne, his wife, who survived him. 
Regis, in Norfolk, and died in Nov. I 
1635. I 

Jane Mason:::Joseph Tufton, (see p. 16.] 
I 

I I I 

John Tufton, who took Robert Tufton, who took::: Anne Tufton, 

who died 1677, 



the name of Mason and the name of Mason and 
died sine prole. died in 1688, aged 56 



sine 



prole. 



John Tufton Mason, Robert Tufton Mason, who:::CatharineWiggin. 

who died in Virgin- lived in Portsmouth, and I 

ia, sine prole. was lost at sea in 1696. | 

John Tufton Mason,::: Elizabeth Mason, 



who died at Havana, 
in 1718. 



and several others. 



John Tufton Mason, mariner of Bos- Thomas Tufton Mason, 
ton, born about 1713, in whom the who was a minor in 
title was revived in 1738. 1738.] 

t Mr. Hutchinson, in his history of Massachusetts, has passed over this 
whole transaction in silence ; though it is well known that he was one of the 
managers of it. See Journal of Mass. Rep. June 2, 1738, p. 11. 



254 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1738. 

Such a transaction, though conducted as privately as the na- 
ture of the thing would admit, did not escape the vigilance of 
Thomlinson ; who, on finding Mason detached from the agents 
of Massachusetts, entered into an agreement with him, for the re- 
lease of his whole interest, to the assembly of New-Hampshire ; 
in consideration of the payment of one thousand pounds, curren- 
cy of New-England. This manoeuvre served to strengthen the 
interest of New-Hampshire, and Thomlinson was much applauded 
for his dexterity. He had the strongest inducement, to continue 
his efforts in their favor ; for no less than twelve hundred pounds 
sterling had been already expended, in prosecuting the affair of 
the line ; which sum had been advanced by himself and Rindge. 
There was no prospect of repayment, unless the province could 
be put under a separate governor ; and this point could not be 
obtained, till the removal of Belcher. 

The agents of Massachusetts, after a long delay, presented their 
appeal ; and followed it with a petition, for the benefit of their 
former protests, against the New-Hampshire appeal ; objecting 
also to its regularity, as it contained matters of personal complaint, 
against the governor ; which had been no part of the records of 
the commissioners.! Thomlinson finding this new petition thrown 
in his way, applied for its being immediately heard ; and at the 
hearing, it was dismissed, but without prejudice to the 
' agents of Massachusetts being permitted, to object against 
the regularity of the New-Hampshire appeal, when it should 
come to a hearing. Such were the complaints against the gov- 
ernor, and the importunity of his adversaries to prosecute them, 
that it was necessary to hear and despatch them, before the ap- 
peal respecting the lines could be brought forward. 

It must be remembered, that Mr. Belcher had enemies, in his 
government of Massachusetts as well as New-Hampshire, who 
united their efforts to obtain his removal from both ; but as they 
supposed him more vulnerable in his capacity of governor of 
New-Hampshire, so they joined in strengthening the complaints, 
from that quarter, as a preparatory step, to effect his complete re- 
moval. Whilst he was engaged, in preparing for his defence, 
against the charges, in the petition of appeal, other attacks were 
meditating, which were conducted with such silence that it was 
impossible for him to guard against their efiects. One of 
1739. these was a letter, purporting to have been written at Ex- 
*^^^ ^' eter, subscribed by five persons, said to be inhabitants of 
that town, and directed to Sir Charles Wager, first lord of the 
admiralty. In this letter, it was said, that ' finding his lordship 

* had ordered the judge advocate of the court of admiralty to in- 

* quire into the riot, which had been committed there, (1734) and 

(1) July 18-October 9. Printed brief and MS. letters. 



1739..] 



PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 25& 



' the assault of the surveyor and his officers ; and fearing to bo 
' brought into trouble on that account, they would confess the 
' whole truth. That they had been indulged, by former survey- 
' ors, in cutting all sorts of pine trees, till the appointment of 
' Colonel Dunbar to that office ; who had restrained and prose- 

* cuted them ; but that Governor Belcher had privately given 

* them encouragement to go on ; by assuring them that they had 
' the best right to the trees ; that the laws were iniquitous, and 

* ought not to be regarded ; that although he must make a shew 

* of assisting that Irish dog of a surveyor ; yet he would so man- 
' age it with the council and justices, who were under his inllu- 

* ence, that they should not suffer ; and further to encourage 

* them, he had made several of them justices of the peace, and 
' officers of militia. That he had also told them not to fear any 
' inquiry into their conduct ; for that he would write to the board 
' of admiralty, in their favor ; and boasted that he had such an 
' influence over their lordships, that they would believe every 
' thing which he should say. That as they had now confessed 
' the truth, they hoped to be forgiven, and noi; prosecuted in the 
' admiralty court ; and begged that this information might be kept 
' secret till the governor's removal, which they hoped would soon 
' be effected. That whatever might have been said to the con- 
' trary, they could assure him that the province of New-Hamp- 

* shire contained the largest number of pine trees, and of the best 
' quality, in all his majesty's American dominions ; and, for fur- 
' ther information, they referred his lordship to several persons 
' then in London, particularly to Mr. Wentworth and JVIr. Waldo ; 
' the latter of whom, was agent to Mr. Gulston, for procuring 
' masts for the royal navy.'i 

On the receipt of this letter, Sir Charles, with the candor of a 
gentleman, sent a copy of it to IMr. Belt;her ; who immediately 
ordered an inquiry ; and it was proved to be an entire forgery ; 
four of the persons whose names were subscribed utterly dis- 
claimed it, and the fifth was not to be found ; no such person be- 
ing known in the town of Exeter. The evidence of this forgery 
was transmitted to England, with all possible expedition ; but not 
till it had made an impression, to the disadvantage of the governor. 

Another artifice used against him, was a memorial of Gulston, 
the navy agent, and others ; complaining of the defenceless state 
of the province ; that the fort lay in ruins, and that the militia 
were without discipline ; notwithstanding the probability of a war. 
This memorial was so artfully drawn, as to throw the blame of the 
neglect on the governor, widiout mentioning his name ; which 
was intended, to prevent his obtaining a copy, and being allowed 
time to answer. Another complaint was made in the form of a 
letter, respecting the grant of the tract called Kingswood ; in 

(1) MS. copy of Exeter letter. 



256 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1739. 

which he was represented, as partial to his friends, in giving them 
an exclusive right, to the whole of that territory, which they 
deemed, the unappropriated lands of the province. Several parts 
of his administration were also complained of ; and in particular, 
the infrequency of his visits to New-Hampshire. ^ This letter was 
signed by six members of the council, and a majority of the rep- 
resentatives. 

Gulston's memorial was presented to the lords of council ; and 
by them referred to the board of trade, accompanied by the let- 
ter ; and though Mr. Belcher's brother and son applied for copies, 
and time to answer, the request was evaded ; and a report was 
framed, in favor of putting New-Hampshire under a separate gov- 
ernor. When this report came before the privy council. Lord 
Wilmington, the president, ordered it back again ; that the gov- 
ernor might have that justice which his agents had asked. By 
this means, he had opportunity to answer in his defence ; that 
without money, the fort could not be re|)aired ; that it was not in 
his power to tax the people ; that he had frequently applied to the 
assemblies for money, to repair the fort ; to which they had con- 
stantly answered, that the people were too poor to be taxed ; and 
had solicited him to break through his instructions, and allow them 
to issue paper money, without any fund for its redemption ; that 
the militia had always been trained according to law ; and that he 
had constantly visited New-Hampshire, and held an assembly, 
twice in the year, unless prevented by sickness ; for which he 
appealed to the journals. To corroborate these pleas, the gov- 
ernor's friends procured five petitions, in his favor, and praying 
for his continuance, signed by about five hundred people. The 
petitions, however, did not express the sense of the majority ; 
who had been persuaded into a belief, that they should receive 
much benefit by a separate governor ; and accordingly, a counter 
petition being circulated, was signed by about seven hundred of 
the inhabitants.* 

Things being thus prepared, the complaints were brought to a 

hearing, before the lords of council ; who reported to the king, 

' that Governor Belcher had acted with great partiality, 

^ °^- • < by proroguing the assembly of New-Hampshire, from the 

* sixth of July, 1737, to the fourth of August following; in dis- 
' obedience to his majesty's order in council ; which had been 
' transmitted to him by the lords of trade, and which was proved 

* to have been delivered to him, in due time ; and, also by farther 

* proroguing the said assembly, from the second of September, 

* 1 737, to the thirteenth of October ; whereby the province were 

(1) Belcher's letters, MS. 

* [The whole number was 662. They belonged to the towns of Hampton, 
Hampton-Falls, Kingston, Chester, Stratham, Exeter and Kensington. A 
list of their names is in the Secretary's office of New-Hampshire.] 



1739.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 257 

* deprived of tlie time, intended by his majesty's said order, to be 
' allowed them, to prepare a proper and regular appeal ; thereby 
' endeavoring to frustrate the intention of liis majesty's commis- 
' sion.'i This report was approved by the king ; and from ^^^ 
this time, it may be concluded, that i\Ir. Belcher's removal 

from the government of New-Hampshire was seriously contem- 
plated. The grant of Kingswood was also annulled ; and he was 
prohibited from making any other grants of land, till the lines 
should be determined. 

This censure being passed on the governor, and the complaints 
being at an end, the way was prepared for a hearing of the ap- 
peals, from both provinces, respecting the hnes ; which j^^q 
being had, the determination of this long controversy was ^^^^ 5' 
made on a plan entirely new. The special part of the 
decree of the commissioners was set aside, and no regard was 
had to tlieir doubt, whether the new charter granted all the lands 
comprehended in the old. It was said, that when the first grant 
was made, the country was not explored. The course of the 
river, though unknown, was supposed to be from west to east ; 
therefore it was deemed equitable, that as far as the river flowed 
in that course, the parallel line at three miles distance should 
extend. But as on the one hand, if by pursuing the course of 
the river, up into the country, it had been found to have a south- 
ern bend, it would ha^^e been inequitable to have contracted the 
Massachusetts grant ; so, on the other hand, when it appeared to 
have a northern bend, it was equally inequitable to enlarge it. 
Therefore it was determined, ' That the northern boundary of 
' the province of Massachusetts be, a similar curve line, pursuing 
' the course of Merrimack river, at three miles distance, on the 
' north side thereof, beginning at the Atlantic ocean, and ending 

* at a point due norUi of Pawtucket falls ; and a straight line 
' drawn from thence due west, till it meets with his majesty's other 
' governments.'- The other parts of the decree of the commis- 
sioners, respecting thenordiern line, and the payment of expenses, 
were alBrmed. 

This determination exceeded the utmost expectation of New- 
Hampshire ; as it gave them a tract of country, fourteen miles in 
breadth, and above fifty in length, more than they had ever claim- 
ed. It cut off from Massachusetts, twenty-eight new tov\-nships, 
between IMerrimack and Connecticut rivers ; besides large tracts 
of vacant land, which lay intermixed ; and districts from six of 
their old towns, on the north side of the Merrimack ; and if, as 
was then supposed, the due west line were to extend, to twenty 
miles east of Hudson's river, the reputed boundary of New- York ; 
a vast tract of fertile country, on the western side of Connecticut 
river, was annexed to New-Hampshire ; by which an ample 

(1) Frinted brief. (2) Council Records, 

35 



268 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1740. 

scope was given, first for landed speculation, and afterward for 
cultivation, and wealth. 

When this determination was known, the politicians of Massa- 
chusetts were chagrined and enraged. They talked loudly of 
injustice ; and some of the more zealous proposed trying the merits 
of the cause, upon the words of the charter, before the judges in 
Westminster hall ; who, it was expected, would upon their oath 
and honor reverse the judgment, and tell the king that he had 
mistaken the meaning of the royal charter.' This would indeed 
have been a bold stroke. But a more moderate and pusillanimous 
scheme was adopted ; which was to send over a new agent, to 
petition the king, that he would re-annex to their government, the 
twenty-eight new townships, which had been cut off, and the dis- 
tricts of the six old towns. It was also thought prudent, that the 
whole province should not openly appear, in the affair ; but that 
petitions should be drawn, by the inhabitants of these towns, and 
that the agent should be chosen by them.^ Accordingly town 
meetings were held ; petitions were prepared and subscribed ; 
and Thomas Hutchinson was appointed their agent, and sent over 
to England ; where he formed those connexions, which after- 
wards served to raise him, to the chair of government in his na- 
tive province. 

About the same time, Governor Belcher procured a petition, 
from his six friends, of the council of New-Hampshire, to the 
king ; praying that the ivhole province might be annexed to the 
government of Massachusetts.^ This matter had been long in 
contemplation, with these gentlemen ; but was now produced at 
the most unfortunate time, which could have been chosen. Their 
petition was at once rejected. But that from the towns was kept 
in suspense a long time j till Thomlinson was prepared, to answer 
all the pleas, which Hutchinson could advance, and proved too hard 
an antagonist for him. It was finally dismissed,* because it was 
thought ' that it never could be for his majesty's service, to annex 
' any part of his province of New-Hampshire, as an increase of 
' territory, to Massachusetts ; but rather, that it would be for the 
' benefit of his subjects there, to be under a distinct government.'* 

Though Belcher's removal was seriously feared, by his best 
friends ; yet he had so much interest with some of the lords in high 
office, that they could not be prevailed with to give him up. The 
war, which had commenced between Britain and Spain, afforded 
him an opportunity, to signalize his zeal for the king's service ; 
and he determined to prove himself, a faithful servant to the 
crown, in every instance ; in hope that a course of time and fidel- 

(1) Belcher's letters. (2) Thomlinson's observations on Massachusetts pe- 
tition, MS. (3) Thomlinson's MS. letters. (4) Bow brief. 

• The ill success of this agency was probably the reason, that Mr. Hutchin 
8on took no notice of it, in his history of Massachusetts. 



1740.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 259 

ity might efiace the impressions, which had been made, to his 
disadvantage. 

It being resolved by the British court, to undertake an expedi- 
tion to the island of Cuba, Governor Belcher, agreeably to the 
orders which he had received from the Duke of Newcastle, 
issued a proclamation, for the encouragement of men who . 
would enlist in the service ; ' that they should be supplied ^^' 

* with arms and clothing ; be in the king's pay ; have a share of 

* the booty which should be taken ; and be sent home, at the ex- 

* piration of their time of service ; and that his majesty would 
' order a number of blank commissions, to be filled up by the 
' governor, and given to the officers, who should command the 

* troops, to be raised in the provinces.' He afterwards 
pressed this matter, closely, in his speech to the assembly ; "*' ' 
and urged them, to make provision, for one hundred men, and a 
transport, to convey them to Virginia ; where all the colony troops 
were to rendezvous ; and thence to proceed, under the command 
of Colonel Gooch, to the place of their destination. The assem- 
bly voted, as much as they judged sufficient for this purpose ; 
and the governor appointed a captain, and gave him beating or- 
ders ; but the commissions and arms not being sent, according to 
the royal promise, no men could be enlisted in New-Hampshire. 
The governor received commissions and arms for four companies 
to be raised in Massachusetts ; where he could easily have enlisted 
ten, had he been furnished according to the engagement.^ To 
this failure and not to any want of exertion, on his part, in either 
of his governments, may be ascribed the paucity of troops raised 
in them ; and yet his enemies failed not of blaming him on this 
account. The representatives of New-Hampshire took 

this occasion to frame a vote, disapproving his administra- "^"^ ' 
tion ; and upon this vote, their agent founded another battery, to 
attack his character.^ 

In conformity to the royal determination of the boundaries, 
orders were given to Belcher, to apply to both his govern- 
ments, to join in appointing surveyors, to run out, and mark 
the lines ; and that if either should refuse, tlie other should pro- 
ceed ex parte. The assembly of Massachusetts delayed giving 
an answer in season, which was construed a denial. The assem- 
bly of New- Hampshire appointed three surveyors, to execute the 
service, who were commissioned by the governor. They were 
directed to allow ten degrees, for the westerly variation of the 
needle ; and the work was performed in the months of February 
and March. George Mitchell surveyed and marked the similar 
curve line, from the ocean, three miles north of Merrimack river, to a 
station north of Pawtucket falls, in tlie township of Dracut. Rich- 
ard Hazzen began at that station and marked tlie west line, across 

(1) Belcher's letters. (2) Thomlinson's letters. 



260 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1741. 

Conneclicut river, to the supposed boundary line of New-Hamp- 
shire. Walter Bryenl began the line, from the head of Salmon- 
falls river, and marked it about thirty miles ; but was prevented 
from proceeding farther, partly by the breaking up of the rivers, 
which rendered travelling impracticable ; and partly by meeting 
a company of Indians who were hunting, and took his men for a 
scouting party. In their return, they found on one of the trees, 
which they had marked, ' the figure of a man's hand grasping a 
' sword ;' which they interpreted, as a signal of defiance, from tlie 
Indians.^ 

The return of these lines to the board of trade was one of the 
last acts of JMr. Belcher's administration. His enemies in both 
governments were indefatigable in their endeavors to remove him ; 
and by their incessant applications to the ministry ; by taking 
every advantage of his mistakes ; by falsehood and misrepresent- 
ation ; and finally, by the diabolical arts of forgery and perjury, 
they accomplished their views.^ He was succeeded in the gov- 
ernment of Massachusetts, by William Shirley ; and in New- 
Hampshire, by Benning Wentworth. 

At this distance of time, when all these parties are extinct, and 
every reader may be supposed impartial ; it may seem rather 
strange, that Governor Belcher should meet with such treatment, 
from the British court, in the reign of so mild and just a prince, 
as George the Second. That Mr. Belcher was imprudent and 
unguarded, in some instances, cannot be denied. He was indeed 
zealous to serve his friends, and hearken to their advice ; but, by 
this means, he laid himself open, to the attacks of his enemies ; to 
whom he paid no court, but openly treated them with contempt. 
His language to them was severe and reproachful, and he never 
spared to tell the world, what he thought of them. 

This provoked them ; but they had the art to conceal their re- 
sentment, and carry on their designs, in silence, till they were ripe 
for execution. He had by far too mean an opinion of their abili- 
ties, and the interest which they had at court ; and when he knew 
that they had the ear of the lords of tj-ade, he affected to think 
them, 'not very mighty lords, nor able to administer life and death.' 
He had a consciousness of the general integrity of his own inten- 
tions ; and appears to have been influenced, by motives of honor 
and justice ; but he was not aware of the force of his own preju- 
dices. It may admit of doubt, whether, considering the extreme 
delicacy of his situation, it were within die compass of human 
policy, to have conducted so as to give offence to neither of his 
provinces, in the management of such a controversy ; but it is 
certain, that his antagonists could not fairly fix but one real stigma, 
on his character ; and that when impartially examined, can 

(1) MS. returns in the files. Bryent's Journal. (2) Douglass, i. 481.— 
Hutch, ii. 397. 



1741 ] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 20 1 

amount to no more than an imprudent step, at a critical time, 
grounded on an undue resentment of an aftiont ; for to suppose 
that his intention was to frustrate the commission, is inconsistent 
widi the whole tenor of his public declarations, and private cor- 
respondence. When his enemies met him on fair and open 
ground, he was always prepared to answer ; but it was impossible 
to guard against their secret attacks. If the cause which they 
meant to serve was a good one, why did they employ the basest 
means to effect it ? 

The cruelty and hardship of his case may appear from the fol- 
lowing considerations. He had been one of the principal mer- 
chants of New-England ; but, on his appointment, to the chair of 
government, quitted every other kind of business, that he might 
attend with punctuality, and dignity to the duties of his station. ^ 
By the royal instructions, he was restrained from giving his assent, 
to any grant of money, to himself ; unless it should be a perman- 
ent salary. What he received from New-Hampshire was fixed, 
and paid out of the excise ; but the assembly of Massachusetts 
could not be persuaded, to settle any salary upon him. They 
made him a grant of three thousand pounds, (worth about seven 
or eight hundred sterling) generally once in a year, at their ses- 
sion in IMay. He was then obliged to solicit leave from the king, 
to accept the grant, and sign the bill ; and sometimes could not 
obtain this leave till the end of the year ; once not till five days 
before the dissolufion of the assembly. In the mean time, he was 
obliged to subsist on his own estate ; and had he died within the 
year, the grant would have been wholly lost, to his family. He 
was earnest to obtain a general permission to sign these grants ; 
but in that case, the clerks of offices, in England, through whose 
hands the permission must have passed, would have lost their 
fees. He was now in the sixtieth year of his age ; he had a 
family of children and grand children, whose sole dependence 
was on him ; and he thought with reason, that if his course of 
faithful service, and the unworthy arts of his enemies had been 
duly considered ; the censure of his superiors would have been 
less severe, than ' to deprive him of his bread and honor.' 

Wliilst he entertained the worst opinion possible of the charac- 
ters of his enemies, he had a strong confidence, in the justice of 
the government, before which he was accused. In one of his 
letters to his son, he says, ' I must expect no favor while Bladen 
' is at the board of trade ; but where the devil there, I should ex- 
' pect justice, under the British constitution, corroborated by the 
* Hanover succession.' The event proved, that his confidence 
was not ill founded. For, on being superseded, he repaired to 
court ; where, though his presence was unwelcome to some, yet 
he had opportunity to bring the most convincing evidence of his 

(1) Belcher's letter to Doddington, MS. 



2G2 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1741. 

integrity, and of the base designs of his enemies. He was so far 
restored to the royal favor, that he obtained a promise, of the first 
vacant government in America, which would be worthy of his ac- 
ceptance. This proved to be the province of New-Jersey ; 
where he spent the remaining years of his life ; and where his 
memory has been treated with deserved respect.* 



CHAPTER XIX. 

The beginning of Benning Wentworth's administration. War opened in 
Nova Scotia. Expedition to Cape-Breton; its plan, conduct and success, 
with a description of the island, and of the city of Louisburg. 

Benning Wentworth, Esquire, son of the deceased lieuten- 
ant governor, was a merchant of good reputation in Portsmouth, 
and well beloved by the people. He had represented his native 
town in the assembly for several years, where he distinguished 
himself in the opposition to Belcher. He afterward obtained a 
seat in council ; where, sensible of the popularity of his family, 
and feeling the pride of elevation, he continued the opposition, 
and joined in the measures which were pursued for obtaining a 
distinct governor, without any apprehension that himself would be 
the person ; till a series of incidents, at first view unfortunate, 
prepared the way for his advancement to the chair. 

In the course of his mercantile dealings, he had entered into a 
contract with an agent of the court of Spain, and supplied him 
with a large quantity of the best oak timber ; to procure which, 
he borrowed money in London. When he delivered the timber 
at Cadiz, the agent with whom he had contracted, was out of 
place, and the new officer declined payment. In returning to 
America, the ship foundered, and he was saved with the crew in 

* [Jonathan Belcher died at Elizabeth-Town, 31 August. 1757. In a 
letter to Secretary Waldron, dated 7 January, 1740, he says, " This day en- . 
tered the fifty-ninth year of my age." He was therefore at the time of his 
death in his 7C)th year. His father Andrew Belcher was born at Cambridge, 
1 January, 1G47, and removed to Boston about 1707. He was one of the 
council of safety on the deposition of Andros in Kif^O, and a member of the 
council of the province of Massachusetts, from May, 1702, to the time of his 
death, 31 October, 1717, at the age of 70. The grandfather of Governor Bel- 
cher was Andrew Belcher, who came from England as early as 1640, and set- 
tled at Cambridge. He married a sister of Deputy Gov. Thomas Danforth, 
of Cambridge, and died as early as 1G80. Two sons of Gov. Belcher were 
educated at Harvard college, viz. Andrew, who graduated in 1724, and died 
at Milton, Massachusetts," 24 January, 1771, aged Go, and Jonathan, who 
graduated in 1728, chief justice and governor of Nova Scotia, and died 20 
March, 1776, aged 65, leaving an only son, Andrew, who resides in England, 
and one daughter, who lives in Cambridge, Massachuijetta.] 



1741.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 2G3 

a boat. These misfortunes deranged his affairs and reduced him 
to a state of bankruptcy. Afterward, he went again to Spain, 
hoping by the interest of Sir Benjamin Keene, the British minis- 
ter, to obtain his due, but his suit was inefFectual. About that time, 
Thondinson, despairing of Dunbar's advancement to the govern- 
ment of New-Hampshire, turned his thoughts toward Wentworth ; 
and having procured him a letter of license from his creditors in 
London, invited him thither.^ Wentworth represented his case to 
the British court, complained of the injustice of Spain, and peti- 
tioned for redress. Many British merchants, who had suffered 
by the insolence of the Spaniards, were, at the same time, clam- 
orous for reparation. The ministry were studious to avoid a war. 
A negociation was begun, and the court of Spain promised resti- 
tution ; but failed in the performance.^ War was then determined 
on, and all negociation ended. Disappointed in his plea for jus- 
tice, Wentworth made his suit for favor ; and by the aid of Thom- 
linson, who understood the ways of access to the great, he obtained 
a promise from the Duke of Newcasde, that when New-Hamp- 
shire should be put under a distinct governor, he should have the 
commission. The expense of the solicitation and fees, amount- 
ing to three hundred pounds sterling, was advanced by his friends 
in England, and repaid by his friends in New-Hampshire.^ 

He was received in Portsmouth after a long absence, with great 
marks of popular respect. Among the compliments ._.. 
which were paid to him on that occasion, one was, that 
he had been instrumental of ' rescuing New-Hampshire ^^c. 12. 
from contempt and dependence.' In his first speech to the as- 
sembly, he reflected on the conduct of his predecessor, not by 
name, but by implication ; for not having taken early measures to 
raise men for the expedition against the Spanish West-Indies; and 
intimated his apprehension, that the good intention of the ^ .„ 
province in raising money for that purpose, would be frus- ' 
trated, since the men who were willing to enter into the service had 
enlisted in the other provinces.'* He also complimented them, on 
their good faith in regard to the several emissions of paper money ; 
all of which were to be called in within the present year. He did not 
forget to recommend a fixed salary for himself, not subject to depre- 
ciation ; nor the payment of expenses which had arisen on account 
of the boundary lines. He informed them of the king's indul- 
gence, in giving him leave to consent to a farther emission of bills 
of credit, to enable them to discharge their obligations to the 
crown ; provided that no injury should be done to the trade of the 
mother country. He also recommended to their attention the 
faithful services of their agents, one of whom, Rindge, was dead, 
and the payment of the debt due to his heirs. 

(1) Thomlinson's letter, MS. (2) Gentleman's Magazine, for 1739. — 
(3) MS. letteraofThomlinson and Atkinson. (4) Journal Assembly, Jan. 14 



264 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1742. 

The assembly, in their answer, acknowledged the wisdom and 
justice of the king in determining the long controversy between 
them and Massachusetts ; but as to payment of the expense, they 
reminded him that one half ought to be paid by Massachusetts, and 
desired him to use his influence for that purpose. With respect 
to the failure of raising men for the expedition, they set him right 
by ascribing it to the true cause ; there being no commissions sent 
to the province for that service. Concerning the salary, they 
said, that as soon as they could know what number of inhabitants 
would be added to them by the settlement of the lines, and how 
the money could be raised, they should make as ample provision 
for his honorable support as their circumstances would admit. 
They acknowledged the fidelity and industry of their agents, and 
professed a good will to reward them ; but could not then prom- 
ise adequate compensation. 

The assembly voted a salary of two hundred and fifty pounds, 
proclamation money, to the governor, funded as usual on the ex- 
cise ; and having obtained the royal hcense for emitting twenty- 
five thousand pounds on loan for ten years, they granted the gov- 
ernor two hundred and fifty pounds more, to be paid annually out 
of the interest of the loan.^ When this fiind failed, they made 
annual grants for his ' further and more ample support,' and gen- 
erally added something for house rent. They presented their 
agent, Thomlinson, one hundred pounds sterling, for his faithful 
services ; but what they did for the heirs of Rindge does not ap- 
pear. 

After Mr. Wentworth was quietly seated in the chair of govern- 
ment, an opportunity presented to advance his interest still farther. 
.,, For the sum of two thousand pounds sterling, Dunbar was 
prevailed on to resign the surveyorship of the woods, and 
Thomlinson negotiated an appointment in favor of Wentworth, with 
a salary of eight hundred pounds sterling, out of which he was to 
maintain four deputies. But to obtain this office, he was obliged to 
' rest his claim on the crown of Spain for fifty-six thousand dollars.' 

These appointments of Mr. Wentworth gave the op-posers of 
the former administration great cause of triumph; but the spirit of 
opposition had only changed sides. It was hoped and expected 
by some, that Mr Belcher, by going to England, would not only re- 
move the ill impressions, which the malice of his enemies had 
made, but return to his former station. Others, who had no 
predilection for Belcher, looked with envy on the good fortune of 
Wentworth, and aimed to undermine him ; at the same time court- 
ing the friends of the former administration to join in their meas- 
ures. These things were managed with secrecy, and a few hints 
only are left as evidence of the existence of designs, which were 
never brought to maturity. 

(1) MS. Acta. 



1744.1 PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 0(55 

It was one of the royal instructions to governors, that in any 
cases of difficnlty or sutUlen emergency, they should communi- 
cate with each other. Mr. Wentworth had a high opinion of the 
abilities of the new governor of Massachusetts, and there being a 
strict friendship between them, consulted him on all occasions. 
Shirley was gratified by this deference, and knew how to make 
his advantage of it. Thus, though New-Hampshire was under a 
governor distinct from that of Massachusetts, a point which had 
long been contended for ; yet the difference was not so great in 
reality as in appearance. This was a circumstance not much 
known at that time. The advice which Shirley gave him was, in 
general, salutary and judicious. ^ 

The war which had been kindled between Britain and Spain, 
extended its flames over a great part of Europe ; and when 
France became involved in it, the American colonies were more 
nearly interested, because of the proximity of the French, and of 
the Indians, who were in their interest. War is so natural to 
savages, that they need but little to excite them to it. An Indian 
war was a necessary appendage of a war with France. The 
scene of both was opened in Nova-Scotia. 

That province had been alternately claimed and possessed by 
the English and French for more than a century. Ever since the 
peace of Utrecht, it had been subject to the crown of Britain, 
and the French inhabitants who were under a kind of patriarchal 
government of their priests, and devoted to the French interest, 
were kept in awe, partly by the fear of having their dikes destroy- 
ed, which they had erected to prevent the sea from overflowing 
their fields ; and partly by a British garrison at Annapolis where a 
governor and council resided.'^ The Indian tribes maintained 
their native independence, though they were attached to the 
French by religious, as well as interested obligations. Canseau, 
an island on the northeastern part of Nova-Scotia, was in possession 
of the English. It was resorted to by the fishermen of New- 
England. It was defended by a block-house and garrisoned by 
a detachment of troops from Annapolis. The island of Cape- 
Breton was possessed by the French, and lay between the English 
of Canseau and those of Newfoundland. This was too near a 
neighborhood for enemies, especially when both were pursuing 
one object, the fishery. 

The French at Cape-Breton, having received early intelligence 
of the declaration of war, immediately resolved on the ^^^ j^ 
destruction of the English fishery at Canseau. Duques- 
nel, the governor, sent Duvivier widi a few small armed ^' ' 
vessels, and about nine hundred men, who seized and took pos- 
session of the island, burned the houses, and made prisoners of 
the garrison and inhabitants. This was done, before the news of 

(1) MS. lettera of Wentworth and Shirley. (2) MS. of Charles Morris. 
36 



2m HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1744. 

war had arrived in New-England. It was followed by an atteriipt 
upon Placentia, in Newfoundland, which miscarried. An attack 
was also made upon Annapolis, the garrison of which was rein- 
forced by several companies of militia and rangers from IMassa- 
chusetts, and the enemy were obliged to retire. The Indians of 
Nova-Scotia assisted the French in this attack ; which, with some 
other insolencies committed by them, occasioned a declar- 
*^ ■ ' ■ ation of war, by the government of Massachusetts, against 
them, with a premium for scalps and prisoners.^ 

These proceedings of the French were rash and precipitate. 
They were not prepared for extensive operations ; nor had they 
any orders from their court to undertake them. What they had 
done, served to irritate and alarm the neighboring English colo- 
nies, and shew them their danger in the most conspicuous manner. 
Their sea coast, navigation and fishery lay exposed to continual 
insults. ' Their frontier, settlements, on the western side, were 
but eighty miles distant from the French fort on Lake Champlain. 
The Indians who lay between them, had not yet taken up the 
hatchet ; but it was expected that encouragement would be given 
them by the governor of Canada, to insult the frontiers. Several 
new setdements were wholly broken up ; and many of the women 
and children of other frontier places retired to the old towns for 
security. 

In the autumn, Duquesnel the French governor of Cape-Breton, 
died, and was succeeded in the command by Duchambon, who 
had not so good a military character.^ Duvivier went to France 
to solicit a force to carry on the war in Nova-Seotia in the ensuing 
spring. The storeships, expected from France at Cape-Breton, 
came on the coast so late in the fall ; and the winter there set in 
so early and fierce, as to keep them out of port, and drive them 
off to the West-Indies. The captive garrison of Canseau, with 
other prisoners, who had been taken at sea, and carried into 
Louisburg, were sent to Boston. From them, as well as from 
other informants, Governor Shirley obtained such intelligence of 
the state of that island and fortress, as induced him to form the 
project of attacking it. But before we open this romantic and 
hazardous scene, it is necessary to give some account of the place 
which was to be the theatre of operations. 

The island of Cape-Breton, so denominated from one of its 
capes, lies between the forty-fifth and forty-seventh degrees of 
north latitude ; at the distance of fifteen leagues from Cape Ray, 
the southwestern extremity of Newfoundland.*^ It is separated 
from the main land of Nova-Scotia by a narrow strait, six leagues 
in length, the navigation of which is safe for a ship of forty guns. 
The greatest length of the island, from north-east to south-west 
is about fifty leagues and its greatest breadth thirty-three. It is 

(1) Douglass, i. 318. (2) Prince and Douglas. (3) Charlovoix. 



i 



1744.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 267 

about eighty-eight leagues in circuit as seameji estimate distances. 
Its general form is triangular, but it is indented by many deep 
bays.' 

The soil of this island is by no means inviting. It is either 
rocky and mountainous, or else cold and boggy ; and much less 
capable of improvement than Nova-Scotia. Its only valuable 
productions are of the fossil kind, pit-coal and plaster. Its at- 
mosphere in the spring and summer is an almost continual fog, 
which prevents the rays of the sun from perfecting vegetation. 
Its winter is severe and of long continuance ; and as the island 
forms an eddy to the current which sets through the gulf of St. 
Lawrence, its harbors are filled with large quantities of floating 
ice, with which its shores are invironed till late in the spring.- 

Much has been said by French and English writers on the 
great importance and advantage of this island, and some political 
and temporary purposes were doubtless to be answered by such 
publications ; but in fact the only real importance of Cape-Breton 
was derived from its central situation, and the convenience of its 
ports. On the north and west sides, it is steep and inaccessible ; 
but the southeastern side is full of fine bays and harbors, capable 
of receiving and securing ships of any burden ; and, being situated 
between Canada, France and the West-Indies, it was extremely 
favorable to the French commerce. It was not so good a station 
for the fishery as several parts of Nova-Scotia and Newfoundland. 
The greater part of the French fishery was prosecuted elsewhere ; 
and they could buy fish at Canseau, cheaper than they conld 
cure it at Cape-Breton. ^ 

Whilst the French held possession of the coasts of Nova-Scotia 
and Newfoundland, this island was neglected ; but after they had 
ceded these places to the crown of England, and the crown of 
England had ceded this island to them by the treaty of Utrecht, 
(1713) they began to see its value. Instead of giving so much 
attention to the fur trade of Canada, as they had before done, 
they contemplated building a fortified town on this island, as a 
security to their navigation and fishery. For this purpose, they 
chose a fine harbor on the south-east side of the island, formerly 
called English Harbor ; where they erected their fortifications, 
and called the place Louisburg.'* 

The ha'rbor of Louisburg lies in latitude 45° 55'. Its entrance 
is about four hundred yards wide. The anchorage is uniformly 
safe, and ships may run ashore on a soft muddy bottom. The 
depth of water at the entrance is from nine to twelve fathoms. 
The harbor lies open to the south-east. Upon a neck of land on 
the south side of the harbor was built the town, two miles and a 
quarter in circumference ; fortified in every accessible part with 

(1) MS. of Sir William Pepperell. (2) State of Trade by Otis Little, p. 16, 
80. (3) Hutchinson. (4) Charlevoix, Douglass, Rolt, Prince. 



268 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1744. 

a rampart of stone, from thirty to thirty-six feet high, and a ditch 
eighty feet wide. A space of about two hundred yards was left 
without a lampart, on the side next to the sea ; it was enclosed 
by a simple dike and a line of pickets.^ The sea was so shallow 
in this place that it made only a narrow channel, inaccessible from 
its numerous reefs to any shipping whatever. The side fire from 
the bastions secured this spot from an attack. There were six 
bastions and three batteries, containing embrasures for one hun- 
dred and forty-eight cannon, of which sixty-five only were mount- 
ed, and sixteen mortars. On an island, at the entrance of the 
harbor, was planted a battery of thirty cannon, carrying twenty- 
eight pounds shot ; and at the bottom of the harbor, directly op- 
posite to the entrance, was the grand or royal battery of twenty- 
eight cannon, forty-two pounders, and two eighteen pounders. 
On a high cliff, opposite to the island battery, stood a light-house ; 
and within this point, at the norlh-east part of the harbor, was a 
careening wharf, secure from all winds, and a magazine of naval 
stores. 

The town was regularly laid out in squares. The streets were 
broad ; the houses mostl}'^ of wood, but some of stone. On the 
west side, near the rampart, was a spacious citadel, and a large 
parade ; on one side of which were the governor's apartments. 
Under the rampart were casements to receive the women and 
children during a siege. The entrance of the town on the land 
side was at the west gate, over a draw bridge, near to which was 
a circular battery, mounting sixteen guns of twenty-four pounds 
shot. 

These works had been twenty-five years in building ; and 
though not finished, had cost the crown not less than thirty mill- 
ions of livres. The place was so strong as to be called ' the 
Dunkirk of America.' It was, in peace, a safe retreat for the 
ships of France bound homeward from the East and West-Indies ; 
and in war, a source of distress to the northern English colonies ; 
its situation being extremely favorable for privateers to ruin their, 
fishery and interrupt their coasting and foreign trade ; for wh'fch 
reasons, the reduction of it was an object as desirable to them, as 
that of Carthage was to the Romans. 

In the autumn, Shirley wrote to the British ministry, represent- 
ing the danger of an attack on Nova-Scotia, from the French, in 
the ensuing spring ; and praying for some naval assistance." These 
letters he sent by Captain Ryal, an officer of the garrison, which 
had been taken at Canseau, who, ' from his particular knowledge 
' of Louisburg, and of the great consequence of the acquisition 
' of Cape-Breton, and the preservation of Nova-Scotia, he hop- 
' ed would be of considerable service to the northern colonies, 
' with the lords of the admiralty.' Thus early did Shirley con- 

(1) Abbe Raynal. (2) Nov. 10— Shirley's letters to Wentworth, MS. 



1744.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 2G9 

ceive and communicate to Wenlvvorth his great design ; and the 
most prudent step which he took in this whole affair was to solicit 
help from England. His petition, supported by that worthy offi- 
cer, was so favorably received by the ministry, that as early as the 
beginning of January, orders were despatched to Commodore 
Warren, then in the West-Indies, to proceed to the northward in 
the spring, and employ such a force as might be sufficient to pro- 
tect the northern colonies in their trade and fishery, and distress 
the enemy ; and for this purpose to consult with Governor Shir- 
ley.^ Orders of the same date were written to Shirley, inclosed 
to Warren, directing him to assist the king's ships with transports, 
men and provisions. These orders, though extremely favorable 
to the design, were totally unknown in New-England, till the mid- 
dle of April following, before which time the expedition was com- 
pletely formed. 

It has been said, that a plan of this famous enterprise, was first 
suggested by William Vaughan, a son of Lieutenant Governor 
Vaughan of New-Hampshire.- Sev^eral other persons have 
claimed tbe hke merit. How far each one's information or ad- 
vice, contributed toward forming the design, cannot now be deter- 
mined. Vaughan was largely concerned in the fishery on the 
eastern coast of Massachusetts. He was a man of good under- 
standing, but of a daring, enterprising and tenacious mind, and 
one who thought of no obstacles to the accomplishment of his 
views. An instance of his temerity is still remembered. He had 
equipped, at Portsmouth, a number of boats to carry on his fishery 
at Montinicus. On the day appointed for sailing, in the month 
of March, though the wind was so boisterous that experienced 
mariners deemed it impossible for such vessels to carry sail, he 
went on board one, and ordered the others to follow. One was 
lost at the mouth of the river, the rest arrived with much difficul- 
ty, but in a short time, at the place of their destination. Vaughan 
had not been at Louisburg ; but had learned from fishermen and 
others, something of the strength and situation of the place ; and 
nothing being in his view impracticable, which he had a mind to 
accomplish, he conceived a design to take the city by surprise ; 
and even proposed going over the walls in the winter on the drifts 
of snow. This idea of a surprisal forcibly struck the mind of 
Shirley, and prevailed with him to hasten his preparations, before 
he could have any answer or orders from England. 

In the beginning of January, he requested of the members of 
the general court, that they would lay themselves under i^^r 
an oath of secresy, to receive a proposal from him, of very 
great importance. This was the first request of the kind which 
had ever been made to a legislative body in the colonies. They 

(1) MS. copy of the Duke of Newcastle's letter, Jon. 3. (2) Douglass, Bol- 
lan, Hutchinson. 



270 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1745. 

readily took the oath, and he communicated to them the plan 
which he had formed of attacking Louisburg. The secret was 
kept for some days ; till an honest member, who performed the 
family devotion at his lodgings, inadvertently discovered it by 
praying for a blessing on the attempt. At the first deliberation, 
the proj)osal was rejected ; but by the address of the governor 
and the invincible perseverance of Vaiighan, a petition from the 
merchants concerned in the fishery, was brought into court, which 
revived the affair ; and it was finally carried in the affirmative by 
a majority of one voice, in the absence of several members 
who were known to be against it. Circular letters were 
immediately despatched to all the colonies, as far as Pennsylvania, 
requesting their assistance, and an embargo on their ports. 

With one of these letters, Vaughan rode express to Ports- 
mouth, where the assembly was sitting. Governor Went- 
worth immediately laid the matter before them, and proposed a 
conference of the two houses to be held on the next day. The 
house of representatives having caught the enthusiasm of Vaughan, 
were impatient of delay, and desired that it might be held imme- 
diately. It was accordingly held, and the committee reported in 
^ favor of the expedition ; estimated the expense at four 
thousand pounds, and desired the governor to issue a 
proclamation for enlisting two hundred and fifty men, at twenty- 
five shillings per month, one month's pay to be advanced. They 
also recommended that military stores and transports should be 
provided, and that such preparations should be made as that the 
whole might be ready by the beginning of March.* All this was 
instantly agreed to, on condition that proper methods could be 
found to pay the charges. This could be done in no odier way 
than by a new emission of bills of credit, contrary to the letter of 
royal instructions. But, by the help of Shirley, a way was found 
to surmount this difiiculty ; for on the same day, he wrote to 
WentVv'orth, informing him that he had, in answer to repeated so- 
licitations, obtained a relaxation of his instructions relative to bills 
of credit, so far, as to have leave to consent to such emissions as 
the exigencies of war might require ; and advising him, that con- 
sidering the occasion, it was probable, his consenting to an emission 
would rather be approved than censured by his superiors.^ The 
^ next day, he wrote again, assuring him that he might safely 
do it, provided that the sum to be emitted, were solely 
appropriated to the service of the expedition. He also sent him 
a copy of the instruction, enjoining him to let no person know that 
he had sent it. Shirley himself had consented to an emission of 
fifty thousand pounds, to be drawn in by a tax in the years 1747 
and 1748. 

The house of representatives passed a vote for an emission of 

(1) Printed Journal of this seseion. (2) Private MS. letters of Shirley. 



1745.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENT WORTH. 271 

ten thousand pounds toward defraying the charge of the expedition 
and farther carrying on the war, and the support of government ; 
to be drawn in by taxes in ten annual payments, to begin in 1755. 
The council objected and said, that the grant should be wholly 
appropriated to the expedition and the payments should begin in 
1751. The house adhered to their vote. The governor inter- 
posed, and an altercation took place, which continued several days. 
The governor adjourned the assembly till he could again ask 
Shirley's advice and receive his answer. At length, the house 
altered their vote, and appointed the year 1751 for drawing in the 
money ; augmenting the sum to thirteen thousand pounds, and at 
the governor's express desire, they publicly assured him, that they 
* could not find out any other way to carry on the expedition, or 
' in any degree shorten the period for bringing in the money.' 
This was done to serve as an apology for the governor's consent- 
ing to the bill, notwitstanding he had no liberty to recede p , ,o 
from his instructions ; and thus, the matter being compro- 
mised, he gave his consent. 

During this tedious interval, a report was spread, that the house 
had refused to raise men and money for the expedition ; and the 
author of the report was sought out and called to account by the 
house for his misbehaviour. The next day, they altered their 
terms of enlistment, conformably to those offered in Massachusetts, 
and by the 17th of February, two hundred and fifty men were 
enlisted for the service. 

The person appointed to command the expedition was William 
Pepperrell, Esq., of Kittery, colonel of a regiment of militia ; a 
merchant of unblemished reputation and engaging manners, ex- 
tensively known both in Massachusetts and New-Hampshire, and 
very popular. These qualities were absolutely necessary in the 
commander of an army of volunteers, his own countrymen, who 
were to quit their domestic connexions and employm.ents, and en- 
gage in a hazardous enterprise, which none of them, from the high- 
est to the lowest, knew how to conduct. Professional skill and 
experience were entirely out of the question ; had these qualities 
been necessary, the expedition must have been laid aside ; for 
there was no person in New-England, in these respects qualified 
fof the command. Fidelity, resolution and popularity must sup- 
ply the place of military talents ; and Pepperrell was possessed 
of these. It was necessary that the men should know and love 
their general, or they would not enlist under him.* 

* The following private note was sent from Boston to Pepperrell, whilst at 
Louisburg, and found among his papers. 

' You was made general, being a popular man, most likely to raise soldiers 
' soonest. The e.xpedition was calculated to cstahlish Sh , and make his 

* creature W. governor of Cape-Breton, which is to be a place of refuge to 
' him from his creditors. Beware of snakes in the grass, and mark their 

* hissing.' 



272 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1745. 

After this appointment was made, and while it was uncertain 
whether the assembly of Massachusetts would agree with the gov- 
ernor in raising money for the expedition, Shirley proposed to 
VVentworth, the raising of men in New-Hampshire, to be in the 
pay of Massachusetts, and in the letter which he wrote on that 
occasion paid him the following compliment. ' It would have 

* been an infinite satisfaction to me, and done great honor to the 

* expedition, if your limbs would have permitted you to take the 
' chief command.' Wentworth was charmed with the idea, and 
forgetting his gout, made an offer of his personal service ; but not 
till after the assembly had agreed to his terms and the money bill 
was passed. Shirley was then obliged to answer him thus : — 

* Upon communicating your offer to two or three gentlemen, in 
' whose prudence and judgment 1 most confide, I found them 
' clearly of opinion, that any alteration of the present command 
' would be attended with great risk, bodi with respect to the as- 
' sembly and the soldiers being entirely disgusted.'^ 

Before Pepperrell accepted the command, he asked the opinion 
of the famous George Whitefield, who was then itinerating and 
preaching in New-England. Whitefield told him, that he did not 
think the scheme very promising ; that the eyes of all would be 
on him ; that if it should not succeed, the widows and orphans of 
the slain would reproach him ; and if it should succeed, many 
would regard him with envy, and endeavor to eclipse his glory; 
that he ought therefore to go with ' a single eye,' and then he 
would find his strength proportioned to his necessity.^ Henry 
Sherburne, the commissary of New-Hampshire, another of White- 
field's friends, pressed him to favor the expedition and give a 
motto for the (iag ; to which, after some hestitation, he consented. 
The motto was, ' JVil desperandtim Chrisio duce.^ This gave 
the expedition the air of a crusade, and many of his followers en- 
listed. One of them, a chaplain, carried on his shoulder a hatchet, 
with which he intended to destroy the images in the French 
churches. 

There are certain latent sparks in human nature, which, by a 
collision of causes, are sometimes brought to light; and when 
once excited, their operations are not easily coniroled. In un- 
dertaking any thing hazardous, there is a necessity for extraordin- 
ary vigor of mind, and a degree of confidence and fortitude, which 
shall raise us above the dread of danger, and dispose us to run a 
risk which the cold maxims of prudence would forbid. The 
people of New-England have at various times shewn such an en- 
thusiastic ardor, which has been excited by the example of their 
ancestors and their own exposed situation. It was never more 
apparent, and perhaps never more necessary, than on occasion of 
this expedition. Nor ought it to be forgotten, that several cir- 

(1) Shirley's private letters, MS. (2) Whitefield 's letters, No. 572. 



1745.] TROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 073 

cuinstances, which did not depend on human foresight, greatly 
favored this undertaking. 

The winters in this country are often severe, but the winter in 
which this expedition was planned, and particularly the month of 
February, was very mild. The harbors and rivers were open, 
and the weather was in general so pleasant, that every kind of la- 
bor could be done abroad. The fruitfulness of the preceding 
season had made provisions plenty. The Indians had not yet 
molested the frontiers ; and though some of them had heard that 
an expedition against Cape Breton was in hand, and carried the 
news of it to Canada, such an attempt was so improbable, that the 
French gave no credit to the report, and those in Nova-Scotia 
•did not receive the least intelligence of the preparations. Douglass 
observes, that ' some guardian angel preserved the troops from 
* taking the small pox,' which appeared in Boston about the time 
of their embarkation, and was actually imported in one of the 
ships which was taken into the service. A concurrence of happy 
incidents brought together every British ship of war from the ports 
of the American continent and islands, till they made a formidable 
naval force, consisting of four ships of the line and six frigates, 
under the command of an active, judicious and experienced officer. 
On the other hand, the garrison of Louisburg was discontented 
and mutinous ; they were in want of provisions and stores ; they 
had no knowledge of the design formed against them ; their shores 
were so environed with ice, that no supplies could arrive early 
from France, and those which came afterward, were intercepted 
and taken by our cruisers. In short, ' if any one circumstance 
' had taken a wrong turn on our side, and if any one circumstance 
' had not taken a wrong turn on the French side, the expedition 
' must have miscarried.'^ 

In the undertaking and prosecuting of an enterprise so novel to 
the people of New-England, it is amusing to see how many 
projects were invented ; what a variety of advice was given from 
all quarters, and what romantic expectations were formed by 
advisers and adventurers. During the enlistment, one of the 
officers was heard to say with great sobriety, that he intended to 
carry with him three shirts, one of which should be ruffled, be- 
cause he expected that the general would give him the command 
of the city, when it should be taken. An ingenious and benevo- 
lent clergyman, presented to the general a plan for the encamp- 
ment of the army, tlie opening of trenches and the placing of 
batteries before the city.^ To prevent danger to the troops from 
subterraneous mines, he proposed, that two confidential persons, 
attended by a guard, should, during the night, approach the walls ; 
that one should with a beetle strike die ground, while the other 
should lay his ear to it, and observe whether the sound was hollow, 

(1) Douglass, i. 33G. (2) Private iMS. letters. 
37 



274 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1746. 

and that a mark should be set on all places suspected. Another 
gentleman of equal ingenuity, sent the general a model of a flying 
bridge, to be used in scaling the walls of Louisburg. It was so 
light, that twenty men could carry it on their shoulders to the wall, 
and raise it in a minute. The apparatus for raising it consisted 
of four blocks, and two hundred fathoms of rope. It was to be 
floored with boards, wide enough for eight men to march abreast ; 
and to prevent danger from the enemy's fire, it might be covered 
with raw hides. This bridge, it was said, might be erected against 
any part of the wall, even where no breach had been made ; and 
it was supposed that a thousand men might pass over it in four 
minutes. 

But the most extraordinary project of all, was Shirley's scheme 
for taking the city by surprise, in the first night after the arrival 
of the troops, and before any British naval force could possibly 
come to their assistance. It is thus delineated in a confidential 
letter which he wrote to VVentworth, when he urged him to send 
the New-Hampshire troops to Boston, to proceed thence with 
the fleet of transports. ' The success of our scheme for sur- 
' prising Louisburg will entirely depend on the execution 

^^' ' ' of the first night, after the arrival of our forces. For 
' this purpose, it is necessary, that the whole fleet should make 
' Chappeau-rouge point just at the shutting in of the day, when 
' they cannot easily be discovered, and from thence push into the 
' bay, so as to have all the men landed before midnight ; (the 
' landing of whom, it is computed by captain Durell and Mr. Bas- 
' tide, will take up three hours at least.) After which, the form- 
' ing of the four several corps, to be employed in attempting to 
' scale the walls of Louisburg, near the east gate, fronting the 
' sea, and the west gate, fronting the harbor ; to cover the retreat 
* of the two beforementioned parties in case of a repulse ; and, 
' to attack the grand battery ; (which attack must be made at the 
' same time with the two other attacks) will take up two hours 
' more at least. After these four bodies are formed, their march 
' to their respective posts from whence they are to make their at- 
' tacks and serve as a cover to the retreat, will take up another 
' two hours ; which, supposing the transports to arrive in Chap- 
' peau-rouge bay at nine o'clock in the evening, and not before, 
' as it will be necessary for them to do, in order to land and march 
' under cover of the night, will bring them to four in the morning, 
' being day break, before they begin the attack, which will be full 
' late for them to begin. Your excellency will from hence per- 
' ceive how critical an aflair, the time of the fleet's arrival in 
' Chappeau-rouge bay is, and how necessary it is to the success 
' of our principal scheme, that the fleet should arrive there, in a 
' body, at that precise hour.' 

It is easy to perceive that this plan was contrived by a person 



1745.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 275 

totally unskilled in the arts of navigation and of war. The coast of 
Cape-Breton was dangerous and inhospitable ; the season of the 
year rough and tempestuous, and the air a continual fog ; yet, a 
fleet of an hundred vessels, after sailing nearly two hundred 
leagues (for by this plan they were not to stop) must make a cer- 
tain point of land ' at a precise hour,' and enter an unknown bay, 
in an evening. The troops were to land in the dark, amidst a vi- 
olent surf, on a rocky shore ; to march through a thicket and bog 
three miles, to the city, and some of them a mile beyond it to the 
royal battery. Men who had never been in action, were to per- 
form services, which the most experienced veteran would think of 
with dread ; to pull down pickets with grapling irons, and scale 
the walls of a regular fortification, with ladders, which were after- 
ward found to be too short by ten feet ; all in the space of twelve 
hours from their first making the land, and nine hours from their 
debarkation. This part of the plan was prudently concealed 
from the troops. 

The forces which New-Hampshire furnished for this expedi- 
tion, were three hundred and fifty men, including the crew of an 
armed sloop which conveyed the transports and served as a cruiser. 
They were formed into a regiment, consisting of eight companies, 
and were under the command of colonel Samuel Moore. The 
sloop was commanded by captain John Fernald ; her crew con- 
sisted of thirty men. The regiment, sloop and transports, were, 
by governor Wentworth's written instructions to the general, put 
under his command. Besides these, a body of one hundred and 
fifty men was enhsted in New-Hampshire and aggregated to the 
regiment in the pay of Massachusetts. Thus New-Hampshire 
employed five hundred men ; about one eighth part of the whole 
land force.* In these men, there was such an ardor for action, 
and such a dread of delay, that it was impracticable to put them 
so far out of their course, as to join the fleet at Boston.^ Shir- 
ley therefore altered the plan,, and appointed a rendezvous 
at Canseau ; where the forces of New^-Hampshire arrived, 
two days before the general and his other troops from Boston. 

The instructions which Pepperrell received from Shirley, were 
conformed to the plan which he had communicated to Wentworth, 
but much more particular and circumstantial. He was ordered 
to proceed to Canseau, there to build a block-house and battery, 

(1) Wentworth's letters/JVIS. 

•^ In tlio introductory part of Dr. Ramsay's elegant history of the American 
Revolution, (page 34) it is said, that ' this enterprise was undertaken by the 
* sole authority of the legislature of Massachusetts.' Tliis is not sufficiently 
accurate. It originated in Massachusetts ; but the colonies of New-Hamp- 
shire, Rhode-Island and Connecticut, by their legislative authority, furnished 
troops and stores. New- York sent a su])ply of artillery, and Pennsylvania of 
provisions ; but the troops from Rhode-Island, and the provisions from Penn- 
sylvania, did not arrive till after the surrender of the city. 



27G HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1746. 

and letive two companies in garrison, and to deposite the stores 
which might not immediately be wanted by the army. Thence 
he was to send a detachment to the village of St. Peters, on the 
island of Cape-Breton and destroy it; to preueni any intelligence 
which might be carried to Louisburg ; for which purpose also, 
the armed vessels were to cruise before the harbor. ^ The whole 
fleet was to sail from Canseau, so as to arrive in Chappeau-rouge 
bay about nine o'clock in the evening. The troops were to land 
in four divisions, and proceed to the assault before morning. If 
the plan for the surprisal should fail, he had particular directions 
where and how to land, march, encamp, attack and defend ; to 
hold councils and keep records ; and to send intelligence to Bos- 
ton by certain vessels retained for the purpose, which vessels were 
to stop at Castle William, and there receive the governor's orders. 
Several other vessels were appointed to cruise between Canseau 
and the camp, to convey orders, transport stores, and catch fish 
for the army. To close these instructions, after the most minute 
detail of duty, the general was finally ' left to act upon unforeseen 
' emergencies according to his discretion ;' which, in the opinion 
of military gentlemen, is accounted the most rational part of the 
whole. Such was the plan, for the reduction of a regularly con- 
structed fortress, drawn by a lawyer, to be executed by a mer- 
chant, at the head of a body of husbandmen and mechanics ; 
animated indeed by ardent patriotism, but destitute of profession- 
al skill and experience. After they had embarked, the hearts of 
many began to fail. Some repented that they had voted for the 
expedition, or promoted it; and the most thoughtful were in the 
greatest perplexity.- 

The troops were detained at Canseau, three weeks, waiting for 
the ice which environed the island of Cai)e-Breton,to be dissolved. 
They were all this time within view of St. Peters, but were not 
discovered.3 Their provisions became short ; but they were sup- 
plied by prizes taken by the cruisers. Among others, the New- 
Hampshire sloop took a ship from Martinico, and retook one of 
the transports, which she had taken the day before. At length, 
to their great joy, commodore Warren, in the Superbc, of 

^'^"" ■ sixty guns, with three other ships of forty guns each, ar- 
rived at Canseau, and having held a consultation, with the general, 
proceeded to cruise before Louisburg. The general having sent 
the New-Hampshire sloop, to cover a detatchment which destroy- 
ed the village of St. Peters, and scattered the inhabitants, 

P^' " ■ sailed with the whole fleet ; but instead of making Chap- 
peau-rouge point in the evening, the wind falling short, they made 
it at the dawn of the next morning ; and their appearance in the 
bay, gave the first notice to the French, of a design formed a- 
gainst them. 3 

(1) Oriirinal instructions, in MS. (2) Prince's thanksgiving sermon, p. 25. 
(3) PepperrcH's letters to Shirley. 



1745.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 077 

The intended surprisal being thus hapj)ily frustrated, the 
next thing after landing the troops, was to invest the city. — 
Vaughan, the adventurer from New-Hampshire, had the rank and 
pay of a heutenant-colonel, but refused to have a regular com- 
mand. He was apj)ointed one of the council of war, and was 
ready for any service which the general might think suited to his 
genius. He conducted the first column through the woods, with- 
in sight of the city, and saluted it with three cheers. He headed 
a detatchment, consisting chiefly of the New-Hampshire troops, 
and marched to the northeast part of the harbor, in the night ; 
where they burned tiie ware-houses, containing the naval 
stores, and staved a large quantity of wine and brandy. ^^ 

The smoke of this fire being driven by the wind into the grand 
battery, so terrified the French, that they abandoned it and retired 
to the city, after having spiked the guns and cut the halliards of 
the flag-stafF. The next morning as Vaughan was return- 
ing, with thirteen men only, he crept up the hill which ^ ^^ 
overlooked the battery, and observed, that the chimneys of the 
barrack were without smoke, and the staff without a flag. With 
a bottle of brandy, which he had in his pocket, (though he never 
drank spirituous liquors) he hired one of his party, a Cape Cod 
Indian, to crawl in at an embrasure and open the gate. He then 
wrote to the general, these words, ' May it please your honor, to 
' be informed, that by the grace of God, and the courage of thir- 
' teen men, I entered the royal battery, about nine o'clock, and 
' am waiting for a reinforcement, and a flag.'' Before either 
could arrive, one of the men climbed up the staff, with a red coat 
in his teeth, which he fastened by a nail to the top. This piece 
of triumphant vanity alarmed the city, and immediately an hun- 
dred men were despatched in boats to retake the battery. But 
Vaughan, with his small party, on the naked beach, and in the 
face of a smart fire from the city and the boats, kept them from 
landing, till the reinforcement arrived. In every duty of fatigue 
or sanguine adventure, he was always ready ; and the New- 
Hampshire troops, animated by the same enthusiastic ardor, par- 
took of all the labors and dangers of the siege. They were em- 
ployed for fourteen nights successively, in drawing cannon horn 
the landing place to the camp, through a morass ; and their lieu- 
tenant-colonel Meserve, being a ship carpenter, constructed sledg- 
es, on which the cannon were drawn, when it was found that their 
wheels were buried in the mire. The men, with straps over their 
shoulders, and sinking to their knees in mud, performed labor be- 
yond the power of oxen ; which labor could be done only in the 
night or in a foggy day; the place being within plain view and random 
shot of the enemy's walls. They were much disappointed and 
chagrined, when they found that these meritorious services were 

(1) Original MS. 



278 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1745. 

not more distinctly acknowledged in the accounts which were sent 
to England, and afterwards published.^ 

In the unfortunate attempt on the island battery by four hun- 
dred volunteers from different regiments, the New-Hampshire 
„ troops were very active. When it was determined to erect 

■ a battery on the light-house cliff" ; two companies of them 
(Mason's and Fernald's) were employed in that laborious service, 
under cover of their armed sloop ; and when a proposal was made 
for a general assault by sea and land, colonel Moore, who had 
been an experienced sea commander, offered to go on board the 
Vigilant, with his whole regiment, and lead the attack, if in case 
of success he might be confumed in the command of the ship ; 
but when this was denied, most of the men who were fit for duty, 
readily went on board the Princess Mary, to act as marines on 
that occasion. 

It has been said, that ' this siege was carried on in a tumultua- 
' ry, random'manner, resembling a Cambridge commencement.' - 
The remark is in a great measure true. Though the business of 
the council of war was conducted with all the formality of a legis- 
lative assembly ; though orders were issued by the general, and 
returns made by die officers at the several posts ; yet the want 
of discipline was too visible in the camp.* Those who were 
on the spot, have frequently in my hearing, laughed at the recital 
of their own irregularities, and expressed their admiration when 
they reflected on the almost miraculous preservation of the army 
from destruction. They indeed presented a formidable front to 
the enemy ; but the rear was a scene of confusion and frolic. 
While some were on duty at the trenches, others were racing, 
wresding, pitching quoits, firing at marks or at birds, or running 
after shot from the enemy's guns, for which they received a 
bounty, and the shot were sent back to the city. The ground 
was so uneven and the people so scattered, that the French could 
form no estimate of their numbers; nor could they learn it from 
the prisoners, taken at the island battery, who on their examina- 
tion, as if by previous agreement, represented the number to be 
vastly greater than it was. The garrison of Louisburg had been 
so mutinous before the siege, Uiat the ofiicers could not trust the 
men to make a sortie, lest they should desert ; had they been 
united and acted with vigor, the camp might have been surprised 
and many of the people destroyed. 

Much has been ascribed, and much is justly due to the activity 
and vigilance of Commodore Warren, and the ships under his 

(1) Wentworth's letters, MS. (2) Doughiss, i. 352. 

* [There is in the library of the New-Hampshire Historical Society, a man- 
uscript volume of about 2(30 paires, in folio, which contains a record of the 
*• General Courts Martial and Courts of Inquiry, held in the city of Louis- 
burg, in the island of Cape-Breton, in the years 174(J, 1747 and 1748." It ap- 
pe&rs to bo the original.] 



1745.] TROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTII. 279 

command ; much is also due to the vigor and perseverance of 
the land forces, and the success was doubtless owing, under God, 
to the joint efforts of both. Something of policy, as well as brav- 
ery, is generally necessary in such undertakings ; and there was 
one piece of management, which, though not mentioned by any 
historian, yet greatly contributed to the surrender of the city. 

The capture of the Vigilant, a French sixty-four gun ship, 
commanded by the Marquis de la Maison forte, and richly ,. 
laden with military stores for the relief of the garrison, 
was one of the most capital exploits performed by the navy. 
This ship had been anxiously expected by the French ; and it 
was thought that the news of her capture, if properly commu- 
nicated to them, might produce a good effect ; but how to do it 
was the question. At length, the commodore hit on this . 
expedient, which he proposed to the general, who ap- 
proved, and put it into execution. ^ In a skirmish on the island, 
with a party of French and Indians, some English prisoners had 
been taken by them and used with cruelty. This circumstance 
was made known to the marquis, and he was requested to go on 
board of all the ships in the bay where French prisoners were 
confined, and observe the condition in which they were kept. 
He did so, and was well satisfied with their fare and accommoda- 
tions. He was then desired to write to the governor of the city, 
and inform him how well the French prisoners wei'e treated, and 
to request the like favor for the English prisoners. The 
humane marquis readily consented, and the letter was sent 
the next day by a flag, intrusted to the care of Captain Mac- 
donald. He was carried before the governor and his chief offi- 
cers; and by pretending not to understand their language, he had 
the advantage of listening to their discourse ; by which he found, 
that they had not before heard of the capture of die Vigilant, 
and that the news of it, under the hand of her late commander, 
threw them into visible perturbation. This event, with the erec- 
tion of a battery on the high cliff at the light house, under the di- 
rection of lieutenant colonel Gridley, by which the island battery 
was much annoyed, and the preparations which were 
evidently making for a general assault, determined Du- ""^ ' " 
chambon to surrender ; and accordingly, in a few days he ca- 
pitulated. 

Upon entering the fortress and viewing its strength, and the 
plenty and variety of its means of defence, the stoutest hearts 
were appalled, and the impracticability of carrying it by assault, 
was fully demonstrated. 

No sooner was the city taken, and the army under shelter, 
than the weather, which during the siege, excepting eight or nine 
days after the first landing, had been remarkably dry for that cli- 

(1) MS. letters of Warren and Pepperrell. 



280 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1745. 

mate, changed for the worse ; and, an incessant rain of ten days 
succeeded. 1 Had this happened before the surrender, the troops 
who had tlien begun to be sickly, and had none but very thin 
tents, must have perished in great numbers. Reinforcements of 
men, stores and provisions arrived,* and it was determined in a 
council of war to maintain the place and repair the breaches. A 
total demolition might have been more advantageous to the nation ; 
but in that case, individuals would not have enjoyed the profit of 
drawing bills on the navy and ordnance establishments. The 
French flag was kept flying on the ramparts ; and several rich 
prizes were decoyed into the harbor. The army supposed that 
they had a right to a share of these prizes ; but means were found 
to suppress or evade their claim ; nor did any of the colony cruis- 
ers, (except one) tliough they were retained in the service, under 
the direction of the commodore, reap any benefit from the cap- 
tures. 

The news of this important victory filled America with joy, and 
Europe with astonishment. The enterprising spirit of New-Eng- 
land gave a serious alarm to those jealous fears, which had long 
predicted the independence of the colonies. Great pains were 
taken in England to ascribe all the glory to the navy, and lessen 
the merit of the army. However, Pepperrell received the tide 
of a baronet, as well as Warren. The latter was promoted to be 
an admiral ; the former had a commission as colonel in the BriUsh 
establishment, and was empowered to raise a regiment in America, 
to be in the pay of the crown. The same emolument was given 
to Shirley, and both he and VVentworth acquired so much repu- 
tation as to be confirmed in their places. Vaughan went to Eng- 
land to seek a reward for his services, and there died of the small 
pox.f Solicitations were set on foot for a parliamentary reim- 
bursement, which, after much difliculty and delay, was obtained ; 
and the colonies who had expended their substance were in credit 

(1) Pepperrell's letters, MS. 

* Of the reinforcements, New-Hampshire sent 115 men. The loss which 
the New-Hanipsliire troops suffered was but eleven, of whom five were kill- 
ed and six died of sickness. This was before tlie surrender. More died af- 
terwards in garrison. Shirley's letter to Wentworth, from Louisburg, Sep- 
tember 2. 

t [He died in London '• about the middle of December 174G." (Inter- 
leaved iilmanack of Eleazar Russell, Esq.) He was born at Portsmouth, 12 
September, 1703, and graduated at Harvard college in 1722. For several 
years, he was a merchant in his native town ; but, possessing an enterprising 
disposition, accompanied by a few hardy adventurers from the neighboring 
towns, ho left Portsmouth, emigrated to the eastern country, and formed a 
settlement at a place called Damariscotta, about 13 miles below fort Pema- 
fluid. He died a disappointed man ; for while the successful commander of 
tne expedition was soon after knighted and otherwise distinguished, the in- 
trepid Vaughan remained more than a year in England, in the vain expecta- 
tion of receiving some compensation from the sovereign whom he had so sig- 
nally served. See the Collections of Farmer and Moore, ii. KJl — 165. iii. 35, 
36.] 



1745.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 281 

at the British treasury.*! Tiie justice and jjolicy of this measure 
must appear to every one, who considers, that excepting the sup- 
pression of a rebellion within the bowels of the kingdom, this 
conquest was the only action which could be called a victory, on 
the part of the'British nation, during the whole French war, and 
afforded them the means of purchasing a peace. 



CHAPTER XX. 

Projected Expedition to Canada. Alarm by the French fleet. Slate of the 
Frontiers. Peace. 

Whilst the expedition to Cape-Breton was in hand, the active 
mind of Governor Shirley contemplated nothing less than the con- 
quest of all the French dominions in America ; and he consulted 
with Governor Wentworth and Mr. Atkinson on the practicability 
of such a design. After Louisburg was taken, he made a visit 
thither, and held a consultation with Sir Peter Warren and Sir 
William Pepperell ; and from that place wrote pressingly to the 
British ministry on the subject.^ His solicitations, enforced by the 
brilliant success at Louisburg, and the apparent danger in which 
Nova-Scotia and the new conquest were involved, had such an 
effect, that in the spring of the following year, a circular ^^^^ 
letter was sent from the Duke of Newcastle, secretary of ^pj.jj q 
state, to all the governors of the American colonies, as far 
southward as Virginia ; requiring them to raise as many men as 
they could spare, and form them into companies of one hundred j 
to be ready to unite and act according to the orders which they 
should afterwards receive.^ The plan w^as, that a squadron of 
ships of war, and a body of land forces, should be sent from Eng- 
land against Canada ; that the troops raised in New-England 
should join the British fleet and army at Louisburg, and proceed 
up the river St. Lawrence ; that those of New-York and the 
other provinces at the southward, should be collected at Albany, 
and march against Crown-Point and Montreal. The manage- 
ment of this expedition was committed to Sir John St. Clair, in 
conjuction with Sir Peter Warren and governor Shirley. St. Clair 
did not come to America. Warren and Shirley gave the orders, 
while Warren was here ; and afterward commodore Knowles, 
who succeeded him, was joined with Shirley ; but as Knowles 
was part of the time at Louisburg, most of the concern devolved 
on Shirley alone. 

(1) Bollans MS. letters. (2) Shirley's MS. letters. (3) Douglass,!. 315. 

* The reimbursement to New-Hampshire was sixteen thousand, three hun- 
dred and fifty-five pounds sterling. Thomlinson's MS. letter. 

38 



282 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRiS. [1746. 

Beside the danger of losing Nova-Scotia and Cape-Breton, 
there were other reasons for undertaking tliis expedition. The 
Indians, instigated by the governor of Canada, were ravaging the 
frontiers, destroying the fields and cattle, burning houses and 
mills, killing and carrying away the inhabitants.^ Though scouts 
and garrisons were maintained by the governments ; yet to act 
altogether on the defensive, was thought to be not only an ineffec- 
tual, but a disgraceful mode of cariyingon the war ; especially after 
the success wliich had attended the arms of the colonists in their 
attempt against Louisburg. The continuance of such a mode of 
defence, would neither dispirit the enemy, nor secure the frontiers 
from their depredations. 

The design was pleasing, and the colonies readily furnished 
their quotas of men. In New-Hampshire the same difliculty 
occurred as on occasion of the Louisburg expedition. The 
governor had no authority to consent to the emission of bills 
of credit, but Shirley removed that obstacle, by suggesting to 
him, that as the ministry did not disapprove what he had done 
before, so there was no reason to fear it now ; and that the im- 
portance of the service, and the necessity of the case, would jus- 
tify his conduct. The demand at first, was for levy money and 
victualing. The arms and pay of the troops were to be furnish- 
ed by the crown ; but it was afterward found necessary that the 
several governments should provide clothing, transports and stores, 
and depend on a reimbursement from the British parliament.^ 

The assembly was immediately convened, and voted an en- 
couragement for enlisting a thousand men, or more, if they 
" could be raised ; with a bounty of thirty pounds currency, 
and a blanket to each man, besides keeping two armed vessels in 
pay. Colonel Atkinson was appointed to the command of the 
troops.^ Eight hundred men were inlisted and ready for embark- 
ation by the beginning of July. Transports and provisions were 
prepared, and the men waited, impatiently, all summer for em- 
ployment. Neither the general nor any orders arrived from Eng- 
land ; the fleet, which was said to be destined for the expedition, 
sailed seven times from Spithead, and as often returned. Two 
regiments, only, were sent from Gibraltar, to Louisburg, to relieve 
the New-England men, who had garrisoned it since the conquest. 
It is much easier to write the history of an active campaign, than 
to trace the causes of inaction and disappointment ; and it is in 
vain to supply the place of facts by conjecture.* 

In this time of suspense, Sir Peter Warren, and Sir William 
Pepperell, having arrived at Boston, from Louisburg, Shirley had 

(1) Shirley's speech, June 28. (2) Shirley's MS. letters. (3) Atkinson's 
MS. letters. 

* ' The last war was ruinous in the expense, and unsuccessful in the end, 
' for want of consideration, and a reasonable plan at the beginning.' Dod- 
dington's Diary, May 27, 1775, page 330. 



1746.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 283 

an opportunity of consulting them, and such other gentlemen as 
he thought proper, on the afiair of the Canada expedition. The 
season was so far advanced, that a fleet could hardly he expected 
from England ; or if it should arrive, it would be too late to at- 
tempt the navigation of the river St. Lawrence. But, as a suffi- 
cient body of the troops might be assembled at Albany, it was 
judged prudent to employ them in an attempt against the French 
fort at Crown-Point.^ At the same time, Clinton, governor of 
New- York, solicited and obtained the friendly assistance of the Six 
Nations of Indians, on the borders of his province. It was thought, 
that if this attempt should be made, the alliance with these In- 
dians would be strengthened and secured ; and the frontiers 
would be relieved from the horrors of desolation and captivity, 
to which they were continually exposed. In pursuance of this 
plan, the forces of New-Hampshire were ordered to hold them- 
selves in readiness, to march to Albany ; but, it being discovered 
that the small-pox was there, the rendezvous was appointed at 
Saratoga and the adjacent villages.- 

No sooner was this plan resolved on, and preparations made to 
carry it into execution, than accounts were received of danger 
which threatened Annapolis, from a body of French and Indians 
at Minas, and the probable revolt of the Acadians. It was thought 
that Nova-Scotia would be lost, if some powerful succor were 
not sent thidier.*^ Orders were accordingly issued, for the troops 
of JMassachusetts, Rhode-Island and New-Hampshire, to embark 
for that place, and ' driv'e the enemy out of Nova-Scotia.' But, 
within a few days more, the whole country was alarmed, and g „ 
thrown into the utmost consternation, by reports of the arrival 
of a large fleet and army from France, at Nova-Scotia, under the 
command of the Duke D'Anville. It was supposed that their ob- 
ject was to recover Louisburg ; to take Annapolis ; to break up 
the settlements on the eastern coast of Massachusetts ; and to 
distress, if not attempt the conquest of the whole country. of New- 
England. On this occasion, the troops destined for Canada found 
sufficient employment at home, and the militia was collected to 
join them ; the old forts on the sea coast were repaired, and new 
ones were erected. A new battery, consisting of sixteen guns, 
of thirty-two and twenty-four pounds shot, was added to fort Will- 
iam and Mary, at the entrance of Pascataqua harbor ; and an- 
other, of nine thirty-two pounders, was placed at the point of 
Little-Harbor. These works were supposed to be suflicient to 
prevent a surprisal. Military guards were appointed ; and in this 
state of fear and anxiety, the people were kept for six weeks, 
when some prisoners, who had been released by the 
French, brought the most affecting accounts of the dis- 

(1) Shirley's and Warren's MS. letters, Aug. 25. (2) MS. letter of Secre- 
tary Willard, Sept. 1. (3) Shirley's and Warren's MS. letters, Sept. 12. 



284 niSlX)RY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [174G. 

tress and confusion on board tlie fleet. It was expected, by the 
people in New-England, that an English fleet would have follow- 
ed iheni to America. This expectation was grounded on some 
letters from England, which Shirley had received and which he 
forwarded by express to admiral Townsend, at Louisburg. The 
letters were intercepted by a French cruiser, and carried into 
Chehucto, where the fleet lay. They were opened in a council 
of war, and caused a division among the oflicers ; which, added 
to the sickly condition of the men, and the damage which the 
fleet had sustained by storms, and their loss by shipwrecks, 
dejected their commander to that degree, that he put an end to 
his life by poison ; and the second in command fell on his sword. 
These melancholy events disconcerted their first plan. They 
then resolved to make an attempt on Annapolis ; but when they 
had sailed from Chebucto, ihey were overtaken by a violent tem- 
pest, off Cape Sable ; and those ships which escaped destruction, 
returned singly to France. Never was the hand of divine Prov- 
idence more visible, than on this occasion. Never was a disap- 
pointment more severe, on the side of the enemy ; nor a deliv- 
erance more complete, without human help, in favor of this coun- 
try.* 

Nova-Scotia was not out of danger. The French and Indians, 
who, during the stay of the fleet at Chebucto, had appeared be- 
fore Annapolis, but on their departure retired, were still in the 
peninsula 5 and it was thought necessary to dislodge them. For 
this purpose, Shirley sent a body of the Massachusetts forces, and 
pressed the governors of Rhode-island and New-Hamp- 
shire to send part of theirs. Those from Rhode-Island, 
and one transport from Boston, were wrecked on the passage. 
The armed vessels of New-Hampshire, with two hundred men, 
went to Annapolis ; but the commander of one of them, insteack 
of landing his men, sailed across the bay of Fundy, into St. John's 
river ; where, meeting with a French snow, and mistaking her for 
one of the Rhode-Island transports, he imprudently sent his boat 
with eight men on board, who were made prisoners, and the snow 
escaped. The sloop, instead of returning to Annapolis, came back 
to Portsmouth. 1 These misfortunes and disappointments had very 
- _ > _ serious ill consequences. The IMassachusetts forces, who 
Jan 31 ^^^^ ^t Nova-Scotia, being inferior in number to the French, 
and deceived by false intelligence, were surprised in the 
midst of a snow storm at Minas ; and after an obstinate resistance, 
were obliged to capitulate. Their commander. Col. Arthur Noble, 

(1) Dec. 13 — Shirley's MS. letters, and aflidavits of the crew. 

• [1746. The towns of Dunstable. Merrimack, HoUis, Nottingham- West, 
(whose name was altered to Hudson at the session of the legislature in June, 
1830,) and Pelhani were incorporated by the province of New-Hampshire. — 
MS. volume of charters in Secretary's office.] 



1747.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTII. 285 

and about sixty men, were killed, and fifty were wounded.' The 
enemy being provided with snow-shoes, made forced marches ; 
and ours being destitute of them were unable to escape. 

When the alarm occasioned by the French fleet had subsided, 
Atkinson's regiment marched into the country to cover the lower 
part of the frontiers, and encamped near the shore of Winnipisc- 
ogee lake ; where they passed the winter and built a slight fort. 
They were plentifully supplied with provisions, and liad but little 
exercise or discipline. Courts martial were not instituted, nor 
offences punished. The ofllcers and men were tired of the ser- 
vice ; but were not permitted to enter on any other business, lest 
orders should arrive from England. Some were employed in 
scouting ; some in hunting or fishing, and some deserted." 

Shirley was so intent on attacking Crown-Point, that he even 
proposed to march thither in the winter, and had the address to 
draw the assembly of Massachusetts into an approbation of this 
project. He enlarged his plan, by proposing that the New- 
Hampshire troops should at the same time go, by the way of 
Connecticut river, to the Indian village of St. Frances, at the dis- 
tance of two hundred miles and destroy it ; while the troops from 
Massachusetts, Connecticut and New- York, should go by the way 
of the lakes to Crown-Point. ^ The governor of New- York 
would have consented to this wild projection, on account of the 
Indian allies, who were impatient for war ; but it was happily 
frustrated, by the prudence of the Connecticut assembly ; who 
deemed the Avinter an improper season for so great an undertak- 
ing, and deferred their assistance till the ensuing spring.*^ At the 
same time, the small pox prevailed in the setdements above Al- 
bany, through which the forces must have marched ; and that 
distemper was then an object of much greater dread, than the 
storms of winter, or the face of an enemy. 

To finish what relates to the Canada forces, it can only be 
said, that excepting some who were employed on the frontiers, 
they were kept in a state of military indolence, till the 
autumn of the ensuing year; when by order from the 
Duke of Newcastle they were disbanded, and paid at the same 
rate as the king's troops. The governors drew bills on the Brit- 
ish treasury ; which were negotiated among the merchants at sev- 
en and eight hundred per cent, and the parliament granted money, 
to reimburse the charges of the equipment and subsistence of 
these forces.^ 

The state of the frontiers now demands our attention. By the 
extension of the boundaries of the province, several settle- _ . ^ 
ments which had been made by the people of Massachu- 
setts, and under the authority of grants from their general court, 

(1) Boston Evening Post. (2) Atkikson's MS. letters. (3) Shirley's MS. 
letters. (4) MS. copy of Conn. Resolves— Jan. 28. (r,) Bollan'a MS. letters. 



286 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1745. 

had fallen within New-Hampshire. In one of them stood Fort 
Dumrner, on the west side of Connecticut river, and within the 
lately extended line of New-Hampshire. This fort had been 
erected and maintained, at the expense of Massachusetts ; but 
when it was found to be within New-Hampshire, the governor was 
instructed by die crown to recommend to the assembly, the future 
maintenance of it. In the same assembly, which had so zealously 
entered upon the expedition against Cape-Breton, this matter was 
introduced ; but a considerable majority of the lower house de- 
clined making any grant for this purpose, and adduced the follow- 
ing reasons, viz.^ That the fort was fifty miles distant from any 
towns which had been setded by the government or people of New- 
Hampshire ; that the people had no right to the lands which, by the 
dividing line, had fallen within New-Hampshire ; notwithstanding 
the plausible arguments which had been used to induce them to 
bear the expense of the line ; namely, that the land would be given 
to them or else would be sold to pay that expense ; that the charge 
of maintaining that fort, at so great a distance, and to which there 
was no communication by roads, would exceed what had been 
the whole expense of government before the line was established ; 
that the great load of debt contracted on that account, and the 
yearly support of government, with the unavoidable expenses of 
the war, were as much as the people could bear ; that if they 
should take upon them to maintain this fort, there was another 
much better and more convenient fort at a place called Number- 
Four, besides several other settlements, which they should also be 
obliged to defend ; and finaJly that there was no danger that these 
forts would want support, since it was the interest of Massachu- 
setts, by whom they were erected, to maintain them as a cover to 
their frontier. 

When these reasons were given, the governor dissolved the as- 
sembly and called another, to whom he recommended the same 
^ measure in the most pressing terms ; telling them, ' that it 
' was of the last consequence to the present and future 

* prosperity of the government ; that their refusal would lessen 
' them in the esteem of the king and his ministers, and strip the 
' children yet unborn of their natural right ; and deprive their 
' brethren who were then hazarding their lives before the walls 
' of Louisburg of their just expectations, which were to sit down 

* on that valuable part of the jirovince.' But his eloquence had 
no effect. They thought it unjust to burden their constituents 
with an expense which could yield them no profit, and afford 
them no protection. 

When it was determined, that New-Hampshire would make no 
provision for Fort-Dummer, the assembly of Massachusetts con- 
tinued its usual support, and also provided for the other posts on 

(1) Printed Journal, May 3. 



1745.1 PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 287 

Connecticut river and its branches, vvhicli were wiiliin the limits of 
New-Hampshire. They afterwards petitioned the king, to de- 
duct that charge out of the reimbursement, which the parliament 
had granted to New-Hampshire, for the Canada expedition ; but 
in this, they were defeated, by the vigilance and address of Thom- 
linson, the agent of New-Hampshire. 

Most of the frontier towns of New-Hampshire, at that time, 
were distinguished by no other than by Indian or temporary names. 
It may be convenient to compare them with their present names. 
On Connecticut river, and its eastern branches, were 
Number-Four, ") f Charlestown, 

Great-Meadow, | Westmoreland, 

Great-Fall, ' ^^-^''^^^ Walpole, 

T-i T-v > are now < tt- j i 

I ort-Dummer, { called i Huisdale, 

Upper-Ashuelot &; j j Keene and 

Lower- Ashuelot, J (^ Swanzey. 

On Merrimack river and its branches, were 

Penacook, "] f Concord, 

Suncook, I Pembroke, 

Contoocook, ■ which j Boscawen, 

New-Hopkinton, ( called i Hopkinton, 
Souhegan-East and | | Merrimack and 

Souhegan-West, J [^ Amherst. 

On the Pascataqua river, and its branches, were the townships of 
Notdngham,* Barrington and Rochester. 

Besides the forts which were maintained at the public expense, 
there were private houses enclosed with ramparts, or palisades of 
timber ; to which the people who remained on the frontiers redred ; 
these private garrisoned houses were distinguished by the names 
of the owners. The danger to which these distressed people 
were constantly exposed, did not permit them to cultivate their 
lands to any advantage. They were frequently alarmed when 
at labor in their fields, and obliged either to repel an attack, or 
make a retreat. Their crops were often injured, and sometimes 
destroyed, cither by their cattle getting into the fields where the 
enemy had broken the fences, or because they were afraid to ven- 
ture out, to collect and secure the harvest. Their cattle and 
horses were frequently killed by the enemy ; who cut the flesh 
from the bones, and took out the tongues, which they preserved 
for food, by drying in smoke. Sometimes they were afraid even 
to milk their cows ; though they kept them in pastures as near as 
possible to the forts. When they went abroad, they were always 
armed ; but frequently they were shut up for weeks together in a 
state of inactivity. 

* [Nottingham was settled about tlie year 1727, by Capt. Joseph Cilley and 
others. Rev. Stephen Emery, the first minister, was ordained in 1742; dis- 
missed about 1749. The population in 1767, waa 703.] 



2S8 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1745. 

The history of a war on the frontiers can be little else than a 
recital of the exploits, the sufferings, the escaj)es and deliverances 
, of indiviihials, of single families or small parties. The first 
" ^'^' appearance of the enemy on the western frontier was at the 
Great-^leadow, sixteen miles above Fort-Dumrner. Two Indians 
took William Phips, as he was hoeing his corn. When they had 
carried him half a mile, one of them went down a steep hill to 
fetch something which had been left. In his absence, Phips, with 
his own hoe, knocked down the Indian who was with him ; then 
seizing his gun, shot the other as he ascended the hill.^ Unfor- 
tunately, meeting with three others of the same party, they 
" ^ ■ killed him. The Indian whom he knocked down died of 
his wound. The same week they killed Josiah Fisher of Upper- 
Ashuelot. 

No other damage was done for three months ; when a party of 
twelve Indians approached the fort at Great-Meadow, and 
took Nehemiah How, who was at a little distance from the 
fort, cutting wood. The fort was alarmed, and one Indian was 
killed by a shot from the rampart ; but no attempt was made to 
rescue the prisoner. As they were leading him away, by the side 
of the river, they espied a canoe coming down, with two men, at 
whom they fired, and killed David Rugg ; but Robert Baker got 
to the opposite shore and escaped. Proceeding farther, they met 
three other men, who, by skulking under the bank, got safe to the 
fort. One of them was Caleb How, the prisoner's son. When 
they came opposite to Number-Fom-, they made their captive 
write his name on a piece of bark, and left it there. Having 
travelled seven days westward, they came to a lake, where they 
found five canoes, with corn, pork and tobacco. In these canoes 
they embarked ; and having stuck the scalp of David Rugg on a 
pole, proceeded to the fort at Crown-Point ; where How received 
humane treatment from the French. He was then carried down 
to Quebec, where he died in prison.- He was a useful man, 
greatly lamented by his friends and fellow captives. 

The next spring, a party of Indians appeared at Number-Four, 
I7ar where they took John Spafford, Isaac Parker and Stephen 
Farnsworth, as they were driving a team.^ Their cattle 
were found dead, with their tongues cut out. The men were 
carried to Canada, and, after some time, returned to Boston, in a 
flag of truce. 

Within a few dajs, a large party, consisting of fifty, laid a plan 

to surprise the fort at Upper-Ashuelot. They hid themselves in 

a swamp, in tlie evening ; intending to wait till the men 

^' ' ' had gone out to their work, in the morning, and then rush 

in. Ephraim Dorman, who was abroad very early, discovered 

(1) Doolittle's Memoirs, p. 2. (2) How's Narrative. (3) April 19— Doo- 
little's Memoirs. 



1746.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 289 

them and gave the alarm. He bravely defended himself against 
two Indians, and stripped one of his blanket and gun, which he 
carried into the fort. John Bullard, and the wife of Daniel Mc- 
Kenny were killed. Nathan Blake was taken and carried to 
Canada, where he remained two years. They burned several 
houses and barns ; and from the human bones found among the 
ashes, it was thought that some of the enemy fell and were con- 
cealed in the flames. ^ 

About the same time, a party came down to New-Hopkinton, 
where they entered a garrisoned house, and found the people 
asleep ; the door having been left open by one who had 
risen early and gone out to hunt. Eight persons were 
thus taken ; Samuel Burbank and his two sons, David Woodwell, 
his wife, two sons, and a daughter. Burbank and the wife of 
Woodwell, died in captivity. Woodwell and three of the chil- 
dren returned in a flag of truce to Boston." * 

The enemy were scattered in small parties, on all the frontiers. 
At Number-Four, some women went out to milk their cows, with 
major Josiah Willardf and several soldiers, for their guard : 
eight Indians who w-ere concealed in a barn, fired on them, 
and killed Seth Putnam ; as they w^ere scalping him, Willard and 
two more fired on them, and mortally wounded two, whom their 
companions carried off.^ 

At Contoocook, five white men and a negro were fired at. — 
Elisha Cook and the negro were killed. Thomas Jones was 
taken and died in Canada.* 

At Lower-Ashuelot, they took Timothy Brown and Robert Mof- 
fat, who were carried to Canada and returned. At the 
same time, a party lay about the fort at Upper-Ashuelot. 
As one of them knocked at the gate in the night, the sentinel fired 
through the gate and gave him a mortal wound.^ 

(1) Doolittle's Memoirs, and Sumner's MS. letter. (2) How's Narrative, 
and Norton's Narrative. Boston Post Boy. [Collections of Farmer and 
Moore for 1822, vol. i. 284— 2«7.] (3) Doolittle's Narrative. (4) May 4— 
Norton's and How's Narratives. [Price, Plist. Boscawen, 112.] (5) Doolit- 
tle's Narrative. 

* [The names of these captured were Samuel Burbank, his sons Caleb and 
Jonathan, David Woodwell. his wife, and sons Benjamin and Thomas, and 
daughter Mary. Jonathan Burbank, after his redemption, became an officer, 
and was killed by tiie Indians in the French war, being supposed by them to 
have been Major Rogers, tlieir avowed enemy. Mary Woodwell, after a de- 
tention of six months among the French at Montreal, returned to Albany, and 
soon after, to Hopkinton, Mass. her native place. She was twice married, 
and died a widow, among the Shakers at Canterbury, N. H. in October, 1829, 
in the 100th j-ear of her age.] 

t [Of Fort-Dummer, afterwards Colonel Willard. Ho was probably the 
same who was one of the first settlers of Winchester, and one to whom the 
charter of that town was granted in 1753. He was son or grandson of Capt. 
Simon Willard of Salem, whose father was the Simon Willard, mentioned 
page 56.] 

39 



290 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1746. 

The danger thus increasing, a reinforcement was sent by the 
-. 24 Massachusetts assembly, to these distressed towns. Cap- 
" tain Paine, with a troop, came to Number-Four ; and about 
twenty of his men, going to view the place where Putnam was 
killed, fell into an ambush. The enemy rose and fired, and then 
endeavored to cut off their retreat. Captain Phinehas Stevens, 
with a party, rushed out to their relief. A skirmish ensued ; in 
which, five men were killed on each side, and one of ours was 
taken.* The Indians left some of their guns and blankets be- 
hind. 

In about a month after this, another engagement happened at 
the same place. As Captain Stevens and Captain Brown were 
J -„ goii^S into the meadow, to look for their horses, the dogs 
' discovered an ambush, which put the men into a posture 
for action, and gave them the advantage of the first fire.^ After a 
sharp encounter, the enemy were driven into a swamp, drawing 
away several of their dead. In this action, one man only was 
lost. Several blankets, hatchets, spears, guns and other things, 
were left on the ground, which were sold for forty pounds old 
tenor. This vi'as reckoned ' a great booty from such beggarly 
' enemies.' 

At Bridgman's fort, near Fort-Dummer, William Robbins and 
James Baker were killed in a meadow. Daniel How 
■ and John Beaman were taken. How killed one of the 
Indians before he was taken. 

When the people wanted bread, they were obliged to go to 
the mills, with a guard ; every place being full of danger. A 
J , ^ parly who went to Hinsdale's mill, with Colonel Willard 
at their head, in searching round the mill, discovered an 
ambush. The enemy were put to flight with the loss of their 
packs. 

At Number-Four, one Phillips was killed ; and as some of the 
people were bringing him into the fort, they were fired upon ; but 
Aucr 3 "O"'^ were hint. Having burned some buildings, and 

° " killed some cattle, the enemy went and ambushed the 

»■ ■ road near Winchester, where they killed Joseph Rawson. 

Whilst the upper settlements were thus suffering, the lower 
towns did not escape. A party of Indians came down to Roch- 
j 27 ester, within twenty miles of Portsmouth. Five men 
' were at work in a field, having their arms at hand. The 
Indians concealed themselves. One of them fired, with a view 
to induce the men to discharge their pieces, which they did. The 
enemy then rushed upon them before they could load again. 
They retreated to a small deserted house and fastened the door. 

(1) Doolittle'a Narrative. Boston Evening Post. 

• [The names of the English killed were Samuel Farnsworth, Joseph Al- 
len, Peter Perrin, Aaron Lyon and Joseph Massey.] 



1746.1 PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 291 

The Indians tore off the roof, and with their guns and tomahawks 
despatched Joseph Heard, Joseph Richards, John Wentworth and 
Gershom Downs. They wounded and took John Richards ; and 
then crossing over to another road, came upon some men who 
were at work in a field, all of whom escaped ; but they took Jon- 
athan Door, a boy, as he was sitting on a fence. Richards was 
kindly used, his wounds were healed, and after eighteen months, 
he was sent to Boston in a flag of truce. Door lived with the In- 
dians and acquired their manners and habits ; but, after the con- 
quest of Canada, returned to his native place.' 

Soon after this, another man was killed at Rochester.* Two 
men were surprised and taken at Contoocook ; and a large 
party of Indians lay in ambush at Penacook, with an in- ^' 
tention to attack the people, while assembled for public worship ; 
but seeing them go armed to their devotions, they waited till the 
next morning, when they killed five and took two.f 

In these irritating skirmishes, the summer was spent ; till a large 
body of French and Indians attacked Fort Massachusetts, 
at Hoosuck.2 This fort was lost for want of ammunition "^' 
to defend it. After this success, the enemy remained quiet during 
the rest of the summer. 

The prospect of an expedition to Canada had induced many of 
the soldiers who were posted on the fronUers to enlist into the 
regiments, because they preferred active service to the dull 
routine of a garrison. The defence of the western posts was not 
only hazardous, but ineffectual ; and some persons in the north- 
western part of Massachusetts thought it inexpedient, to be at the 

(1) Haven's MS. letter. (2) Norton's Narrative. 

* [This man was Moses Roberts. He was not killed by the Indians as might 
be inferred in the text. He had been stationed as a sentinel, and liaving be- 
come alarmed, retreated from his post into the woods, when another sentinel, 
hearing a noise in the bushes, and seeing them wave, supposed the Indians 
were approaching, fired his gun and shot Roberts, who died the next morning, 
blaming himself and justifying the man who shot him. MS. Communication 
from Rev. Thomas C. Upham.] 

t [These men were killed and captured on the road leading from Concord 
to Hopkinton, within about a mile of the seat of Judge Green. There is a 
full account of the massacre in Moore's Annals of Concord, 23 — 25, and in 
the Coll. of the N. H. Hist. Soc. i. 171—173. There has been lately erected 
near the scene of destruction by a descendant of one of the victims of Indian 
cruelty, a durable monument, on which is the following inscription : " This 
Monument is erected in Memory of Samuel Bradi-ey, Jonatuan Bradley, 
OBAniAH Peters, John Bean and John Lufkin, who were massacred 
August 11th, 174G, by the Indians near this spot. Erected by Richard 
Bradley, son of the late Hon. John Bradley and grandson of Samuel Bradley." 
The names of those who were taken were Alexander Roberts and William 
Stickney. Roberts returned from captivity, but Stickney was drowned when 
he was within about one day's journey of the white settlements. The loss 
sustained by the Indians was four killed and several wounded, and two of 
them mortally. On the 10 November following, the Indians killed a Mr. 
Estabrook on the road between the principal settlement and the place of th« 
former massacre.] 



292 HISTORY OF NEW-HAJMPSHIRE. [1746. 

charge of defending a territory, which was out of iheir jurisdiction. 
Their petitions prevailed with the asscmhly, to withdraw 
■ theiv troops from the western parts of New-Hampshire. 
The inhabitants were then obliged to quit their estates. They 
deposited in the earth, such furniture and utensils as could be 
saved by that means ; they carried ofF on horseback such as were 
portable ; and the remainder, with their buildings, was left as a 
prey to the enemy, who came and destroyed or carried away what 
they pleased. Four families, who remained in Shattack's fort, 
(Hinsdale) defended it against a party of Indians, who attempted 
to burn it.^ Six men only were left in the fort at Number-Four, 
who, in the following winter deserted it ; and it was wholly desti- 
tute for two months. In this time, some gentlemen, who under- 
stood the true interest of the country, prevailed on the assembly 
of Massachusetts, to resume the protection of those deserted 
places ; and to employ a sufficiency of men, not only to garrison 
them, but to range the woods and watch the motions of the 
enemy. 

In the latter end of March, Captain Phinehas Stevens, who 
commanded a ranging company of thirty men, came to Number- 
,„.^ Four; and finding the fort entire, determined to keep 
possession of it. He had not been there many days, when 
April 4. j^g ^^.^g attacked by a very large party of French and In- 
dians, commanded by M. Debeline. The dogs, by their bark- 
ing, discovered that the enemy were near ; which caused the gate 
to be kept shut, beyond the usual time. One man went out to 
make discovery and was fired on ; but returned with a slight 
Wound only. The enemy, finding that they were discovered, 
arose from their concealment and fired at the fort on all sides. 
The wind being high, they set fire to the fences and log-houses, 
till the fort was surrounded by flames. Capt. Stevens took the 
most prudent measures for his security ; keeping every vessel 
full of water and digging trenches under the walls in several plac- 
es ; so that a man might creep through, and extinguish any fire, 
which might catch on the outside of the walls. The fire of the 
fences did not reach the fort ; nor did the flaming arrow^s which 
they incessantly shot against it take effect. Having continued 
this mode of attack for two days, accompanied with hideous 
shouts and yells ; they prepared a wheel carriage, loaded with 
dry fagots, to be pushed before them, that they might set fire to 
the fort. Before they proceeded to this operation, they demand- 
ed a cessation of arms till the sun-rising, which was granted. In 
the morning, Debeline came up with fifty men, and a flag of 
truce, which he stuck in die ground. He demanded a parley, 
which was agreed to. A French oCCicev, with a soldier and an 
Indian, then advanced ; and proposed that the garrison should 

(1) Sumner's and Olcott's MS. letters. 



1747.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTII. 293 

bind up a quantity of provisions with their blankets, and having 
laid down tlieir arms should be conducted prisoners to Montreal. ' 
Another proposal was that the two commanders should meet, and 
that an answer should then be given. Stevens met the French 
commander, who, without waiting for an answer, began to enforce 
his proposal, by threatening to storm the fort, and put every man 
to death, if they should refuse his terms, and kill one of his men. 
Stevens answered, that he could hearken to no terms till the last 
extremity ; that he was intrusted with the defence of the fort, and 
was determined to maintain it, till he should be convinced that 
the Frenchman could perform what he had threatened. He add- 
ed, that it was jioor encouragement to surrender, if they were all 
to be put to the sword for killing one jnan, when it was probable 
they had already killed more. The Frenchman replied, ' Go and 
* see if your men dare to fight any longer, and give me a quick 
' answer.' Stevens returned and asked his men, whether they 
would fight or surrender. They unanimously determined to fight. 
This was immediately made known to the enemy, who renew- 
ed their shouting and firing all that day and night. On the morn- 
ing of the third day, they requested anothei' cessation for two 
hours. Two Indians came with a flag, and proposed, that if 
Stevens would sell them provisions they would withdraw. He 
answered, that to sell them provisions for money was contrary to 
the law of nations ; but that he would pay them five bushels of 
corn for every captive, for whom they would give a hostage, till 
the captive could be brought from Canada. After this answer, a 
few guns were fired, and the enemy were seen no more.^ 

In this furious attack from a starving enemy, no lives were lost 
in the fort, and two men only were wounded. No men could 
have behaved with more intrepidity in the midst of such threaten- 
ing danger. An express was immediately despatched to Boston, 
and the news w^as received there with great joy. Commodore 
Sir Charles Knowles was so highly pleased with the conduct of 
Captain Stevens, that he presented him with a valuable and ele- 
gant sword, as a reward for his bravery. From this circum- 
stance, the township when it was incorporated, took the name of 
Charlestow^n.* 

Small parties of the enemy kept hovering, and sometimes dis- 
covered themselves. Sergeant Phelps killed one, near the fort, 
and escaped unhurt, though fired upon and pursued by two 
others. 

Other parties went farther down the country ; and at Roches- 
ter, they ambushed a company who were at work in a field. The 

(1) Stevens'3 letter, in Boston Evening Post, April 27. (2) [Ibid.] 

* [Commodore Knowles was afterwards an admiral in the British Navy, 
and in 1770, beininr invited by the empress of Russia, went into her service. — 
Hutchinson, ii. 31)0. J 



294 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1747. 

ambush was discovered by three lads, John and George Place, 
and Paul Jennens. The Indians fired upon them. John Place 
returned the fire and wounded an Indian. Jennens presented 
his gun but did not fire ; this prevented the enemy fi-oni rushing 
upon them, till the men fi'oin the field came to their relief and 
put the Indians to flight.^ 

At Penacook, a party of the enemy discovered themselves by 
firing at some cattle. They were pursued by fifty men ; and re- 
treated with such precipitation, as to leave their packs and blank- 
ets, with other things behind. One man had his arm broken in 
this conflict.- About the sam.e time, a man was killed there, f 
who had just returned from Cape-Breton, after an absence of 
two years. Another was killed at Suncook ; and at Nottingham, 
Robert Beard, John Folsom and Elizabeth Simpson, suffered the 
same fate.^ 

In the autumn, Major Willard and Captain Alexander, wound- 
ed and took a Frenchman near ^Vinchester, who was conducted 
to Boston and returned to Canada. Soon after, the enemy burn- 
ed Bridgman's fort ; (Hinsdale) and killed several persons, and 
took others from that place, and from Number-Four, in the ensu- 
ing winter. No pursuit could be made, because the garrison was 
not provided with snow-shoes, though many hundreds had been 
paid for by the government. 

The next spring, Captain Stevens was again appointed to com- 
mand at Number-Four, with a garrison of an hundred men ; Cap- 
j_.o tain Humphrey Hobbs being second in command.'* A 
scouting party of eighteen, was sent out under Captain 
May 4y. j^jgazer Alelvin. They discovered two canoes in Lake 
Champlain, at which they fired. The fort at Crown-Point was 
alarmed, and a party came out to intercept them. IMelvin cross- 
ed their track, and came back to West River ; where, as his 
men were diverting themselves by shooting salmon, the Indians 
suddenly came upon them and killed six.'^ The others came in at 
different times to Fort--Dummer. 

On a Sabbath morning, at Rochester, the wife of Jonathan 

Hodgdon was taken by the Indians, as she was going to milk her 

cows. She called aloud to her husband. The Indians 

^^ ' would have kept her quiet, but as she persisted in calling, 
they killed her, apparently contrary to their intentions. Her hus- 
band heard her cries, and came to her assistance, at the instant 
of her death. His gun missed fire, and he escaped. The alarm, 
occasioned by this action, prevented greater mischief.'^ 

(1) June 7— Haven's MS. letters. (2) July 23— Boston Evening: Post.— 
(3) Upham's MS. letter. (4) Olcott's MS. letter. (5) Doolittle's Narrative. 
(6) Haven's MS. letter. 

t [Perhaps a Mr. Estabrook, who was killed at Penacook, on the 10 Nov- 
ember, that year. Moore, Annals of Concord, 25.] 



1748.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTII. 295 

The next month, tbey killed three men belonging to Hinsdale's 
fort, Nathan French, Joseph Richardson and John Frost. Sev- 
en were taken ; one of whom, William Bickford, died of his 
wounds. Captain Hobbs, and forty men, being on a scout 
near West River, were surprised by a party of Indians, 
with whom they had a smart encounter, of three hours continu- 
ance. Hobbs left the ground, having had three men killed 
and four wounded. Thesameparty of the enemy killed two "-^ 
men and took nine, between Fort Hinsdale and Fort-Dummer. 

The cessation of arms between the belligerent powers did not 
wholly put a stop to the incursions of the enemy ; for af- ^ _ „ 
ter it was known here, and after the garrison of Number- junejy' 
Four was withdrawn, excepting fifteen men, Obadiah Sart- 
well was killed, and a son of Captain Stevens was taken and car- 
ried to Canada ; but he was released and returned.^ 

During this affecting scene of devastation and captivity, there 
were no instances of deliberate murder nor torture exercised on 
those who fell into the hands of the Indians ; and even the old 
custom of making them run the gauntlet, was in most cases omit- 
ted. On the contrary, there is a universal testimony from the 
captives who survived and returned, in favor of the humanity of 
their captors. When feeble, they assisted them in travelling ; 
and in cases of distress from want of provision, they shared with 
them an equal proportion. A singular instance of moderation de- 
serves remembrance. An Indian had surprised a man at Ashuelot. 
The man asked for quarter, and it was granted. Whilst the In- 
dian was preparing to bind him, he seized the Indian's gun, and 
shot him in one arm. The Indian, however, secured him ; but 
took no other revenge than, with a kick, to say, ' You dog, how 
' could you treat me so .^' The gentleman from whom this infor- 
mation came, has frequently heard the story bodi from the cap- 
tive and the captor. The latter related it as an instance of Eng- 
lish perfidy ; the former of Indian lenity .- 

There was a striking difference between the manner in which 
this war was managed, on the part of the English and on the part 
of the French. The latter kept out small parties continually en- 
gaged in killing, scalping and taking prisoners ; who were sold in 
Canada and redeemed by their friends, at a great expense. By 
this mode of conduct, the French made their enemies pay the 
whole charge of their predatory excursions; besides reaping a 
handsome profit to themselves. On the other hand, the English 
attended only to the defence of the frontiers ; and that in such a 
manner, as to leave them for the most part insecure. No parties 
were sent to harass the setdements of the French. If the whole 
country of Canada could not be subdued, nothing less could be 
attempted. Men were continually kept in pay, and in expecta- 

(1) Olcott's MS. letters. (2) Ibid. 



296 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1749. 

tion of service ; but spent their time cither in garrisons, or camps, 
or in guarding provisions when sent to the several forts. Though 
large rewards were promised for scalps and prisoners, scarcely 
any were obtained unless by accident. A confusion of councils, 
and a multiplicity of directors, caused frequent changes of meas- 
ures, and delays in the execution of them. The forts were ill 
supplied with ammunition, provisions, clothing and snow-shoes. 
When an alarm happened, it was necessary, either to bake 
1747. bread, or dress meat, or cast bullets, before a pursuit could 
be made. The French gave commissions to none but those 
who had distinguished themselves by some exploit. Among us, 
persons frequently obtained preferment, for themselves or their 
friends, by making their court to governors, and promoting favor- 
ite measures in town meetings, or general assemblies. 

A community recovering from a war, like an individual recov- 
ering from sickness, is sometimes in danger of a relapse. This 
war was not decisive, and the causes which kindled it were not 
removed. One of its effects was, that it produced a class of men, 
who, having been for a time released from laborious occupations, 
and dev^oted to the parade of military life, did not readily listen 
to the calls of industry. To such men, peace was burdensome, 
and the more so, because they had not the advantage of half pay. 
The interval between this and the succeeding war was not long. 
The peace took place in 1749, and in 1754 there was a call to 
resume the sword. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

Purchase of Mason's claim. Controversy about Representation. Plan of 
extending the settlements. Jealousy and resentment of the savages. 

Whilst the people were contending with an enemy abroad, 
an attempt was making at home, to revive the old claim 
of Mason, which their fathers had widistood, and which for 
many years had lain dormant, till recalled to view by the politi- 
cians of Massachusetts, as already related. After Thomlinson 
had engaged with IMason, for the purchase of his title, nothing 
more was heard of it, till the controversy respecting the lines was 
I7d4 finished, and Wentworth was established in the seat of 
government, and in the oftice of surveyor of the woods. 
The agreement which Thomlinson had made, was in behalf of 
_ „„ the Representatives of New-Hampshire ; and the instru- 
' ment was lodged in the hands of the governor, who sent 
it to the house for their perusal and consideration. It lay on their 



1744.] PROVINCE. BENNING VVENTWORTH. 2^1 

table a long time, withoiil any formal notice.^ Quickening mes- 
sages were sent time after time ; Init the affairs of the war, and 
Mason's absence at sea, and in the expedition to Louisburg, where 
he had a company, together with a disinclination in the house, 
which was of a different complexion from that in 1739, prevented 
any diing from being done. 

In the mean time, IMason suffered a fine and recovery, by 
which the entail was docked, in the courts of New-Hampshire, 
and he became entided to the privilege of selling his in- -i^^c 
terest. He also presented a memorial to the assembly, in 
which he told them that he would wait no longer ; and ^" 
unless they would come to some resolution, he should take their 
silence as a refusal. Intimations were given, that if they would 
not ratify the agreement, a sale would be made to other ,7^/- 
persons, who stood ready to purchase. At length, the 
house came to a resolution, ' that they would comply with the a- 
' greement, and pay the price ; and that the waste lands should 

* be granted by the general assembly, to the inhabitants, as 

* they should think proper.' A committee was appointed ''^ ' " ' 
to treat with Mason, about fulfilling his agreement, and to draw 
die proper instruments of conveyance ; but he had on the same 
day, by deed of sale, for the sum of fifteen hundred 
pounds currency, conveyed his whole interest to twelve ^"' 
persons, in fifteen shares. When the house sent a message to the 
council to inform them of diis resolution, the council objected to 
that clause of the resolve, ' that the lands be granted by the gen- 
' eral assembly,' as contrary to the royal commission and instruc- 
tions ; but if the house would address the king, for leave to dis- 
pose of the lands, they said that diey were content. 

These transactions raised a great ferment among the people. 
Angry and menacing words were plentifully thrown out against 
the purchasers ; but they had prudently taken care to file in the 
recorder's oftice a deed of quit-claim to all the towns which had 
been setUed and granted within the limits of their purchase.* — 

(1) Assembly records. 

* Tho purchasers of this claim were, 
Theodore Atkinson, (three fifteenths) Thomas Packer, 
M. H. Wentworth, (two fifteenths) Thomas Wallingford, 
Richard Wibird, Jotham Odiorne, 

John Wentworth, son of the Governor, Joshua Peirce, 
George JafFrey, Samuel Moore, 

Nathaniel Meserve, John Moffat, (one fifteenth each.) 

The towns quitclaimed were, 
Portsmouth, Londonderry, Bow, 

Dover, , Chester, Chichester, 

Exeter, Nottingliam, Epsom, 

Hampton, Barrington, Barnstead, 

Gosport, Rochester, and afterward 

Kingston, Canterbury. Gilraantown. 

40 



29S HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1746. 

In ibis quit-claim, they inserted a clause in the following words, 
' excepting and reserving our respective riglits, titles, inheritance 
' and possessions, which we heretofore had, in common or sever- 
' alty, as inhabitants or proprietors of houses or lands, within any 

* of the towns precincts, districts or villages aforesaid.'! This 
precaution had not at first its effect. A committee of both houses 
was appointed to consider the matter, and they reported that ' for 
' quieting the minds of the people, and to prevent future diffi- 

* culty, it would be best for the province to purchase the claim, 
' for the use and benefit of the inhabitants ; provided that the pur- 
' chasers would sell it for the cost and charges. '^ This report 
was accepted, concurred and consented to, by every branch of 
the leo^islature. A committee was appointed to consult counsel, 

. ^ . and agree on proper instruments of conveyance. The 

"" same day, this committee met with the purchasers, and 

conferred on the question whether they would sell on the terms 

proposed ? At the conference, the purchasers appeared to be 

divided, and agreed so far only, as to withdraw their deed from 

Auo- i'5 ^he recorder's office. The committee reported that they 

could make no terms with the purchasers ; in consequence 

"^■'"^' of which, the deed was again lodged in the office and 

recorded. 

Much blanie was cast on the purchasers, for clandestinely taking 
a bargain out of the hands of the assembly. They said in their 
vindication, ' that they saw no prospect of an effectual 
' purchase by the assembly, though those of them who 
were members, voted for it, and did what they could to encourage 
it ; that they would have gladly given JMason as much money, 
for his private quit-claim to their several rights in the townships 
already granted and settled ; that Mason's claim had for many 
years hung over the province, and that on every turn, they had 
been threatened with a proprietor; thatAIason's deed to a com- 
mittee of Massachusetts, in behalf of that province, for a tract of 
land adjoining the boundary line, had been entered on the records, 
and a title under it set up, in opposition to grants made by the 
governor and council ; that it was impossible to say where this 
evil would stop, and therefore they thought it most prudent to 
prevent any farther effects of it, by taking up with his offer, 
especially as they knew that he might have made a more advan- 
tageous bargain, with a gentleman of fortune in die neighboring 
province ; but that they were still willing, to sell their interest to 
the assembly, for the cost and charges ; provided that the land 
be granted by the governor and council; and that the agreement 
be made within one month from the date of their letter.'^ 
Within that month, the alarm caused by the approach of D'An- 

(1) Records of deeds. (2) Assembly records. (3) MS. letter in Propria- 
tary ofBce. 



1746.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 299 

ville's fleet, put a stop to the negotiation. After that danger was 
over, the affair was revived ; but the grand difficuhy subsisted. 
The purchasers would not sell, but on condition that the lands 
should be granted, by the governor and council. The assembly 
thought that they could have no security that the land would be 
granted to the people ; because the governor and council might 
grant it to themselves, or to their dependents, or to stran- ,«^« 
gers, and the people who had paid for it, might be excluded 
from the benefit which they had purchased. A proposal """ ' 
was afterward made, that the sale should be to feoffees in trust 
for the people ; and a form of a deed for this purpose was drawn. 
To this proposal, the purchasers raised several objections ; and 
as the assembly had not voted any money to make the purchase, 
they declined signing the deed ; and no farther efforts being 
made by the assembly, the purchase rested in the hands of the 
proprietors. In 1749, they took a second deed, comprehending 
all the Masonian grants, from Naumkeag to Pascataqua ; whereas 
the former deed was confined to the lately established boundaries 
of New-Hampshire. This latter deed was not recorded till 
1753.1 

After they had taken their first deed, the Masonians began to 
grant townships, and continued granting them to petitioners, - _ . ^ 
often without fees, and always without quit-rents. They 
quieted the proprietors of the towns, on the western side of the 
Merrimack, v»?hich had been granted by Massachusetts, before 
the establishment of the line ; so that they went on peaceably 
with their settlements. The terms of their grants were, that the 
grantees should, within a limited time, erect mills and meeting- 
houses, clear out roads and settle ministers. In every township, 
they reserved one right for the first settled minister, another for a 
parsonage, and a third for a school. They also reserved fifteen 
rights for themselves, and two for their attorneys ; all of which 
were to be free from taxes, till sold or occupied. By virtue of 
these grants, many townships were settled, and the interest of the 
people became so united with that of the proprietors, that the 
prejudice against them gradually abated ; and, at length, even 
some who had been the most violent opposers, acquiesced in the 
safety and policy of their measures, though they could not concede 
to the validity of their claim. 

The heirs of Allen menaced them by advertisements, and 
warned the people against accepting their grants. They depended 
on the recognition of Allen's purchase, in the charter of Massa- 
chusetts, as an argument in favor of its validity ; and supposed, 
that because the ablest lawyers in the kingdom were consulted, 
and employed in framing that charter, they must have had evi- 
dence of the justice of his pretensions, before such a reservation 

(1) Records of deeds. 



300 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1748. 

could liave been introduced into it. So strong was the impression, 
which this argument had made, on the minds of speculators in 
England, that" large sums had been offered, to some of Allen's 
heirs, in that kingdom ; and, Thondinson himself, the first mover 
of the purchase from Mason, in behalf of New-Hampshire, had 
his doubts ; and would have persuaded the associates to join in 
buying Allen's title also, even at the price of two thousand pounds 
sterling, to prevent a more expensive litigation, the issue of which 
would be uncertain. 1 But they, being vested with the principal 
offices of government; being men of large properly, which was 
also increased by this purchase ; and having satisfied themselves, 
of the validity of their title, by the opinions of some principal 
lawyers, both here and in England, contented themselves with the 
purchase which they had made ; and by maintaining their pos- 
session, extended the cultivation of the country within their limits. 

The words of the original grants to Mason, describe an extent 
of sixty miles, from the sea, on each side of the province, and a 
line to cross over from the end of one line of sixty miles, to the 
end of the other. The Masonian proprietors pleaded, that this 
cross line should be a curve, because, no other line would preserve 
the distance of sixty miles from the sea, in every part of their 
western boundary. No person had any right to contest this point 
with them, but the king. It was not for the interest of his gov- 
ernor and council to object ; because several of them, and of their 
connections, were of the Masonian propriety ; and no objection 
was made by any other persons, in behalf of the crown. Survey- 
ors were employed, at several times, to mark this curve line ; but 
on running, first from the southern, and then from the eastern 
boundary, to the river Pemigewassett, they could not make the 
lines meet. Controversies were thus engendered, between the 
grantees of crown lands and those of the Masonians, which 
subsisted for many years. In some cases, the disputes were 
compromised, and in others, left open for litigation ; till, by the 
revolution, the government fell into other hands. 

This was not the only controversy, which, till that period, 
remained undetermined. When the extension of the boundary 
lines gave birth to a demand, for the maintenance of Fort-Dummer, 
the governor had the address, to call to that assembly, into which 
he introduced this demand, six new members; who appeared as 
representatives for six towns and districts, some of which had been, 
by the southern line, cut off from Massachusetts.- It was supposed 
that his design, in calling these members, was to facilitate the 
adoption of Fort-Dummer. Odier towns, which ought to have 
had the same privilege extended to them, were neglected. When 
the new members appeared in the house, the secretary, by the 
governor's order, administered to them the usual oaths; after 

(1) MS. letters of Thomlinson. (2) rrintedJoiirnal, Jan. 1744. 



1748.] PROVINCE. BENNING WEiNTWORTII. 30I 

which, they were asked, in the name of the house, by what au- 
thority they came thither ? They answered, that they were 
chosen by virtue of" a writ, in the king's name, delivered to their 
respective towns and districts, by the sheriff. The house remon- 
strated to the governor, that these places had no right, by law, 
nor by custom, to send persons to represent them, and then de- 
barred them from the privilege of voting, in the choice of a speaker ; 
two only dissenting, out of nineteen. Several sharp messages 
passed, between tlie governor and the house, on that occasion j 
but the pressing exigencies of the war, and the proposed expedi- 
tion to Cape-Breton, obliged him, for that time, to give way, and 
suffer his new members to be excluded, till the king's pleasure 
could be known. 

The house vindicated their proceedings, by appealing to their 
records; from which it appeared, that all the additions, which had 
been made to the house of representatives, were, in consequence 
of their own votes, either issuing a precept themselves, or request- 
ing the governor to do it; from which they argued, that no town, 
or parish, ought to have any writ, for the choice of a representa- 
tive, but by a vote of the house, or by an act of the assembly. 
On the other side, it was alleged, that the right of sending repre- 
sentatives was originally founded on the royal commission and 
instructions, and therefore, that the priv^ilege might, by the same 
authority, be lawfully extended to the new towns, as the king, or 
his governor, by advice of council, might think proper. The 
precedents on both sides were undisputed ; but neither party 
would admit the conclusion drawn by the other. Had this diffi- 
culty been foreseen, it might have been prevented when the tri- 
ennial act was made in 1727. The defects of that law, began 
now to be severely felt ; but could not be remedied. 

The dispute having thus subsided, was not revived during the 
war ; but as soon as the peace was made, and the king had gone 
on a visit to his German dominions, an additional instruction was. 
sent from the lords justices, who presided in the king's absence, 
directing the governor to dissolve the assembly then subsisting ;, 
and when another should be called, to issue the kinir's writ t on 
to the slienrr, commanding Inm to make out precepts to 
the towns and districts, whose rcjiresentatives had been before 
excluded ; and that when they should be chosen, the governor 
should support their rights.^ 

Had this instruction extended to all the other towns in the 
province, which had not been before represented, it might have 
been deemed equitable ; but as it respected those only, which had 
been the subject of controversy, it appeared to be grounded on 
partial information, and intended to strengthen the prerogative of 
the crown, without a due regard to the privileges of the people 
at large. 

(1) DoujjlasB ii. 35. 



302 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1749. 

The party in opposition to tlie governor became more acrimo- 
nious than ever. Richard Waldron, the former secretary, and 
j_.g the confidential friend of Belcher, appeared in the new 
assembly and was chosen speaker. The governor nega- 
tived him ; and ordered the house to admit the new mem- 
bers, and choose another speaker. Tliey denied his power of 
negativing their speaker and of introducing new members. The 
style of his messages was peremptory and severe ; their answers 
and remonstrances were calm, but resolute, and in some instances 
satirical. Neither party would yield. No business was trans- 
acted ; though the assembly met about once in a month, and was 
kept alive, by adjourimients and prorogations, for three years. 
Had he dissolved them, before the time for which they were 
chosen had expired, he knew, that in all probability, the same 
persons would be re-elected. 

The effect of this controversy was injurious to the governor, as 
well as to the people. The public bills of credit had depreciated 
since this administration began, in the ratio of thirty to fifty-six j 
and the value of the governor's salary had declined in the same 
proportion. The excise could neither be farmed nor collected ; 
and that part of the governor's salary, which was funded upon it, 
failed. The treasurer's accounts were unsettled. The soldiers, 
who had guarded the frontiers in the preceding war, were not 
paid ; nor were their muster-rolls adjusted. The public records 
of deeds were shut up; for the recorder's time having expired, 
and the api)ointment being by law vested in the assembly, no 
choice could be made. No authenticated papers could be ob- 
tained, though the agent was constantly soliciting for those which 
related to the controversy about Fort-Dummer, at that time before 
the king and council."' 

When the situation of the province was known in England, an 

i7'S0-'"l J'^ipi'ession to its disadvantage was made on the minds 

of its best friends ; and they even imagined that the 

governor's conduct was not blameless. f The language at court 

* [1749. Plaistow, Litchfield, Newtown, and Hampstead were incorporat- 
ed. The settlement of Walpole commenced. 

1750. Salem and Bedford were incorporated. The last was one of the 
Narraganset townships. Tlie settlement of it commenced in the winter of 
1 737, by Robert and James Walker, and in the year following, by John Gotfe, 
afterwards colonel, Matthew Patten, afterwards judge of probate, and captain 
Samuel Patten, and soon after by many others. See Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc. i. 
288—296. . 

1751. Derrjfield, now called Manchester, was incorporated.] 

t August 10, 1749, Mr Thomlinson wrote thus to Mr. Atkinson. 'I am 
' Borry to find by your letters, and by every body from your country, the con- 
' fusion your Province is in. I wish I could set you right. 1 cannot help 
' thinking that the governor has done some imprudent things ; but the other 

* part}' is fundamentally wrong, and the governor will ahvaj's be supported as 
' long as he conducts himself by his majesty's instructions, and in his right 
' of negativing a speaker. Notwithstanding this, I am surprised that he, or 
' any other governor, should not think it their interest, to behave so to all 
' sortB of people under their government, as to make all their enemies their 

* friends, rather than to make their friends their enemies.' 



1750-51.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 303 

was totally changed. The people of New-Hampshire wlio had 
formerly been in favor, as loyal and obedient subjects, were now- 
said to be in rebellion. Their agent was frequently reproached 
and mortified on their account, and was under great apprehension,, 
that they would suffer, not only in their reputation, but in their 
interest.' The agent of Massachusetts was continually soliciting 
for repayment of the charges of maintaining Fort-Dummer, and 
is was in contemplation, to take off a large district from the west- 
ern part of New-Hampshire, and to annex it to IMassachusetts, to 
satisfy them for that expense. Besides this, the paper money of 
the colonies was under the consideration of parliament ; and the 
province of Massachusetts was rising into favor for having abolish- 
ed that system of iniquity. The same justice was expected of 
New-Hampshire, since they had the same means in their power 
by the reimbursement granted to them by parliament for the 
Cape-Breton and Canada expedidons. This money, amounting 
to about thirty thousand pounds sterling, clear of all fees and com- 
missions, had lain long in the treasury ; and when it was paid to 
the agent, he would have placed it in the funds, where it might 
have yielded an interest of three per cent ; but having no direc- 
tions from the assembly, he locked it up in the bank. This was 
a clear loss to them of nine hundred pounds per annum. Tliere 
were some who reflected on the agent, as if he had made an ad- 
vantage to himself of this money. Had he done it, his own cap- 
ital was sufficient to have answered any of their demands ; but it 
was also sufficient to put him above the necessity of employing 
their money, either in trade or speculadon. 

It had also been suggested, that Thomlinson, at the governor's 
request, had solicited and procured the instrucdon, which had 
occasioned this unhappy stagnaUon of business. When this sug- 
gestion came to his knowledge, he exculpated himself from the 
charge, in a letter which he wrote to a leading member of the 
assembly ; and gave a full account of the matter as far as it had 
come to his knowledge. He said, that the governor himself had 
stated the facts in his letters to the ministry ; concerning his call- 
ing of the new members, in 1745, and their exclusion from the 
assembly, with the reasons given for it; and had desired to know 

(1) Thomlinson's MS. letters. 

October 19, 1749, Mr. Atkinson wrote thus in answer. ' I am supposed 
' by many people to be privy to ail the governor's transactions here, which is 
' totally without foundation. I never saw a letter which he wrote home, nor 
' any he received, only, when any of them were communicated to the counciJ 
' or assembly; nor any of his speeclies or messages. So that, really I cannot 
' be said to advise. Neitlier do I see what reason the people have to complain. 
' His greatest enemies are now of the assembly, and in all tiie controversy, 
' not one particular instance of injustice or oppression hath been mentioned 
* by them ; and when you read over their several messages, and votes, yon 
' will not discover any inclination to conceal the leaat failing h« had been th» 
' author of.' 



304 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1750-51. 

the king^s pleasure, and to have direclions how to act.^ That the 
ministry, without any exception or hesitation, had pronounced his 
conduct conformable to his duty. That nevertheless, the board 
■of trade had solemnly considered the matter, and consulted coun- 
:sel, and had summoned him, as agent of the province, to attend 
their deliberation. Their result was, that as the crown had an 
indisputable riglit to incorporate any town in England, and qualify 
.it to send members to parliament, so the same right and power 
.had been legally given to all the governors in America ; by means 
of which, all the assemblies in the king's governments, had in- 
:creased in number, as the colonies had increased in settlements. 
Tliat any other usage in calling representatives was wrong ; al- 
though it might have been indulged, when the province was under 
the same governor with Massachusetts. This was all which pass- 
ed before the additional instruction came out, which was sent 
through the hands of the agent. As it was founded on a question 
concerning the rights and prerogatives of the crown ; he argued 
the absurdity of supposing, either that it had been solicited, or that 
any attempt to have it withdrawn could be effectual. His advice 
was, that they should submit to it ; because, that under it, they 
would enjoy the same rights and privileges with their fellow sub- 
jects in England, and in the other colonies ; assuring them, that 
the then reigning prince had never discovered the least inclination 
to infringe the constitutional rights of any of his subjects. 

This advice, however salutary, had not the intended effect. 
Instead of submitting, the party in opposition to the governor, 
framed a complaint against him, and sent it to London, to be 
presented to the king. If they could have prevailed, their next 
measure would have been, to recommend a gentleman, Sir William 
Pepperrell, of Massachusetts, for his successor. This manoeuvre 
came to the ears of Thomlinson j but he was under no necessity 
to exert himself on this occasion: for the person to whose care 
the address was intrusted, considering the absurdity of complaining 
to the king, against his governor, for acting agreeably to his in- 
structions, was advised not to present it.^ This disappointment 
vexed the opposition to such a degree, that they would have gladly 
■dissolved the government, and put themselves under the jurisdic- 
tion of Massachusetts, had it been in their power. But, finding 
all their efforts ineffectual, either to have the instruction with- 
drawn, or the governor removed, they consoled themselves with 
this thought, that it was ' better to have tv^^o privileges taken from 
^ them, than voluntarily to give up one.'* 

(1) MS. letter of Thomlinson to H. Sherburne, Nov. 13, 1749. (2) MS. 
letters of Thomlinson. 

* [1750. A singular and splendid appearance in tlie heavens was noticed 
in the eastern part of New-Hampshire, of whicli I find the following account 
in an interleaved almanack, kept by a gentleman of Portsmouth. 

'■ 30 August. This evening I was suddenly surprised b}' an explosion in 



1752.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 305 

The time for which the assembly was elected having expired, 
a new one was called in the same manner. They came ,,^rc} 
together with a spirit of moderation, and a disposition to 
transact the long neglected business. The members, from ''"' 
the new towns, quietly took their seats. An unexceptionable 
speaker, jMeshech Weare, was elected. A recorder was ap- 
pointed. A committee was chosen to setde the treasurer's ac- 
counts, and a vote was passed for putting the reimbursement 
money into the public funds in England.^ The governor's salary 
was augmented, and all things went on smoothly. The party 
which had been opposed to the governor, declined, in number and 
in virulence. Some had been removed by death ; others were 
softened and relaxed. A liberal distribution of commissions, civil 
and military, was made, and an era of domestic reconciliation 
commenced. 

The controversy respecting Fort-Dummer, and the fear of 
losing a district in that neighborhood, quickened die governor to 
make grants of several townships in that quarter, on both sides of 
Connecticut river ; chiefly to those persons who claimed the 
same lands, under the Massachusetts title. The war being over, 
die old inhabitants returned to their plantations, and were strength- 
ened by additions to their number. It was in contemplation, to 
extend the settlements, farther up Connecticut river, to die rich 
meadows of Cohos. The plan was, to cut a road to that place; 
to lay out two townships, one on each side of the river, and oppo- 
site to each other; to erect stockades, with lodgments for two 
hundred men, in each township, enclosing a space of fifteen acres ; 
in the centre of which was to be a citadel, containing the public 
buildings and granaries, which were to be large enough to receive 
all the inhabitants, and their moveable effects, in case of necessity. - 
As an inducement to people to remove to this new plantation ; they 
were to have courts of judicature, and other civil privileges among 
themselves, and were to be under strict military discipline. A 
large number of persons engaged in this enterprise ; and they 
were the rather stimulated to undertake it, because it was feared, 
that the French, who had already begun to encroach on the ter- 
ritory claimed by the }3ritish crown, would take possession of this 
valuable tract, if it should be left unoccupied. 

In pursuance of this plan, a party was sent up in the spring of 
1752, to view the meadows of Cohos, and lay out the proposed 
townships.*^ The Indians observed them, and suspected their 

(1) Records of assembly. Atkinson's MS. letters. (2) Atkinson's MS. 
letters. (3) MS. letters of Col. Israel Williams. 

the air. It was a quarter after nine, and the sky as free from clouds and 
thick of stars as 1 ever saw it. It appeared as if the sky opened in the South 
about half way from the horizon, as large as the broad side of a house, and 
the flame as deep a color as any fire I ever saw. It closed up gradually, and 
was near two minutes before it disappeared."] 

41 



306 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1752. 

intentions. The land '.vas theirs, and they knew its value. A 
party of the Aresaguntacook, or St. Francis tribe was deputed, 
to remonstrate against this proceeding. They came to the Ibrt 
at Number-Four, with a flag of truce ; pretending that they had 
not heard of the treaty of peace, which liad been made with the 
several Indian tribes. They complained to Captain Stevens, of 
the encroachment which was meditating on their land; and said, 
that they could not allow the English to settle at Cohos, when they 
owned more land already than they could improve ; and, that if 
this settlement were pursued, they should think the English had a 
mind for war, and would resist them. This threatening being 
communicated to the governor of Massachusetts, and by him to 
the governor of New-Hampshire, threw such discouragement on 
the project that it was laid aside. 

The Indians did not content themselves with remonstrating and 
threatening. Two of the same tribe named Sabatis and Chrisii, 
. ., came to Canterbury ; where they were entertained in a 
friendly manner for more than a month. At their departure, 
tliey forced away two negroes ; one of whom escaped and return- 
ed ; and the other was carried to Crown-Point and sold to a 
French officer. ^ A party of ten or twelve of the same tribe, 
„ commanded by Captain Moses, met with four young men 
who were hunting on Baker's river. One of these was John 
Stark.- When he found himself surprised and fallen into their 
hands, he called to his brother William Stark, who being in a 
canoe, gained the opposite shore, and escaped. They fired at 
the canoe, and killed a young man who was in it."' John received 
a severe beating from the Indians for alarming his brother. They 
carried him and his companion, Eastman, up Connecticut river, 
through several carrying places, and down the lake JMemphrema- 
gog to the head quarters of their tribe. There they dressed him 
in their finest robes and adopted him as a son. This early captiv- 
ity, from which he was redeemed, qualified him to be an expert 
partisan, in the succeeding war ; from which station, he afterward 
rose to the rank of brigadier-general in the armies of the United 
States.* 

The next year, Sabatis, with another Indian named Plausawa, 
came to Canterbury ; where, being reproached with the niiscon- 

^^fj duct respecting the negroes, he and his companion behaved 
in an insolent manner. Several persons treated them very 

"®' freely with strong liquor.'* One followed them into the 
woods, and killed them, and by the help of another, buried them ; 
but so shallow, that their bodies were devoured by beasts of prey, 

(1) MS. depositions. (2) Shirley's printed conference, 1754. (3) Inform- 
ation of W. Stark. (4) MS. depositions. 

* [1752. The towns of Chesterfield, Westmoreland, Walpole and Rich- 
mond we're incorporated.] 



1752.] rROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTFI. 307 

and their bones lay on the ground.* By the treaties of peace, 
it had been stipulated, on the one part, that if any of the Indians 
should commit an act of hostility against the English, their young 
men should join with the English in reducing such Indians to sub- 
mission ; anil on the other hand, that if an Englishman should 
injure any of them, no private revenge should be taken ; but ap- 
plication "should be made to the government for justice. In the 
autumn of the same year, a conference being held, with the east- 
ern Indians, by the government of Massachusetts, a present was 
made to the Aresaguntacook tribe, expressive of an intention to 
wipe away the blood. They accepted the present, and ratified 
the peace which had been made in 1749.^ f 

(1) Printed conference, 1753. 

^ [Tlie names of the persons concerned in the death of these Indians, it 
appears from the Rev. Mr Price's History of Boscawen, p. 44, were Bowen 
and Morril. The circumstances of their death are particularly narrated in an 
article entitled Indian Bridge, in the Coll. of Farmer and Moore, iii. 27— 2{). 
It appears from ihai account, that the person who killed them was Peter Bow- 
en, to whose house in Contoocook, (Boscawen) he invited them to stay dur- 
ing the nijrht. " They had heen in a surly mood and had used some threats 
to two perlions who offered to trade with them that day, but became in better 
humor on being freely treated with rum by their host. The night was spent 
in a drunken^lndian frolic, for which Bowen had as good a relish as his 
guests. As they became intoxicated, he fearing that they might do mischief, 
took the precaution to make his wife engage their attention, wliile he drew 
the charges from tlieir guns. The next morning, they asked Bowen to go 
with his horse, and carry their baggage to the place where their canoe was left 
the evening before. He went and carried their packs on his horse. As they 
went, Sabatis proposed to run a race with the horse. Bowen suspecting mis- 
chief was^intended, declined the race, but finally consented to run. He how- 
ever, took'care to let tiie Indian outrun the horse. Sabatis lauglied heartily 
at Bowen, because his horse could run no faster. They then proceeded ap- 
parently in good humour. After a while, Sabatis said to Bowen — " Bowen 
walk woods," — meaning " go v/ith me as a prisoner." Bowen said, " No walk 
woods, all one brothers." °They went on until they were near the canoe, 
when Sabatis proposed a second race, and lliat the horse should be unloaded 
of the baggage and should start a little before hiin. Bowen refused to start 
so, but consented to start together. They ran, and as soon as the horse had 
got a little before the Indian, Bowen heard a gun snap. Looking round, he 
saw the smoke of powder, and the gun aimed at him. He turned and struck 
his tomahawk in the Indian's head. He went back to meet Plausawa, who 
seeing the fate of Sabatis, took aim with his gun at Bowen. The gun flash- 
ed. Plausawa fell on his knees and begged for his life. He pleaded his in- 
nocence, and former friendship for the English; but all in vain. Bowen 
knew there would be no safety for him while the companion and friend of 
Sabatis was living. To secure himself, he buried the same tomahawk in the 
skull of Plausawa. Tliis was done in the road on the bank of Merrimack riv- 
er, near the northerly line of Boscawen. Bowen hid the dead bodies under 
a small bridge in Salisbury. The next spring the bodies were discovered and 
buried."] 

t[]75n. Keene, Charlestown. Swanrey, Winchester and Hinsdale were 
incorporated. Swanzey was first granted by Massachusetts in 1734, to 64 
proprietors, whose first meeting was hojilen at Concord. Mass., 27 .Tune, that 
year. Until its incorporation by New-Hampshire, it was called Lou-cr-Ashne- 
lot, from the Indian name of the river, which was originally Ashaelock. From 
1741 to 1747, this town suffered much from Indian depredations. Several of 
the inhabitants were killed and some were made prisoners. The province of 
Massachusetts, under whose jurisdiction this town had remained thirteen 



308 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1754, 

The two men who killed Sabatis and Plausawa, were appre- 
hended and brought to Portsmouth. A bill was found against 
•r^e.A them by the grand jury, and they were confined in irons. 
In the niglit, before the day appointed for their trial, an 
armed mob from the country, with axes and crows, forced the 
])rison, and carried them off in triumph. A proclamation was 
issued, and a reward oflered by the governor for apprehending 
the rioters ; but no discovery was made, and the action was even 
deemed meritorious.^ The next summer, another conference 
was held at Falmouth, at which commissioners from New-Hamp- 
shire assisted. The Aresaguntacooks did not attend ; but sent a 
message purporting that the blood was not wiped away. The 
commissioners from New-Mampshire made a handsome present, 
to all the Indians, who appeared at this conference ; which ended 
as usual, in the promise of peace and friendship.^ 



CHAPTI]R XXII. 

The last French and Indian war, whicli terminal, d in the conquest of Canada- 
Controversy concerning the lands westward ^."Connecticut river. 

By the treaty of Aix la Chapelle, in 1 748, it was stipulated, 
that ' all tilings should be restored, on the footing they were 
* before the war.'*^ The island of Cape-Breton was accordingly 
restored to France ; but the limits of the French and English 
territories on the continent, were undetermined ; and it was the 
policy of both nations to gain possession of important passes, 
and to which each had some pretensions, to hold them, 
till the limits should be settled by commissioners mutually 
chosen. These commissioners met at Paris ; but came to no 
decision. By the construction of charters and grants from 
the crown of England, her colonies extended indefinitely west- 
ward. The French had setdements in Canada and Louisiana, 
and they meditated to join these distant colonies, by a chain of 
forts and posts, from the St. Lawrence to the Mississippi ; and to 
extend the limits of Canada, as far eastward, as to command uav- 

(1) MS. letters of Governor Wentworth. (2) Printed conference.— 
(3) Printed treaty. 

years, having withdrawn her protection, and left the people in a defenceless 
slate, and exposed to the fury of the savages,' tlie settlers abandoned the place, 
and nianv of them returned to their former ])laces of residence in Massachu- 
setts. The Indians very soon set fire to their forts, which, with every house 
except one, tiiey reduced to ashes. They returned about three years after- 
wards, when nothing but desolation and ruin was to be seen about their form- 
er habitations. They recommenced their settlements, and were not after- 
wards molested by the Indians. N. H. Gazetteer, 248. 

1755. Madbury was incorporated. 175(). Sandown was incorporated.] 



1754.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 399 

igatioii in the winter, when the great river St. Lawrence is impas- 
sable. These claims of territory, extending on the one part from 
east to west, and on the other from north to south, necessarily in- 
terfered. The colonies of Nova-Scotia, New- York and Virginia, 
were principally affected by this interference ; and the encroach- 
ments made on them by the French, were a subject of complaint, 
both here and in Europe. 

It was foreseen that this controversy could not be decided but 
by the sword ; and the English determined to be early in ^r-r^ 
their preparations. The Earl of Holderness, secretary 
of state, wrote to the governors of the American colonies, recom- 
mending union for their mutual protection and defence. A 
meeting of commissioners from the colonies, at Albany, having 
been appointed, for the purpose of holding a conference with the 
Six Nations, on the subject of French encroachments, within their 
country; it was proposed, by Governor Shirley, to the several ^ 
governors, that the delegates should be instructed on the subject 
of union.* 

At the place appointed, the congress was held ; consisting of 
delegates from Massachusetts, New-Hampshire, Rhode- j^^^^ ^^ 
Island, Connecticut, Pennsylvania and Maryland ; with 
the lieutenant-governor and council of New-York. They took 
their rank in geographical order, beginning at the north. One 
member from each colony was appointed to draw a plan of union ; 
Hutchinson of ]\Iassachusetts, Atkinson of New-Hampshire, Hop- 
kins of Rhode-Island, Pitkin of Connecticut, Smith of New-York, 
Franklin of Pennsylvania, and Tasker of Maryland.- The sub- 
stance of the plan was, that application be made, for an act of 
parliament, to form a grand council, consisting of delegates from 
the several legislative assemblies, subject to the control of a presi- 
dent-general, to be appointed by the crown, with a negative voice. 
That this council should enact general laws ; apjiortion the quotas 
of men and money, to be raised by each colony ; determine the 
building of forts ; regulate the operations of armies ; and concert 
all measures for the common protection and safety. The dele- 
gates of Connecticut alone, entered their dissent to the plan, be- 
cause of the negative voice of the president-general. It is worthy 
of remark, that this plan, for the union of the colonies, was agreed 
to, on the fourth day of July ; exactly twenty-two years before 
the declaration of American Independence, and that the name of 
Franklin appears in both.*f 

(1) Shirley's letters and speeches. (2) Atkinson's MS. Journal. 

* [The plan of a proposed union of tlie several colonies of Massachusetts- 
Bay, New-Hampshire, Connecticut. Rhode-Island, New-York, New-Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, and South-Carolina, for 
their mutual defence and security, and for extendinpj the British settlements 
in North-America, with the reasons and motives for each article of the plan, 
(as far as could be remembered) is given entire in the Works of Franklin, 
Philadelphia edition, 1600, vol. iv.p.5 — 38.] 



310 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1754. 

With the j)laii of union, a representation was made to the king, 
of the danger in which the colonies were involved. Copies of 
both were laid before the several assemblies. They were fully 
sensible of their danger from the French ; but they ap])rehended 
greater danger from the plan of union. Its fate was singular. It 
was rejected in America, because it was supposed to put too much 
))ower into the hands of the king ; and it was rejected in England, 
because it was supposed to give too much power to the assemblies 
of the colonies. The ministry made another proposal ; that the 
governor, v>ith one or two membersof the council, of each colony, 
should assemble, aid consult for the common defence, and draw 
on the British treasury for the sums expended ; which should be 
raised by a general tax, laid by parliament, on the colonies. ' — 
But this was not a time to push such an alarming innovation ; and 
when it was found impracticable, the ministry determined to em- 
ploy their own troops, to fight their battles in America, rather than 
to let the colonists ieel dieirown strength, and be directed by their 
own counsels. 

To draw some aid however from the colonies was necessary. 
Their militia might serve as guards, or rangers, or laborers, or do 
garrison duly, or be employed in other inferior offices ; but Brit- 
ish troops, commanded by British ofllcers, must have the honor 
of reducing the French dominions in North America. 

The savage nations in the French interest were always ready, 
on the first appearance of a rupture, to take up the hatchet. It 
was the policy of the French government, to encourage their 
depredations, on the frontiers of the English colonies, to which 
they had a native antipathy. By this means, the PVcnch could 
make their enemies pay the whole expense of a war ; for all the 
supplies, which they afforded to the Indians, were amj)ly compen- 
sated, by the ransom of captives. In these later wars, therefore, 
we find the savages more dextrous in taking captives, and more 
tender of them when taken, than in former wars ; which were 
carried on with circumstances of greater cruelty. 

No sooner had the alarm of hostilities, which commenced be- 
tween the English and French, in the western part of Virginia, 
spread through the continent; than the Indians renewed their 
attacks on the frontiers of New-Hampshire.* A party of them 

(1) Franklin's Examination, l/fiG. 

t At tliis congress, a present from the crown was distributed to the Indians. 
The commissioners of New-Hampshire. Atkinson, Wil)ird, Sherburne and 
"Weare, by direction of the assembly, made them a separate present. It is a 
custom among the Si.\ Nations to give a /irtmr to tlieir benefactors on such oc- 
casions. The name which they gave to tlie province of New-Hampshire was 
So-sairtiax-ovmnc. I have inquired of the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, the meaning of 
this name: He informed me that 6'o signifies, again; saguar, a. visn ; and 
oiranf, large. 

* [On the Ifi May. Nathaniel Meloon, who had recently removed his fam- 
ily from the fort in Contoocook to Stovens-town, now the west part of Salis- 
bury, waa captured by the Indians, together witli his wife and four children, 



1754.] 



PROVINCE. BENNING VVENTWORTH. 3J| 



made an assault, on a f\iniily at Baker's-town, on Peinigewasset 
river ; where tliey killed a woman, and took several cap- . ^ ,- 
tives.* Within three days, they killed a man and woman 
at Steven's-town in the same neighborhood; upon which °' ^'" 
the settlements were broken up, and the people retired to tho 
lower towns lor safety, and the government was obliged to post 
soldiers in the deserted places.* After a few days more, a „ on 
they broke into the house of James Johnson, at Number- 
Four, early in the morning, before any of the family were awake ; 
and took him, with his wife and three children, her sister jNlifiani 
Willard, and two men, Peter Laboree and Ebenezer Farnsworih. 
The surprisal was complete and bloodless, and they carried them 
oft' undisturbed. The next day, Johnson's wife was delivered of 
a daughter, who from the circumstance of its birth was named 
Captive. The Indians halted one day, on the woman's account, 
and the next day resumed their march ; carrying her on a litter, 
which they made for the purpose, and afterwards put her on 
horse-back. On their march, they were distressed for provision ; 
and killed the horse for food. The infant was nourished, by 
sucking pieces of its flesh. When they arrived at Montreal, 
Johnson obtained a parole, of two months, to return and solicit the 

(1) Council minutes. 

viz. Rachel, John, Daniel and Sarah. Nathaniel his eldest son escaped. — 
Tliey were carried to Canada, and upon their arrival there, the children were 
separated, and sold to the P^rencli. Mr. Meloon and wife were permitted to 
live together, and their son Joseph, lately living in Salisbury, in this state, 
was born in their captivity in 175-5. After a servitude of more than three 
years in Canada, the parents, with their three sons, were shipped for France ; 
but on tiieir voyage, near the Grand Banks, were taken by tire British, and 
safely landed at Portland, in Maine, from whence they travelled by land, and 
returned home after an absence of four years, of tedious captivity. Their 
daughter Rachel, who was nine years when taken, returned after nine year;*, 
though much against her inclination. She had become much attached to the 
Indians, had learned their language and could sing their songs, and ever after 
retained a partialit}' for their manners and habits. Sarah the youngest child 
is supposed to have died soon after their arrival in Canada. Rachel the 
mother was the second woman who moved into the town of Salisbury. Sho 
lived until 1S04, wlien she died at the age of 94. Price, Hist, of Boscawen, 
113.— Coll. of N. PI. Hist. Soc. i"i. 2G.— Coll. of Farmer and Moore, ii. 37G.— 
Gazetteer of N. H. by do. 233. — Hough's Concord Courier, lJ;04. — MS. letter 
Moses Eastman, Esq.] 

*' [Tlie woman killed was the wife of Philip Call. Timothy Cook, son of 
Elisha Cook who was killed in 174G (see page 289.) was killed at the same 
time. The captives were Samuel Scribner and Robert Barber of Salisbury, 
wliow ere both sold to the French, and Enos Bishop of Boscawen, wlio arrive(i 
in thirteen days at St. Francois, and within eight weeks, was sold to a Frencii 
gentleman at Montreal for 300 livres. On the 26 September, the next year, 
he, with two others escaped from Montreal, and after travelling twenty-si.x: 
days, eighteen of which were without any food other than what the wilder- 
ness afforded them, he arrived at Charlestown, and from tlience returned to 
their friends. A sum of money had been raised for his ransom, but the per- 
son by whom it was sent, converted it to his own use. After liis return, Bish- 
op represented his sufferings to the general court, and received jG50 from tlie 
public treasury. Price, Hist. Boscawen, 113, 114. — Farmer and Moore, Hist. 
Coll. i. 02, 63.— Gazetteer of N. H. 233.— Papers in Secretary's office.] 



31-2 HISTORY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. [1754. 

means of rcilemplionJ He ap{)lied to the assembly of Nevv- 
„ J,. Hampshire, and after some delay obtained one luiiidred 
and fifiy pounds sterling.- But the season was so far ad- 
vanced, and the winter proved so severe, that he did not reach 
Canada till the spring. He was then charged with breaking his 
parole ; a great part of his money was taken I'rom him by violence ; 
and, he was shut up with his family in prison ; where they took 
the small pox, which they happily survived. After eighteen 
months, the woman, with her sister, and two daughters, were sent 
in a cartel ship to England ; and thence returned to Boston. — 
Johnson was kept in prison three years ; and then, with his son, 
returned and met his wife in Boston ; where he had the singular 
ill fortune, to be suspected of designs unfriendly to his country, 
aad was again imprisoned ; but no evidence being produced 
against him, he was liberated. His eldest daughter was retained 
in a Canadian nunnery. "^ 

The fort and settlement at Nimiber-Four, being in an exposed 
situation, required assistance and support. It had been built by 
Massachusetts when it was supposed to be within its limits. It 
was projected by Colonel Stoddard of Northampton, and was well 
situated, in connection with the other forts, on tlic western frontier, 
to command all the paths by w^hich the Indians travelled from 
Canada to New-England. It was now evidently in New-Hamp- 
shire ; and Shirley, by advice of his council, applied to Went- 
worth, recommending the future maintenance of tliat post, to the 
care of his assembly; but they did not think themselves interested 
in its preservation, and refused to make any provision for it. '' 
The inhabitants made several applications for the same purpose ; 
but were uniformly disappointed. They then made pressing re- 
monstrances to the assembly of IMassachusetts, who sent soldiers 
for the defence of that post, and of Fort-Dummer, till 1757; -5 
when they supposed that the commander in cbief of the king's 
forces would take them under his care, as royal garrisons. It 
•was also recommended to the assembly of New-Hampshire to 
;huild a fort at Cohos; but this proposal met the same fate. 

The next spring, three expeditions were undertaken against 
the French forts. One against Fort du Quesne, on the Ohio, 
-,^1-r was conducted by General Braddock ; who was defeated 
and slain. Another against Niagara, by Governor Shirley, 
which miscarried ; and a third against Crown-Point, by General 
•Johnson. For this last expedition, New-Hampshire raised five 
hundred men, and put them under the command of Colonel Jo- 
seph Blanchard.* The governor ordered them to Connecticut 

(1) Olcott's MS. letter. (2) Assembly records. (3) [Narrative of the cap- 
tivity of Mrs. Jolinson, in the. Collections of Farmer and Moore for 1822, vol. 
i. 17'7— 239.] (4) Shirley's MS. letters. (5) Massachusetts Records. 

* [Colonel Blanchard was of Dunstable, where he was born 11 February, 
1 705. He was appointed by mandamus, one of the counsellore of New-Hamp- 



1754.} PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWOllTII. 3] 3 

river, to build a fort at Cohos, siipposins; it to be in their way to 
Crown-Point. Tiicy first rnarclied to leaker's town, where they 
began to build balteaux, and consumed their time and provisions 
to no purpose. By Shirley's advice, they quitted that iutile em- 
ployment, and made a fiitiguing march through the woods, by the 
way of Number- Four, to Albany. Whilst Johnson lay encamped 
at Lake George, with his other forces, he posted the New-Hamp- 
shire regiment at Fort Edward. On the eighth of September, he 
was attacked in his camp, by Baron Dieskau, commanding a body 
of French regular troops, Canadians and savages. On the morn- 
mg of that day, a scouting party from Fort Edward discovered 
wagons burning in the road ; upon which Captain Nathaniel Fol- 
som was ordered out, with eiglity of the New-Hampshire regiment, 
and forty of New-York under Captain McGennis. When they 
came to the place, they found the wagoners and the cattle dead ; 
but no enemy was there. Hearing the report of guns, toward the 
lake, they hasted thither; and having approached within (wo miles, 
found the baggage of the French army, under the care of a guard, 
whom they attacked and dispersed. When the retreating army 
of Dieskau appeared, about four of the clock in the afternoon, 
Folsom posted his men among the trees, and kept up a well di- 
rected fire, till night ; the enemy retired, with great loss, and he 
made his way to the camp, carrying his own wounded, and several 
French prisoners, with many of the enemy's packs.^ This well- 
timed engagement, in which but six men on our side were lost, 
deprived the French army of their ammunition and baggage ; 
the remains of which were brought into camp the next day. - 
After this, the regiment of New-Hampshire joined the army. 
The men were employed in scouting, which service they perform- 
ed in a manner so acceptable, that no other duty was required of 
them. Pardes of them frequently went within view of the French 
fort at Crown-Point ; and at one time they brought off the scalp 
of a French soldier, whom they killed near the gate.^ 

After the engagement on the 8th of September, when it was 
found necessary to reinforce the army, a second regiment, of three 
hundred men, was raised in New-Hampshire, and put under the 
command of Colonel Peter Oilman. These men were as alert, 
and indefatigable as their brethren, though they had not opportu- 
nity to give such convincing evidence of it. The expedition was 
no farther pursued ; and late in autumn the forces were disbanded 
and returned home. 

(1) Folsom's information. (2) Johnson's printed letter. (3) Atkinson's 
MS. letters. 

shire in 1740, and sustained the office until his death, 7 April, 1758. He was 
distinguished as a land surveyor, and in conjunction with Rev. Samuel Lang- 
don, prepared a map of New-H.ampshire, which was published in 17CI, bein^ 
inscribed to the Hon. Charleg Townsend, his majestys secretary at war, and 
ona of the privy council.] 

42 



314 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPSHIRE. [1755. 

The exertions made for tlic reduction of Crown-Point, not 
only failed of their object, but provoked the Indians, to execute 
their mischievous designs, against the frontiers of New-Hamp- 
shire ; which were wholly uncovered, and exposed to their full 
force. Between the rivers Connecticut and St. Francis, there is 
a safe and easy communication by short carrying-places, with 
which they were perfectly acquainted. The Indians of that river, 
therefore, made frequent incursions, and returned unmolested 
with their prisoners and booty. 

At New-Hopkinton, they took a man and a boy ; but perceiv- 
ing the approach of a scouting party, they fled and left their cap- 
tives. At Keene, they took Benjamin Twitchel, and at Walpole 
they killed Daniel Twitchel, and a man named Flint. -^ At the 
same place. Colonel Bellows, at the head of twenty men met 
with a party of fifty Indians ; and having exchanged some shot, 
and killed several of the enemy, he broke through them and got 
into the fort ; not one man of his company being killed or wound- 
ed. f After a few days, these Indians, being joined by others to 
the number of one hundred and seventy, assaulted the garrison of 
John Kilburn, in which were himself, John Peak, two boys and 
several u-omen ; who bravely defended the house and obliged the 
enemy to retire, with considerable loss. Peak was mortally 
wounded. 2 J Some of these Indians joined Dieskau's army, and 

(1) Sumner"s MS. letter. (2) Fessenden's MS. letter. 

* [They had gone back to the hills, about a mile east from tlie settlement, 
to procure some timber for oars. One of them was scalped ; tlie other they 
cut open and took out his heart, cut it in pieces and laid them on his breast. 
Their bodies were buried near where tliey were found ; and a ridge of land, 
the west side of the road, about two miles nortli of Walpole village, towards 
Drewsville, points out the spot hallowed by the remains of tiie first victims of 
Indian massacre in the town of Walpole. Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc. ii. 51, 52.} 

i [It appears that Colonel Bellows and his men were returning home, each 
haviiig a bag of meal on his back. From the motions of the dogs, they sus- 
j)ected the near approach of the enemy. The colonel ordered all his men to 
throw oft" the meal, advance to an eminence before them, carefully crawl up 
the bank, spring upon their feet, give one wlioop, and then drop into the 
sweet fern. This manoeuvre had the desired effect; for as soon as tlie whoop 
was (riven, the Indians all arose from their ambush in a semicircle around the 
path Bellows was to follow. His men immediately fired which so disconcert- 
ed the plans and expectations of the Indians, that they darted away into the 
bushes witliout fa-ing a gun. Finding their number too great for his, tlie col- 
onel ordered his men to file off to the south and make for the fort. Ibid. ii. 
55, 50.] 

t [The defence of Kilbnrn's garrison, of which a particular account is given 
in the Coll. N. II. Hist. Soc. ii. 55 — 57, was one of tlie most heroic and suc- 
cessful efforts of personal courage and valor recorded in tlie annals of Indian 
warfare. The number of Indians was about 200, some accounts say 400, 
against whom, John Kilburn, his son John, in his If^th year, John Peak (whose 
name was erroneously ])rinted Pike in tlie former editions) and his son, and 
the wife and daughter of Kilburn, were obliged to contend for their lives. — 
The leader of the Indians, named Philip, was well acquainted with Kilburn, 
and having approached near the gnrrison and secured iiimself behind a tree, 
called out to those in the house to surrender. " Old John, young John," eaid 
he, " I know you, come out here : — We give you good quarter." " Quarter," 



1755.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTII. 315 

were in the battle at Lake George. At Number-Four, they killed 
a large number of cattle, and cut off the flesh. At Hinsdale, 
they attacked a party, who were at work in the woods ; killed 
John Hardiclay and John Alexander, and took Jonathan Colby. 
The others escaped to the fort. Within a few days afterward, 
they ambushed Caleb Howe, Hilkiah Grout, and Benja- 
min GafTield, as they were returning from their labor in 
the field. Howe was killed ; GafBeld was drowned in attempting 
to cross the river ; and Grout made his escape. The Indians 
went directly to Bridgman's fort, where the families of these un- 
fortunate men resided. They had heard the report of the guns, 
and were impatient to learn the cause. ]3y the sound of feet 
without, it being in the dusk of the evening, they concluded that 
their friends had returned, and too hastily opened the gate to re- 
ceive them ; when to their inexpressible surprise, they admitted 
the savages, and the three families, consisting of fourteen persons, 
were made captives.*^ 

After the defeat and death of Braddock, the chief connnand 
of the operations against the enemy fell into the hands of Shirley ; 

(1) Gay's MS. letter. 

vociferated Kilburn, with a voice of thunder, '• you black rascals, begone, or 
we'll quarter you." The Indians soon rushed forward to the attack, but were 
repulsed by Kilburn and his men, who were aided by the females in running- 
bullets and in loadins: their guns, of which they had several in the house. 
All the afternoon, one incessant firing was kept up till near sundown, when 
the Indians began to disappear ; and as the sun sunk behind the western hills, 
the sound of the guns, and the cry of the war whoop died away in silence. — 
Peak, by an imprudent exposure before the port hole, received a ball in his 
hip, which, for want of surgical aid, proved fatal on the 5th day. Kilburn 
lived to see the town of Walpole populous and flourishing, and his fourth 
generation on the stage. On a plain unpolished stone in Walpole burying 
ground is the following inscription : 

" In Memory 

of 

JOHN KILBURN, 

who departed this life for a better, April 8th, 1789, 

in his 85th year of his age. He was the first 

settler of this town in 1749." 

His son John spent the last years of his life in the town of Shrewsbury, 
Vermont, and died in 1822, at the same age of his father. Ibid. ii. 55 — 58. 
Rev. Mr. Fessenden in the letter referred to, says, " but four families settled 
in town until after the reduction of Canada."] 

* One of these, the wife of Caleb Howe, was thofair cajjtire, of whom such 
a brilliant account is given in the life of General Putnam, jtublislied by Col- 
onel Humphreys. She is still living at Hinsdale, and has obliged the author 
with a particular narrative of her sufferings and deliverance. This account, 
drawn up by the Rev. Mr. Gay. is too long to be here inserted, and too enter- 
taining to be abridged ; but will probably be published at some future time. 
[It appeared in the appendix to the iii. volume.] As to that part of the story, 
that tlie people of Hinsdale chose her to go to Europe, as theiragentin aca.se 
of disputed lands; it was never known or thought of by them till the life of 
Putnam appeared in jjrint. Gay's MS. letter. [Eunice, the wife of Benja- 
min Gaflield, after having been carried to Canada and sold tothe French, was 
sent to France, from th<mce to Englnnd, and froui FiUgland to Boston. (News- 
paper.) She afterwards married a Mr. Pratt, and lived until the present year 
(1830) when she died at Dana, in Maaeachusetts, at tiie age of 97.] 



31 G HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1756. 

who called another congress, at New- York, and planned another 
expedition against Crown-Point ; lor which j)nrpose, he called on 
the several governments to raise men and provide stores. A regi- 
ment was raised in New-Hampshire, the command of which was 
given to Colonel Nathaniel Meserve.* They also appointed two 
commissioners, Peter Oilman and Thomas VVestbrooke Waldron, 
who resided at Albany, to take care of die stores, whilst the regi- 
ment, with the other troops, assisted in building forts and batteaux. 
In the midst of this campaign, Shirley was superseded by the 
Earl of London ; but the summer passed away in fruitless labor j 
whilst the French, by their superior alertness, besieged and took 
tiie English fort at Oswego ; and the regiments of Shirley and 
Peppercll, who garrisoned it, were sent prisoners to France. " 
During this summer, the Indians killed Lieutenant Moses Willard, 
and wounded his son at Number-Four ; and took Josiah Foster, 
with his wife and two children, from Winchester. They also 
wounded Zebulon Stebbins, of Hinsdale, who, with Reuben 
Wright, discovered an ambush, and prevented the captivity of 
several persons for whom the Indians were lying in wait.^ 

The soldiers of New-Hampshire were so expert, in every ser- 
vice which required agility, and so habituated to fatigue and dan- 
ger ; that, by the express desire of Lord Loudon, three ranging 
companies were formed of themj who continued in service during 
the winter as well as the summer.''' The command of these com- 
panies was given to Robert Rogers, John Stark, and William 
Stark. They were eminently useful in scouring the woods, pro- 
curing intelligence, and skirmishing with detached parlies of the 
enemy. These companies were kept during the war, in the pay 
of the crown ; and after the peace, the officers were allowed half 
pay on the British establishment.* 

(1) Sliirley's letters. (2) July 25— Loudon's MS. letters. (3) Gay, Sum- 
ner and Olcott's MS. letters. (4) Lord Loudon's MS. letters. 

* [175(). From this period is to be dated the firstintroductionof printing in 
the province of New-Hampshire. A printing press was set up at Portsnioutli in 
August, this j'ear. by Daniel Fowle, from Boston, and the New-Hanijishire 
Gazette vfa.s issued by him on the seventh of October following. Dr. Tiiom- 
asin his History of Printing, vol. ii. p. 260, thus speaks of the establishment 
of the Gazette. '"'A Press having been established at Portsmouth, by Dan- 
iel Fowle, from Boston, he, in August, IT-jG, began the publication of a pub- 
lic journal, entitled tlie New-Hampshire Gazette." Froni the circumstance 
that the head of the iirst number of the Gazette, with the date, (August) is 
given by Dr. Tliomas, it might be supposed he had seen that number, or that 
some one who had seen it, had copied the head of it for him, with the true 
date. But the time given by him is evidently wrong, as will appear from the 
following printed note from Ames's Almanack for 1757, which was issued 
from tlie same press the same year the Gazette commenced. " The first 
PiiiNTi.vr. Press set up in Poktsmouth, New-Hampsiiire, was on Anirust 
175G ; The G.xzettk puhiishcd the Itk October ; and this Ai.ma.nack A'ovanbcr 
folloirimr." This pajier is still continued and is the oldest in New-England. 
The nmnber for 12 October, 1830, is marked Vol. LXXV. No. 48. About 
eighty diflerent newspapers have been publis'ied in New-Hampshire. Some 
ofthcm have had a very brief existence, while others have attained a respect- 



1757.] PROVINCE. BENNING AVENTWORTH. 317 

The next year, another Crown-Point expedition was projected 
by Lord Loudon. The crown was at the expense of stores 
and provisions, and required of the colonies, to raise, arm, |«C7 
clothe, and pay their quotas of men. Another regiment 
was raised in New-Hampshire, of which Meserve was command- 
er ; who went to Halifax with part of his regiment, a body of one 
hundred carpenters, and three companies of rangers, to serve un- 
der Lord Loudon, whilst the other part of the regiment under 
Lieutenant-Colonel GofTe, was ordered by General Webb, who 
commanded at the westward, in the absence of the Earl of Lou- 
don, to rendezvous at Number-Four. Before their arrival, a 
large party of French and Indians attacked the mills in that place, 
and took Sampson Colefax, David Farnsworth and Thomas Ad- 
ams.^ The inhabitants, hearing the guns, advanced to the mills ; 
but finding the enemy in force, prudently retreated. The enemy- 
burned the mills ; and in their retreat, took two other men, who 
were coming in from hunting, viz. Thomas Robbins and Asa Spaf- 
ford. Farnsworth and Robbins returned ; the others died in 
Canada. 

Gofl'e with his men marched through Number-Four and joined 
General Webb at Albany ; who posted them at Fort William Hen- 
ry, near Lake George, under the command of Colonel Munroe, 
of the thirty-fifth British regiment. The French General Mont- 
calm, at the head of a large body of Canadians and Indians, with 
a train of artillery, invested this fort ; and in six days, the 
garrison, after having expended all their ammunition, ca- "' 
pitulated ; on condition that they should not serve against the 
French for eighteen months. They were allowed the 
honors of war, and were to be escorted by the French ^' 
troops to Fort Edward, with their private baggage. The Indians, 
who served in this expedition, on (he promise of plunder, were 
enraged at the terms granted to the garrison ; and, as they march- 
ed out unarmed, fell upon them, stripped them naked, and mur- 
dered all who m.adc any resistance. The New-Hampshire regi- 
ment happening to be in the rear, felt the chief fury of the ene- 
my. Out of two hundred, eighty were killed and taken.^ 

(1) Olcott's MS. letters. (2) New-Hampshire Gazette, No. 49. 

able age. The tliree oldest, next to the Gazette, now published, are the 
Portsmouth Journal, marked on the 3 July, 1830, No. 27, Vol. XLI ; tiie J\c?c- 
Hnmpshire Sentinel, printed at Keene, which commenced in Marcli, 17t)t); 
and the Farmer's Cahinet. publislied at Amherst, which conimonccd 1 1 Nov- 
ember, 1802. The number of newspapers now (1830) printed in the state 
amounts to nineteen. 

175G. Ezekiel Flanders and Edward Emery were killed by the Indians, 
when huntiiiir beaver by New-found pond, between Bristol and Hebron, in 
tlie county of Grafton. The Indians afterwards informed, that one of them 
was shot when skinning a beaver in a camp, and the otJier shot at the same 
time, in sight of tlie camp, bringing in a beaveron liis bark. The next )'ear, 
Moses Jackman, of Boscnwen, who it \s believed is still living, was taken 
captive while on a visit at Mr. Cloughs in Canterbury. He'returned after a 
captivity of four years. Price, Hist, of Boscawen, 114, 115.J 



3 IS HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSIIIRE. [1757. 

This melancholy event threw the whole country into the deep- 
est consternation. Webb, who remained at Fort Edward, ex- 
pecting to be there attacked, sent expresses to all the provinces 
lor reinforcements. The French, however, did not pursue their 
advantage, but returned to Canada. A reinforcement of two 
hundred and fifty men was raised in New-Hampshire, under the 
conmiand of I\Iajor Thomas Tasli ;* which, by the orders of 
General Webb; was stationed at Number-Four. This was the 
first time that the troops of New-Hampshire occupied that im- 
portant post.' 

Hitherto the war had been, on our part, unsuccessful. The 
great expense, the frequent disappointments, the loss of men, of 
forts, and of stores, were very discouraging. The enemy's coun- 
try was filled with prisoners, and scalps, private plunder, and pub- 
lic stores and provisions, which our people, as beasts of burden, 
had conveyed to them. These reflections were the dismal enter- 
tainment of the winter. The next spring called lor fi'esh exer- 
tions ; and happily for America, the British ministry had been 
changed, and the direction of the war, in answer to the united 
voice of the people of England, was put into the hands of that 
decisive statesman, William Pitt. 

In his circular letter to the American governors, he assured 
them ; that to repair the losses and disappointments of the last 
-.f^ro inactive campaign, it was determined to send a formidable 
force, to operate by sea and land, against the French in 
America ; and he called upon them to raise ' as large bodies of 
* men, within their respective governments, as the number of in- 
' habitants might allow ;' leaving it to them, to form the regiments 
and to appoint ofticers at their discretion.- He informed them 
that arms, ammunition, tents, provisions, and boats would be fur- 
nished by the crown ; and he required the colonies to levy, clothe 
and pay their men ; assuring them that recommendations would 
be made to parliament ' to grant them a compensation.' 

Notwithstanding their former losses and disappointments, the 
assembly of New-Hampshire, on receiving diis requisition, cheer- 
fully voted eight hundred men for the service of the year.^ The 
regiment commanded by Colonel John Hart, marched to the west- 
ward, and served under General Abercrombie. A body of one hun- 
dred and eight carpenters, under the conduct of Colonel Meserve, 
enibarked for Louisburg, to serve at the second siege of that for- 
tress, under General Amherst. Unhappily the small pox broke 
out among them, which disabled them from service ; all but six- 

(1) MS. letters of Governor Wentworth. (2) Original MS. (3) Govern- 
or's proclamation, April 1. 

* [Major Thomas Tash was horn in Durham in 172"2. He was a brave otri- 
cer in both the Freimh and Revolutionary wars. At the close of the latter, 
he removed to New-Durham, where he died at the age of 87. Gazetteer of 
A'ew-Ilampshire, 105.] 



i 



1758.] PROVfiNCE. BENNIiNG WK.NTWORTIf. 319 

teen were seized at once, and these attended the sick.i Mcserve* 
and his eldest son died of this fatal disorder. This year was re- 
markable for the second surrender of Louisburg ; the unfortunate 
attack on the lines of Ticonderoga, where Lord Howe was killed ; 
the taking of Fort Frontenac by Colonel Bradstreet, and the de- 
struction of Fort du Quesne on the Ohio, the contention for 
which, began the war.f 

In the course of this year, the Indians continued to infest the 
frontiers. At Hinsdale, they killed Captain Moore, and his son ; 
took his family and burned his house. At Number-Four, they 
killed Asahcl Stebbins, and took his wife, with Isaac Parker and 
a soldier. The cattle of this exposed settlement, which fed 
chiefly in the woods, at a distance from the fort, often served the 
enemy for provisions." 

The next year, a similar requisition being made by Secretary 
Pitt, New-Hampshire raised a thousand men for the ser- ^ijrn 
vice, who were regimented under the command of Colon- 
el Zaccheus Lovewell, son of the famous parUsan, who lost his 
life at Pequawket.J This regiment joined the army at the west- 
ward, and served under General Amherst in the actual reduction 
of Ticonderoga and Crown-Point, and in building a new fortress 
at the last place. The success of this summer was brilliant, be- 
yond former example. The French fort at Niagara surrendered 
to General Johnson ; and the strong city of Quebec was taken by 
the British troops under General Wolfe, who, with the French 
General Montcalm, was slain in the decisive battle. 

When the British arms had obtained a decided superiority over 
the French, it was determined to chastise the Indians who had 
committed so many devastations on the frontiers of New- 
England. Major Robert Rogers'S, was despatched from 

(1) Amherst's printed journal, June 28. (2) Gay's and Olcott's MS. letters. 

* Colonel Meserve, was a gentleman of a fine meclianical genius. Being a. 
shipwright by profession, he attained to eminence in his business, and acquired 
a handsome fortune. His moral and social character was unblemished, and 
in the military line, he was highly respected. The Earl of Loudon had such 
a sense of his merit, as to present him a piece of plate, with an inscription, 
acknowledging ' his capacity, fidelity, and ready disposition, in the service of 
his country'.' New-Hampshire Gazette, No. 97. 

} [Tiiis important fortress was taken b}' the English on the 2-^ November, 
and in compliment to the popular minister of England at that time, was called 
Pittsburg.] 

t [Colonel Zaccheus Lovewell was a hrnf her o{ Captn.in John Lovewell, the 
hero of Pequawket. See Collections of Farmer and Moore, ii. C4.] 

§ [Major Rogers afler the pence went to England, and published his jour- 
nals of this war, in London in ITGG. He also published a Concise Account 
of North America in 8vo. London 17G5. In the Revolution he espoused thft 
side of the British, and was included in the act passed by the General Court 
of New-Hampshire, 1!) November, 1778, " to prevent the return to this State 
of certain persons therein named, and of others who have left, or shall leave 
this State, or either of the United States of America, and have joined, or shall 
join the enemies thereof"] 



320 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1759. 

Crown-Point by Gen. Amherst, with nbouttwo hundred rangers, to 
destroy the Indian village of St. Francis. After a fatiguing 
march of twenty-one days, he came within sight of the place, 
which he discorsred from the top of a tree, and iialied his 
* men at the distance of three miles. In the evening, he 
entered the village in disguise vvith two of his officers. The In- 
dians were engaged in a grand dance, and he passed through 
them undiscovered. Having formed his men into parties, and 
posted them to advantage ; he made a general assault, just before 
day, whilst the Indians were asleep. They were so completely 
surprised that little resistance could be made. Some were killed 
in their houses ; and of diose who attempted to flee, many were 
shot or tomahawked by parties placed at the avenues. The dawn 
of day disclosed a horrid scene ; and an edge was given to the 
fury of the assailants by the sight of several hundred scalps of 
their countrymen, elevated on poles, and waving in the air. ^ 
This village had been enriched with the plunder of the frontiers 
and the sale of captives. The houses were well furnished, and 
the church was adorned with plate. The suddenness of the at- 
tack, and the fear of a pursuit, did not allow much time for pil- 
lage ; but the rangers brought off such things as were most con- 
venient for transportation ; among which were about two hundred 
guineas in money, a silver image weighing ten pounds, a large 
quantity of wampum and clothing. Having set fire to the village, 
Rogers made his retreat up the river St. Francis, intending that 
his men should rendezvous at the upper Cohos, on Connecticut 
river. They took with them five English prisoners, whom they 
found at St. Francis, and about twenty Indians ; but these last 
they dismissed. Of the rangers, one man only was killed ; and 
six or seven were wounded. In their retreat, they were pursued, 
and lost seven men. They kept in a body for about ten days, 
passing on the eastern side of lake Memphremagog, and then scat- 
tered. Some found their way to Number-Four, after having suf- 
fered much by hunger and fatigue. Others perished in the 
woods, and their bones were found near Connecticut river, by die 
people, who after several years began plantations at the upper 
Cohos. 

After the taking of Quebec, the remainder of the season was 
too short to complete the reduction of Canada. The next sum- 

-^ mer. General Amherst made preparations to approach 
1700. 7\Jontreal, by three different routes; intending, with equal 
prudence and humanity, to finish the conquest, without the effu- 
sion of blood. For the service of this year, eight hundred men 
were raised in New-Hampshire, and put under the command of 
Colonel John Goffe. They marched, as usual, to Number- 
Four ; but instead of taking the old route, to Albany, they cut a 

(1) New-Hampshire Gazette, No. 1<>5. 



1760.1 PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 321 

road* through the woods, directly toward Crown-Poiiit. In this 
work, they made such despalcli, as to join that part of the 
army which Amherst had left at Crown-Point, twelve "^' " 
days hefore their embarkation. They proceeded down Uie lake, 
under the command of Colonel Haviland. The enemy made 
some resistance at Isle au Noix, which stopped their pro- 
gross for some days, and a few men were lost on both °' 
sides. ^ But this post being deserted, the forts of St. John and 
Chamblee became an easy conquest, and finally Montre- 
al capitulated. This event finished the campaign, and ^^' ' 
crowned Amherst with deserved laurels. f 

Whilst the New-Hampshire regiment was employed in cutting 
the new road, signs of hovering Indians were frequently discover- 
ed, though none were actually seen. But they took the family of 
Joseph Willard, from Number-Four, and carried them into I\ion- 
treal just before it was invested by the British army.^ 

The conquest of Canada, gave peace to the frontiers of New- 
Hampshire, after a turbulent scene of fifteen years ; in which, 
with very little intermission, they had been distressed by the ene- 
my. Many captives returned to their homes ; and friends who 
had long been separated, embraced eacli other in peace. The 
joy was heightened by this consideration, that the country of Can- 
ada, being subdued, could no longer be a source of terror and 
distress. 

The expense of this war, was paid by a paper currency. — 
Though an act of parliament was passed in 175 J, prohibiting the 
governors, from giving their assent to acts of assembly, made for 
such a purpose ; yet by a proviso, e;itraordinary emergencies 
were excepted. Governor Wentworth was slow to take advan- 
tage of this proviso, and construed the act in a more rigid sense 
than others ; but his friend Shirley helped him out of his difficul- 
ties. In 1755, paper bills were issued under the denomination 
of new tenor ; of which, fifteen shillings were equal in value to 
one dollar. Of this currency, the soldiers v:ere promised thirteen 
pounds ten shillings per month ; but it depreciated so much in the 
course of the year, that in the muster rolls, their pay was made 

(1) Macclintock's MS. journal. (2) Olcott's MS. letter. 

* This new road began at AVentworth's ferry, two miles above the fort at 
No. 4, and was cut 2() miles ; at the end of which, they found a f)ath. made 
the year before ; in which they passed over the mountains, to Otter-Creek ; 
where they found a good road, which led to Crown-Point. Their stores were 
brought in wagons, as for as the 2(5 miles extended ; and tJien transported on 
horses over the mountains. A drove of cattle for the supply of the array 
went from No. 4, by this route, to Crown-Point. 

t [1760. The towns of Amherst, Peterborough, Plawke, Boscawen, and 
Bath were incorporated. Peterborough had been settled as early as 1739, by 
a small number of Scotch Presbyterians. See nn account of this town in 
Farmer and Moore's Collections, i. 129 — 140. Amherst, Peterborough nnd 
Boscawen had many years before been granted by Massachusetts.] 

43 



322 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1760. 

up at fifteen pounds. In 1756, there was another emission from 
the same plates, and their pay was eighteen pounds. In 1757, it 
was twenty-five pounds. In 1758, they had twenty-seven shill- 
ings sterling. In die three succeeding years, they had thirty 
shillings sterling, hesides a hounty at the time of their enlistment, 
equal to one month's pay.^ At length, sterling money hecame 
the standard of all contracts ; and though the paper continued 
passing as a currency, its value was regulated by the price of 
silver, and the course of exchange. 

It ought to be remembered as a signal favor of divine provi- 
dence, that during this war, the seasons were fruitful, and the 
colonies were able to supply their own troops with provisions, and 
the British fleets and armies with refreshments of every kind 
-_^. which they needed. No sooner were the operations of 
the war in the northern colonies closed, than two years of 
scarcity succeeded; (1761 and 1762) in which the drought of 
summer was so severe, as to cut short the crops, and render 
supplies from abroad absolutely necessary. Had this calamity 
attended any of the preceding years of the war, the distress must 
have been extreme, both at home and in the camp. During the 
drought of 1761, a fire raged in the woods, in the towns of Ear- 
rington and Rochester, and passed over into the county of York, 
burning with irresistible fury for several weeks, and was not ex- 
tinguished till a plentiful rain fell, in August. An immense quan- 
tity of the best timber was destroyed by this conflagration.* 

For the succeeding part of the war, a smaller body of men was 
required to garrison the new conquests ; whilst the British troops 
^ _Po were employed in the West India islands. The success 
which attended their operations in that quarter, brought 
the war to a conclusion ; and by the treaty of peace, though 
many of the conquered places were restored, yet, the whole con- 
tinent of INorth-America remained to the British crown, and the 
colonies received a reimbursement of their expenses. 

The war being closed, a large and valuable tract of country, 
situated between New-England, New-York and Canada, was 
secured to the British dominions ; and it became the interest of 
the governors of both the royal provinces of New-Hampshire and 
New- York, to vie with each other, in granting diis territory and 
receiving the emoluments arising from this lucrative branch of 
their respective oflices. The seeds of a controversy on this 
subject hud been already sown. During the short peace which 

(1) Atkinson's MS. letters. 

* [1701 . The towns of Campton, Canaan, Dorchester, Enfield, Goffstown, 
Grantham, Groton, Hanover, Holderness, Lebanon, Lenipster, Lyman, 
Jjjme, Marlow, Newport, Orford, Plainfield and lliimney were incorporated 
by separate charters. 

17G2. Wilton, New-Ipswich and New-Durham were incorporated.] 



1762.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 323 

followed the preceding war, Governor Wentworth wrote to Gov- 
ernor Clinton, that he had it in command from the king, , _ .^ 
to grant the unimproved lands within his government; 
that the war had prevented that progress, which he had °'^' " 
hoped for in this business ; but that the peace had induced many 
people, to apply for grants in the western parts of New-Hamp- 
shire, which might fall in the neighborhood of New-York.^ He 
communicated to him a paragraph of his commission, describing 
the bounds of New-Hampshire, and requested of him a description 
of the bounds of Nevv-York.~ Before lie received any answer to 
this letter, Wentworth, presuming that New-Hampshire ought to 
extend as far westward as Massachusetts ; that is, to the distance 
of twenty miles east from Hudson's river, granted a township, six 
miles square, called Bennington ; situate twenty-four miles , -^o 
east of Hudson's river, and six miles north of die line of 
Massachusetts. Clinton having laid Wentworth 's letter before the 
council of New-York; by their advice answered him, that the 
province of New- York was bounded easterly by Connecticut 
river. ^ This claim was founded on a grant of King Charles the 
Second ; in which, ' all the land from the west side of Connecti- 
' cut river, to the east side of Delaware bay,' was conveyed to his 
brother James, duke of York ; by whose elevation to the throne, 
the same tract merged in the crown of England, and descended 
at the revolution to King William and his successors. The prov- 
ince of New- York had formerly urged this claim against the colony 
of Connecticut; but for prudential reasons had conceded that the 
bounds of that colony should extend, as far as a line drawn twenty 
miles east of Hudson's river. The like extent was demanded 
by Massachusetts ; and, though New- York affected to call this 
demand ' an intrusion,' and strenuously urged their right to extend 
eastward to Connecticut river ; yet the original grant of Massa- 
chusetts, being prior to that of the duke of York, was a barrier 
which could not easily be broken. These reasons, however, it 
was said, could be of no avail to the cause of New-Hampshire, 
whose first limits, as described in IMason's patent, did not reach 
to Connecticut river ; and whose late extent, by the settlement of 
the lines in 1741, was no farther westward than ' till it meets with 
* the king's other governments.' Though it was agreed, between 
the two governors, to submit the point in controversy to the king ; 
yet the governor of New-Hampshire, continued to make grants, 
on the western side of Connecticut river, till 1754; when ^,-rA 
the renewal of hostilities not only put a stop to applications ; 
but prevented any determination of die controversy by the crown. 
During the war, the continual passing of troops through those 
lands, caused the value of them to be more generally known ; 

(1) Council Minutes. (2) New-York printed Narrative. Appendix, No. 3. 
(3) New- Hampshire book of Charters. 



324 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1754. 

and when liy the conquest of Canada, tranquillity was restored, 
they were eagerly sought hy adventurers and speculators. Went- 
worth availed himself ot" this golden opi)ortunity, and by advice of 
his council, ordered a survey to be made of Connecticut river for 
sixty miles, and three lines of townships on each side, to be laid 
,_^. out. As applications increased, the surveys were extend- 
ed. Townships of six miles square were granted to va- 
" ^ rious petitioners ; and so rapidly did this work go on, that 
during the year 1761, not less than sixty townships were granted 
on the west, and eighteen on the east side of the river. Besides 
the foes and presents for these grants, which were undefined, a 
reservation was made for the governor, of five hundred acres in 
each township ; and of lots for public purposes.* These reser- 
vations were clear of all fees and charges. '^ The whole number 
.«^o of grants on the western side of the river, amounted to one 
hundred and thirty-eight ; and the extent was from Con- 
necticut river to twenty miles east of Hudson, as far as that river 
extended northerly ; and after that, westward to lake Champlain. 
The rapid progress of these grants filled the coffers of the governor. 
Those who had obtained the grants were seeking purchasers in 
all the neighboring colonies ; whilst the original inhabitants of 
Nev/-Hampshire, to whom these lands had formerly been prom- 
ised, as a reward for their merit in defending the country, were 

(1) Atkinson's MS. 

" [In most of the townships there was a reservation of a glebe of 350 acres, 
although tliere were but few EpiKCopalians in the province. P'roin a letter of 
Rev. itanna Cossit, written about the year 1773, some opinion may Ije formed 
respecting the condition of the Episcopal church in the western ])artof New- 
Hampshire at that period. He says there were " cliurch people settled scat- 
terin"- ibr above 150 miles on Connecticut river. The nearest of these to any 
clergyman is more than 130 miles. There are four towns in whicli the church 
people have met together the summer past, and read prayers and the best 
printed sermons they could get. The first of these towns is Jllstcad, where 
I assisted them two Sundays. They vvero very poorly furnished with prayer 
books and all others, and begged me to ask the society to give them some ; 
they being newly settled, were unable to buy. The next is Clarcinont, about 
30 miles above, where Esq. [Samuel] Cole, the society's schoolmaster hath 
instructed so well in the church service, and likewise in singing, that I must 
say I never was at any place, where I thought divine service was performed 
with greater decency and sincerity. Seven miles west of this is S/jringjicId, 
in New-York government, where sundry families of the establishment meet 
and read prayers, but are very poorly furnished with books. Twenty-four 
miles above, Dr. Wheelock hatli a college, and informs the church people 
that he will supply them with ministers. There is a considerable number of 
church people opposite ]3r. Wheelock on N. York side of the river, and some 
on the same side with him, who constantly meet and read prayers among 
themselves. Forty miles above this is Harcr/iHI, where the summer past 
they read prayers, and liere. Gov. Wontworth intended I should make my 
head ((Uarters, if it lileasifd the society to nial;e me their missionary in those 
parts. I lore tiiej' are poorly furnished with books and desired me to beg the 
society to give them some." Mr. Cossit sailed for England for holy orders 
in December, 1772, and was ordained the next year by Uie bishop of London. 
He settled at Claremont as the first Episcopal minister of that place, from 
whence ho was recalled by the bishop to the island of Cape-Breton in 1785. 
He died at Yarmouth in Nova-Scotia in 18f5, aged 75.] 



1763.1 PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTII. 325 

overlooked in the distribution ; unless they were disposed to apply 
in the same manner, as persons from abroad ; or unless they 
happened to be in favor. When remonstrances were njade to the 
governor on this subject, his answer was, that the people of the 
old towns had been formerly complimented with grants in Chi- 
chester, Barnstead and Gilmanton,* which they had neglected to 
improve ; and that the new grantees were better husbandmen and 
would promote the cultivation of the province. ^ 

The passion for occupying new lands rose to a great height. 
These tracts were filled with emigrants from Massachusetts and 
Connecticut. Population and cultivation began to increase with 
a rapidity hitherto unknown ; and from this time may be dated 
the flourishing state of New-Hampshire ; which before had been 
circumscribed and stinted in its growth, by the continual danger 
of a savage enemy. f 

The grants on the western side of Connecticut river, alarmed 
the government of New- York ; who, by their agent, made appli- 
cation to the crown, representing ' that it would be greatly to the 
' advantage of tlie people setded on those lands, to be annexed to 
' New- York;' and submitting the cause to the royal decision. ^ 
In the mean time, a proclamation was issued by Lieuten- j^^^ gg 
ant-Governor Colden, reciting the grant of King Charles 
to the duke of York ; asserUng the jurisdiction of New- York as 
far eastward as Connecticut river ; and enjoining the sheriff of 
the county of Albany, to return the names of all persons, who, 
under color of the New-Hampshire grants, held possession of 
lands westward of that river. This was answered by a i^-g^ 
proclamation of Governor Wentworth, declaring the grant j^j^^. jg' 
to the duke of York to be obsolete, and that the western 
bounds of New-Hampshire were co-extensive with those of Mas- 
sachusetts and Connecticut; encouraging the grantees to maintain 
their possessions, and cultivate their lands; and commanding civil 
officers to execute the laws ancljounish disturbers of the peace. 

The application from New-York was referred to the board of 
trade ; and upon their representation, seconded by a report of a 
committee of the privy council, an order was passed, by jyj oq 
the king in council ; declaring ' the western banks of Con- 
' necticut river, from where it enters the province of JMassachu- 
' setts-Bay, as far north as the forty-fifth degree of latitude, to be 

(!) Information of the late P. Oilman and M. Weare. (2) Ethan Allen's 
Narrative, 1774, p. 1. 

* [This town was granted in 1727 to 24 persons of the name of Gilman and 
152 others. Its permanent settlement did not commence until 27 December, 
1701. See Coll. of Farmer and Moore, i. 72 — 79.] 

t [I7(j3. The towns of New-Boston, Haverhill, Croydon, Cornish, Thorn- 
ton, Warren, Plymouth, Lancaster, Alstead, Peeling, Sandwich, Candia, Gil- 
sum and Wentworth were incorporated. 

17G4. Clax-emont, Unity, Lincoln, Coventry, Franconia, Poplin, Lynde- 
* borough, Weare, Piermont and Newington were incorporated.] 



32G HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1764. 

* the boumlary line, between the two provinces of New-Hamp- 

* shire and New-York.'^ 

This decree, like many other judicial determinations, while it 
closed one controversy, opened another. The jurisdiction of the 
governor of New-Hampshire, and his power of granting land, 
were circumscribed by the western bank of Connecticut river ; 
but the grantees of the soil, Ibund themselves involved in a dispute 
widi the government of New-York. From die words to be, in 
the royal declaration, two very opposite conclusions were drawn. 
The government supposed them to refer to the time past, and 
construed Uiem as a declaration that the river always had been 
the eastern limits of New- York ; consequently, that the grants 
made by the governor of New-Hampshire, were invalid, and that 
the lands might be granted again. The grantees understood the 
words in the future tense, as declaring Connecticut river from that 
time to he the line of jurisdiction only, between the two provinces; 
consequently that their grants, being derived from the crown, 
through the medium of one of its governors, were valid. To the 
jurisdiction, they would have quietly submitted, had no attempt 
been made to wrest from them their possessions. These oppo- 
site opinions, proved a source of litigation foi' ten succeeding 
years ; but, as this controversy belongs to the history of New- 
York, it is dismissed, with one remark only. That though it was 
carried on with a degree of virulence, unfriendly to the i)rogress 
of civilization and humanity, within the disputed territory; yet it 
called into action, a spirit of vigorous self-defence, and hardy en- 
terprise, which prepared the nerves of that people for encounter- 
ing the dangers of a revolution, more extensive and beneficial. 



CHAPTER XXUI. 

Beginning of tlie controversy with Great-Britain. Stamp act. Resignation 
of Benning Wentwortli. 

From the earliest establishment of the American colonies, a 
jealousy of their independence had existed among the people of 
Great-Britain. At first, this apprehension was perhaps no more 
than a conjectin-e founded on the vicissitude of human affairs, or 
on their knowledge of those emigrants who came away from 
England, disgusted with die abusive treatment which they had 
endured at home. But from whatever cause it arose, it was 
strengthened by age ; and the conduct of the British government 

(1) Original MS. 



1760.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTII. 227 

toward America, was frequently influenced by it. ]n the roisn 
of James tlie First, ' speculative reasoners raised objections to 
' the planting of these colonies; and foi'etold, that after draining 
' the mother country of inhabitants, they would shake off her yoke 
' and erect an independent government.'^ Some traces ol' this 
jealousy appeared in every succeeding reign, not excepting that 
of William, whom America, as well as Britain, was proud to style 
' our great deliverer.' But it became moit evident, and began 
to produce its most pernicious effects, at a time when there was 
the least reason for indulging the idea. 

During the administration of Pitt, a liberal kind of policy had 
been adopted toward the colonies ; which being crowned with 
success, had attached us* more firmly than ever, to the kingdom 
of Britain. We were proud of our connexion with a nation 
whose flag was triumphant in every quarter of the globe ; and by 
whose assistance we had been delivered from the danger of our 
most formidable enemies, the French in Canada. The ,.-^^ 
accession of George the Third, at this critical and impor- 
tant era, was celebrated here, with as true a zeal and loyalty, as 
in any part of his dominions. W^e were fond of repeating every 
plau(ht, which the ardent afi^ection of the British nation bestowed 
on a young monarch, rising to the throne of his ancestors, and 
professing to ' glory in the name of Briton.' At such a time, 
nothing could have been more easy, than by pursuing the system 
of commercial regulation, already estal)lisl)ed, and continuing tho 
indulgencies which had been allowed, to have drawn the whole 
profit of our labor and trade, into the hands of British merchants 
and manufacturers. This would have prevented a spirit of enter- 
prise in the colonies, and kept us in as complete subjection and 
dependence, as the most sanguine friend of the British nation 
could have wished. 

We had, among ourselves, a set of men, who, ambitious of 
perpetuating the rank of their families, were privately seek- _^o 
ing the establishment of an American JVohility ; out of 
which, an intermediate branch of legisladon, between the royal and 
democratic powers, should be appointed. ^ Plans were drawn, and 
presented to the British ministry, for new modeling our governments 
and reducing their powers ; whilst the authority of parliament should 
be rendered absolute and imperial. The military gentlemen of 
Britain, who had served here in the war, and on whom, a pro- 
fusion of grateful attention had been bestowed, carried home re- 
ports of our wealth; whilst the sons of our merchants and plant- 

(1) Hume. (2) Bernard's select letters. Oliver's letters. 

* Though it may be accounted a deviation from the proper style of history, 
for the author to speak in the first person ; yet he hopes to be excused in ex- 
pressing the feelings of an American, whilst he relates the Jiistory of Ids own 
time, and his own country. 



328 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSrilRE. [1763. 

ors, who wont to England for their education, exhibited specimens 
of piodii;a]ity which confii'nicd the idea. During the war, there 
had been a great influx of money ; and at the conckision of it, 
British goods were largely imported ; by which means, the cash 
went back again with a rapid circulation. 

In no age, perha[)s, excepting that in which Rome lost her lib- 
erty, was the spirit of venality and corruj)tion so prevalent as at 
this time, in Britain. Exhausted by a long war, and disgraced 
by a peace v;hich deprived her of her most valuable conquests, 
the national supplies were inadequate to the continual drain of 
the exchequer.^ A new ministry, raised on the ruin of that by 
which America was conquered and secured, looked to this coun- 
try as a source of revenue. But, neglecting the ' principles of 
' law and polity,' which had been early suggested to them by an 
oflicious correspondent; and by which they might have gradually 
and silently extended their system of corruption into America ; 
they planned measures by which they supposed an addition to the 
revenues of Britain might be drawn from America ; and the 
pretence was, ' to defray the expenses of protecting, defending 
' and securing it.'~ The fallacy of this pretence was easily seen. 
If we had not done our part toward the protection and defence of 
our country, why were our expenditures reimbursed by parlia- 
ment .'' The truth is, that during the whole war, we had exerted 
ourselves beyond our ability ; relying on a promise from a secre- 
tary of state, that it should be recommended to parliament to 
make us compensation. It was recommended ; the compensation 
was honorably granted, and gratefully received. The idea of 
drawing that money from us again by taxes to repay the charges 
of our former defence, was unjust and inconsistent. If the new 
conquests needed protection or defence, those who reaped the 
gain of their commerce, or enjoyed the benefit of grants and ofli- 
ces within those territories, might be required to contribute their 
aid. Notwithstanding this pretext, it was our opinion, that the 
grand object was to provide for dependents, and to extend the 
corrupt and venal principle of crown influence, through every part 
of the British dominions. However artfully it was thrown out, 
that the revenue to be drawn from us would ease the taxes of our 
brethren in Britain, or diminish the load of national debt ^ it was 
not easy for us to believe that the ministry had either of these 
objects sincerely in contemplation. But if it had been ever so 
equitable that we should contribute to discharge the debt of the 
nation, incurred by the preceding war ; we supposed that the 
monopoly and control of our commerce, which Britain enjoyed, 
was a full equivalent for all the advantages, which we reaped 
from our political connexion with her. 

<1) History of the minority, 17G5, page 28G. (2) Bernard's select letters. 



I7G3.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 339 

The same gazette, which contained the definitive treaty of 
peace, announced the intentions of die British ministry to quarter 
troops in America, and support them at our expense. ^ Tl ' 
money was to be raised by a duty on foreign sugar and molasses,, 
and by stamps on all papers legal and mercantile. These inten- 
tions were at first thrown out in the form of resolves, and aftei - 
ward digested into acts of parliament. The first of these t^^^ 
acts, restricting the intcicourse which the American colo- 
nies had enjoyed with the West-India islands, caused a general 
uneasiness and suspicion, but was viewed as a regulation of trade, 
and was submitted to, though with reluctance. The eflect of thi:j 
act was to call forth a spirit of frugality, particularly in the intro- 
duction of a less expensive mode of conducting funerals. Peti- 
tions and remonstrances were sent to England by some of the 
colonies; but instead of any redress, a new act of parliament was 
made for raising a revenue by a general stamp duty tiu'ough all 
the American colonies. The true friends of constitutional liberty 
now saw their dearest interests in danger ; from an assumption 
of power in the parent state to give and grant the property of the 
colonists at dieir pleasure. Even those who had been seeking 
alterations in the colonial governments, and an establishment of 
hereditary honors, plainly saw that the ministry were desirous of 
plucking the fruit, before they had grafted the stock on which it 
must grow.^ To render the new act less odious to us, some of 
our fellow citizens were appointed to distribute the stamped paper, 
which was prepared in England and brought over in bales. The 
framers of the act boasted that it was so contrived as to execute 
itself; because no writing could be deemed legal without the 
stamp ; and all controversies which might arise, were to be de- 
termined in the courts of admiralty, by a single judge, entirely 
dependant on the crown. 

This direct and violent attack on our dearest privileges at first 
threw us into a silent gloom ; and we were at a loss how to pro- 
ceed. To submit, was to rivet the shackles of slavery on ourselves 
and our posterity. To revolt, was to rend asunder the most 
endearing connexion, and hazard the resentment of a powerful 
nation. In this dilemma, the house of burgesses in Vir- .^-, 
ginia, passed some spirited resolves, asserting the rights of jyj 23" 

their country, and denyine; the claim of parliamentary tax- ^ 

rtM 1 1 i- AT 1 ./ J June 6. 

ation. 1 he assembly oi Massachusetts proposed a con- 
gress of deputies from each colony, to consult upon our common 
interest, as had frequently been practised in times of common 
danger. Several speeches made in parliament by opposers of 
the stamp-act were reprinted here ; in one of which the Ameri- 
cans were styled ' sons of liberty,' and the speaker^ ventured, 

(1) New-Hampshirp Gazette, May 27. (2) Bernard's select letters.— 

(3) Colonel Baxre. 

44 



330 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1766. 

iom his personal knowledge of this country, to foretel our oppo- 
sition to the act. 

The spirit of the Virginian resolves, like an electric spark, 
diffused itself instantly and universally j and the cautious proposal 
of Massachusetts was generally approved. The anxious mind, 
resting on the bold assertion of constitutional rights, looked forward 
with pleasure, to the time when an American congress would 
unite in a successful defence of them. The title ' sons of liberty,' 
was eagerly adopted by associations in every colony ; determining 
to carry into execution the prediction of him, who with such noble 
energy, had espoused the cause of our freedom. They began the 
opposition at Boston ; by publicly exhibiting effigies of the enemies 
of America, and obliging the stamp-officer to resign his employ- 
ment. The popular commotions in that town were afterward 
carried to an unjustifiable excess ; but the spirit of opposition 
animated the body of the people in every colony. 

The person appointed distributor of stamps for New-Hamp- 
shire, was George Meserve, son of the late colonel, who died at 
Louisburg. He received his appointment in England, and soon 
after embarked for America, and arrived at Boston. Before he 
landed, he was informed of the opposition which was 

^^ ■ * making to the act ; and that it would be acceptable to the 
people if he would resign, which he readily did, and they wel- 
g JO comed him on siiore. An exhibition of effigies at Ports- 
mouth had prepared the minds of the people there for his 
^^P*' ^ reception ; and at his coming to town, he made a second 
resignation, on the parade, before he went to his own house. 
_^ This was accepted with the usual salutation ; and every 

^^ ' one appeared to be satisfied with the success of the popu- 
lar measures. Soon after, the stamped paper destined for New- 
Hampshire arrived at Boston in the same vessel with that intended 
for Massachusetts ; but there being no person in either province 
who had any concern w-ith it, it was, by the order of Governor 
Bernard, lodged in tlie castle. 

The stamp-act was to commence its operation on the first day 
of November ; previously to which, the appointed congress was 
formed at New- York, consisting of delegates from the assemblies 
of Massachusetts, Kliode-Island, Connecticut, New- York, New- 
Jersey, Pennsylvania, the Delaware counties, Maryland and 
South-Carolina. Having, like the congress at Albany in 1754, 
formed themselves in geographical order ; they framed a bill of 
rights, for the colonies ; in which the sole power of taxation was 
declared to be in their own assemblies. They prepared three 
distinct addresses to the king, lords and commons, stating their 
grievances, and asking for redress. These were subscribed by 
the delegates of six colonies ; the others who were present were 
not empowered to sign ; but reported their proceeding to their 



17G5.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTII. 331 

constituents, who approved them in assembly, and forwarded their 
petitions. No delegates went from New-Hampshire to this Con- 
gress ; but the assembly at their next meeting adopted the same 
measures, and sent similar petitions to England, which they com- 
mitted to Barlow Trecothick, their agent, and John Wentworth, 
a young gentleman of Portsmouth, wlio was then in England, to 
be by them presented to the king and parliament.^ These meas- 
ures were the most respectful and prudent which could be devised ; 
and were attended with some prospect of success from a change 
which had been made in the British ministry. 

In the mean time, the newspapers were filled with essays, in 
which every plea for and against the new duties was amply dis- 
cussed. These vehicles of intelligence were doomed to be load- 
ed w'ith a stamp ; and the piinters felt themselves interested in 
the opposition. On the last day of October, the New-Hampshire 
Gazette appeared with a mourning border. A body of people 
from the country approached the town of Portsmouth, under an 
apprehension that the stamps would be distributed ; but being 
met, by a number from the town, and assured that no such thing 
was intended, they quietly returned. The next day, the bells 
tolled, and a funeral procession w^asmade for the Goddess ^^^ j 
of Liberty ; but on depositing her in the grave, some signs 
of life were supposed to be discovered, and she was carried off in 
triumph. By such exhibitions, the spirit of the populace was 
kept up ; though the minds of the most thoughtful persons were 
filled with anxiety. 

It was doubtful, whether the courts of law could proceed with- 
out stamps; and it was certain that none could be procured. 
Some licentious persons began to think that debts could not be 
recovered, and that they might insult their creditors with impunity. 
On the first appearance of this disorderly spirit, associations were 
formed at Portsmouth, Exeter and other places, to support the 
magistrates and preserve the peace. The fifth of November had 
always been observed as a day of hilarity, in remembrance of the 
powder-plot. On the following night, a strong guard was kept in 
Portsmouth. By these precautions, the tendency to riot was 
seasonably checked, and no waste of property or personal insult 
was committed ; though some obnoxious characters began to 
tremble for their safety.* 

"When Meserve arrived, the people supposed that he had brought 
his commission with him, and were content that it should remain 
iu his own hands, being rendered void by his resignation. But, 

(1) Assembly Records. 

* [17Go. Raymond, Conway, Concord, the seat of government, and form- 
erly Pcnacook, Dunbarton and Hopkinton were incorporated. 

1766. Deerfield, Burton, Eaton, Lee, Tamworth and Acworth were incor- 
porated.] 



332 HISTORY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. [1765. 

in fact, he did not receive it till after the time fixed for the ope- 
ration of the act. Having shown his instructions to the governor, 
and some other puhlic officers, it was suspected that he intended 
' to commence the execution of his office.' The sons of hberty 
- ,^c.r were alarmed ; they assembled by beat of drum, and 
obliged him publicly to deliver up his commission and in- 
^ ■ ■ structions ; which they mounted on the point of a sword, 
and carried in triumph through the town. An oath was admin- 
istered to him by Justice Clagett,* purporting that he would 
neither directly nor indirectly attempt to execute his office. The 
master of a shij), then ready to sail for England, was also sworn 
to deliver the packet containing the commission and instructions, 
as it was directed. It was first addressed to the commissioners 
of the stamp-office in London ; but afterward it was enclosed in 
a letter to the agents of the province, referring the disposal of it 
to their discretion. It happened to arrive, when great exertions 
were making, and a strong probability existed, of the repeal of the 
stamp-act. The agents therefore concealed the packet, and liad 
the good fortune to suppress the intelligence of all these proceed- 
ings ; that no irritation might ensue to prevent the expected repeal. 

During all these commotions. Governor Wentworth was silent. 
The ministry, either by accident or design, had neglected to send 
authentic copies of the stamp-act, to some of the American gov- 
ernors, and to him among others. There had been no tumults, 
which rendered his interposition necessary. He was in the de- 
cline of life, and his health was much impaired. His fortune was 
made, and it lay chiefly in his native country. One of the reasons 
given, for the removal of his predecessor, was, that he had en- 
joyed his office ten years. Mr. Wentwordi had been twenty-five 
years in the chair, and expected soon to be superseded. It was 
therefore his interest, not to put himself forward in support of un- 
popular measures. His example was followed by most of the 
gentlemen in the province, who held offices under the crown. If 
any of them were secretly in favor of the act, they were restrained 
by fear, from contradicting openly the voice of the people. 

The popular spirit was sufficiently roused to join in any meas- 
ures which might be necessary for the defence of liberty. All 
fear of the consequence of proceeding in die public business with- 
out stamps, was gradually laid aside. The courts of law, and 
custom houses were kept open. Newspapers circulated, and 

* [Wyseinan Clagett, who then resided at Portsmouth. He was born and 
educated in England, and admitted a barrister at law in the court of the king's 
bench. Ho came soon after to this country ; was admitted to the bar of th« 
puperior court of New-Hampshire, and was some time tlie king's attorney 
general ; was one of tlie council in the time of the revolution, and a represen- 
tative in the general court from Litchfield, where he died 4 December, 1784, 
aged 63 years and 4 montlis. A valuable memoir of this gentleman, written 
by the Hon. Charles H. Atherton, of Amherst, is amonj the files of the N. H. 
Hist. Society.] 



176G.] PROVINCE. BENxNING WENTWORTH. 933 

licenses for marriage, without stamps, were publicly advertised. 
As it was uncertain, what might be the event of the petitions to 
the king and parliament, it was thought best, to awaken the atten- 
tion of the merchants and manufacturers of England, by an agree- 
ment to import no goods, until the stamp-act should be repealed. 
To provide for the worst, an association was formed by the ' sons 
of liberty' in all the nordiern colonies, to stand by each other, and 
unite their whole force, for the protection and relief of any who 
might be in danger, from the operation of this, or any other op- 
pressive act. The letters which passed between them, on this 
occasion, are replete with expressions of loyalty and aftection to 
the king, his person, family and authority. ^ Had there been any 
disafiectioii to the royal government, or desire to shake off our 
allegiance, where would the evidence of it be more likely to be 
found, than in letters which passed between bodies of men, who 
were avowedly endeavoring, to form a union, to resist the usurped 
authority of the British lords and commons ?* 

The idea which we entertained of our political connexion with 
the British empire, was, that the king was its supreme head ; that 
every branch of it was a perfect state, competent to its own inter- 
nal legislation, but subject to the control and negative of the sove- 
reign ; that taxation and representation were correlative, and 
therefore, that no part of the empire could be taxed, but by its 
own representatives in assembly. From a regard to the general 
interest, it was conceded, that the parliament of Great-Britain, 
representing the first and most powerful branch of the empire, 
might regulate the exterior commerce of die whole. In Britain, 
the American governments were considered as corporations, ex- 
isting by the pleasure of the king and parliament, who had a right 
to alter or dissolve them. Our laws were deemed by-laws ; and 
we were supposed to be, in all cases of legislation and taxation, 
subject to the supreme, undefined power of the Briush parliament. 
Between claims so widely different, there was no arbitrator to 
decide. Temporary expedients, if wisely applied, might have 
preserved peace ; but the most delicate and judicious manage- 
ment was necessary, to prevent irritation. 

When the commotions which had happened in America, were 
known in England, a circular letter was written to the several 
governors, by Secretary Conway,- in which it was ' hoped that 
' the resistance to the authority of the mother country, had only 

(1) MS. letters of the sons of liberty. (2) October 24, 1765. 

* From an intimate acquaintance witii many persons, of all ranks, who were 
instrumental of coiiductiiijv tin; American revolution, throufrh all its stages ; 
and from a perusal of many of their confidential letters ; the author of thesei 
sheets is fully satisfied, that the public professions of loyalty, made by his 
countrymen, were sincere ; and that the most determined opposers of the 
claims of parliament, were very far from desiring a disunion cf the British 
empire, till they wera driven to it by necessity. 



334 H16TORY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. [1766. 

* found place among tlic lower and more ignorant of the people.' 
To the constiliUional authority (as we understood it) of the king 
and parliament, there had been no resistance ; but to the assumed 
authority, of our fellow subjects in Britain, over our property, the 
resistance began, and was supported by^ the representatives of the 
people, in their assemblies. Those who appeared under the 
name of * the sons of liberty' were chiefly tradesmen of reputa- 
tion, who were occasionally assisted by lawyers, clergymen, and 
other persons of literary abilities. The writings of Sidney and 
Locke were produced, in evidence of the justice of our claims ; 
and the arguments which had forraerh^been used in England, 
against the usurpations of the liouse of Stuart, were adopted and 
repeated by us, in favor of our rights and liberties. Political 
inquiries were encouraged, and the eyes of the people were open- 
ed. Never was a sentiment more generally adopted, on the full- 
est conviction, than that we could be constitutionally taxed by 
none but our own representatives ; and that all assumption of this 
power, by any other body of men, was usurpation which might be 
lawfully resisted. 

The petitions of the American assemblies, enforced by the 
agreement for non-importation, and aided by the exertions of the 
British merchants and manufacturers, induced the new ministry 
to recommend to parliament, a repeal of the odious stamp-act. 
Mar 18 ^' ^^^^ accordingly repealed ; not on the true principle of 
' its repugnancy to the rights of America ; but on that of 
political expediency. Even on this principle, the repeal could be 
obtained by no other means ; than by passing, at the same time, 
a declaratory act, asserting the right and power, of the British 
parliament, ' to hind America, in all cases whatsoever,' and an- 
nulling all the resolutions of our assemblies, in which diey had 
claimed the right of exemption from parliamentary taxation. 

The rejoicings which were occasioned by the repeal of the 
stamp-act, in this country, were extravagantly disproportioned to 
the object. We felt a transient relief from an intolerable burden; 
but the claim of sovereign power, in our fellow subjects, to take 
our property, and abridge our liberty at their pleasure, was es- 
tablished by law. Our only hope was, that they would profit by 
their recent experience ; and whilst they enjoyed the pride of 
seeing their claim exist on paper, would suspend the exercise of 
it in future. 

With the repealing and declaratory acts, a circular letter came 
from Secretary Conway ; in which, ' the lenity and tenderness, 
' the moderation and forbearance of the parliament toward the 
' colonies' were celebrated in the language of panegyric, and we 
were called upon, to show our 'respectful gratitude and cheerful 
' obedieuce,' in return for such a ' signal display of indulgence and 



1766.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 335 

' affection.' This letter enclosed a resolution of parliament, that 
those persons who had ' suffered any injury or damage,' in con- 
sequence of their assisting to ' execute the late act, ought to be 
' compensated by the colonies, in which such injuries were sus- 
' tained.' 

When Governor Wentworth laid this letter before the assembly, 

he told them ' with pleasure and satisfaction, that he had j „_ 
... /• I • 1 • 1 1 5 Tif 1 June 25. 

* no requisition ot this kind to make. JMeserve, however, 

applied to the assembly to grant him a compensation for the in- 
juries which he said he had suffered. A committee, being ap- 
pointed to inquire into the ground of his petition, reported, ' that 
' he had suffered no real damage either in person or property ; 
' but that when any danger had been expected, guards had been 
' appointed to protect him.' Upon this report, his petition was 
dismissed. He afterwards went to England and obtained the of- 
fice of collector of the customs. 

At this session the assembly prepared a respectful address to 
the king and both houses of parliament, on account of the repeal ; 
which was sent to England, at the same time that the stamped 
paper and parchment, which had been deposited at the castle in 
Boston, w^ere returned. 

Complaints had been made in England against some of the 
American governors, and other pubhc officers, that exorbitant 
fees had been taken for the passing of patents for land ; and a 
proclamation had been issued by the crown and published in the 
colonies, threatening such persons with a removal from office. 1 
Governor Wentworth was involved in this charge. He had also 
been accused of negligence in corresponding with the king's 
ministers ; of informality and want of accuracy in his grants of 
land; and of passing acts of assembly respecting private proper- 
ty, without a suspending clause ' till his majesty's pleasure could 
' be known.' In his office of surveyor-general, he had been 
charged with neglect of duty, and with indulging his deputies in 
selling and wasting the king's timber. By whom these complaints 
were made, and by what evidence they were supported, 1 have 
not been able to discover. Certain it is, that such an impression 
was made on the minds of the ministry, that a resolution was 
taken to remove him ; but the difficulties attending die stamp-act, 
caused a delay in the appointment of a successor. When the 
ferment had subsided, the attention of the ministry was turned to 
this object. John Wentworth, son of Mark Hunking Wentworth, 
and nephew of the governor, was then in England. He had ap- 
peared at court, as a joint agent with Mr. Trecothick in present- 
ing the petition of the province against the stamp-act. He had 
become acquainted with several families of high rank and of his 
own name in Yorkshire, and in particular, with the marquis of 

(1) New-Hampehire Gazette, Aug. 20, 1764. 



336 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [17C0. 

Rockingham, then at tlie head of the ministry. By his indul- 
gence, Mr. Wentworth prevailed to soften the rigor of government 
against his uncle. Instead of being censured and removed from 
office, he was allowed opportunity to resign, and the appearance 
of resigning in favor of his nephew, who was destined by the mar- 
quis, to be his successor. Having received his commissions, 
"' as governor of New-Hampshire, and surveyor of the king's 
,„--« woods in North-America, Mr. Wentworth sailed from 
' ' England, and arrived at Charlestown, in South-Carolina. 
March. 'j^j^Qp^.g jjg travelled through the continent, registering his 
commission of surveyor in each of the colonies, and was received 

T 10 at Portsmouth, with every mark of respect and affection. 
June 13. ™, . . ' , •', , I . . 

Ihis appointment, made by a popular ministry, was pe- 
culiarly grateful to the people of New-Hampshire, by whom Mr. 
Wentworth was well known and much esteemed. 

In addition to what has been said, of the superseded governor, 
it may be observed ; that his natural abilities were neither brilliant 
nor contemptible. As a private genUeinan, he was obliging, and 
as a merchant, honorable. He was generous and hospitable to 
his friends ; but his passions were strong and his resentments 
lasting. He was subject to frequent and long continued visits of 
the gout; a distemper rather unfriendly to the virtue of patience. 
In his deportment, there was an appearance of haughtiness, con- 
tracted by his residence in Spain, where he learned the manners 
of the people of rank ; as well as the maxims of their government. 
He thought it best that the highest offices, should be filled with 
men of property ; and though in some instances he deviated from 
this principle, yet, in others, he adhered to it so closely, as to 
disregard more necessary qualifications.'^ 

In the former part of his achuinistration, he was scrupulous in 
obeying his instructions, and inflexible in maintaining the prerog- 
ative. In conducting the operations of two successive wars, his 
attention to the service was very conspicuous ; and he frequently 
received letters of thanks, from the generals, and other officers of 
the British troops employed in America. 

* [Mr. Adams in his Annals of Portsmoutli, p. 230, says, " It has been ob- 
jected against him.tliatall the important offices in the government, were fill- 
ed liy his particular friends." A scrap found among Secretary Waldron's pa- 
pers, headed Famitij Government, seems to establish the fact, although the 
cause of it is not particularly assigned. TJie following is a copy of it : 

" Gcorfrr Jaffrc.ij, brother-in-law, president of the council, treasurer, chief 
justice and justice of the admiralty. Jotliam Odiorne. brother married his 
grand daughter, second judge and justice, llrnrij Slierhurnc, cousin, &c. 
counsellor, &c. Theodore Jitlchisnn. brother-in-law, secretary, chief justice 
of inferior court, &c. Kirhard Wibird, governor's brother married his sister, 
a counsellor. Ellis Hiiske, wife's brother married governor's sister, a coun- 
sellor. !Samucl Sollcij, who married Georfre Jaffrey's daughter, a counsellor. 
Thomas Packer, a brother-in-law, high sheriff. John Doicning and Savuiel 
Smith, counsellors, related by their cash. Friends, Wiggin, justice and 
jndge of probate, Clarksnn, Gage.. WaJlivgford, Giim/tn, Palmer, Hoby, Jtn- 
n»ss, Odiorne, Walton and Stevens, justices, "j 



1767.] 



PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWOIITII. 337 



He was closely attached to the interest of the church of Eng- 
land ; and in his grants of townships, reserved a right for the 
society for propagating the gospel of which he was a niemher. A 
project was formed during his administration, to establish a college 
in New-Hampshire. When he was applied to for a charter, he 
declined giving it, unless the college were put under the direction 
of the bishop of London. But, when a grant was made by the 
assembly, of three hundred pounds sterling, to Harvard college, 
where he had received his education, to repair the destruction 
which it had suffered by fire ; he consented to the vote, and his 
name is inscribed on an alcove of the library, as a benefactor, in 
conjunction with the name of the province. 

In his appointment of civil and military officers, he was fre- 
quently governed by motives of favor, or prejudice to particular 
persons. When he came to the chair, he found but twenty-five 
justices of the peace in the whole province ; but in the first com- 
mission which he issued, he nominated as many in the town of 
Portsmouth only. In the latter part of his time, appointments of 
this kind became so numerous, and were so easily procured, that 
the office was rendered contemptible.* 

* The following pasquinade was published in the Portsmouth Mercury of 
October 7, 17t)5. It was supposed to have been written by tlie late Judge 
Paj:ker,t and was entitled 

TUE SILVER AGE. 

In days of yore, and pious times, 
Great care was had to punish crimes ; 
When conservators pads sought 
To keep good order as tliey ought. 
This office then, was no great booty, 
Small were the fees, though great the duty. 
But when a law, the old restriction 
Dock'd — and enlarg'd the jurisdiction ; 
His worship had a right to hold. 
In civil plea, a pound twice told. 
The post was then tliought worth possessing, 
For 'twas attended with a blessing. 
But still, in after times it grew 
Much better, as our tale will shew ; 

t [Judge William Parker was a native of Portsmouth, and was born !) 
December, 1703. His father was ^Villiam Parker, whose wife was Zerviah 
Stanley, daughter, as the late Nathaniel Adams, Esquire, of Portsmouth, in- 
formed me, of the Earl of Derby. The judge had not a liberal education, but 
received in 17(J3 the honorary degree of Master of Arts, ^^ pro meritis suis." 
In his diploma, it is expressed, " licet non Academiea instructum, Generosum, 
nihil ominus in rebus literariis scil : Classicis Philosophicis, «StC. egregie eru- 
ditum." He pursued the study of law, and was admitted to tiie b<ir in 1732. 
He was esteemed as a well read and accurate lawyer. In August, 1771, he 
was appointed one of tlie justices of llie superior court, which office he held 
until the revolution commenced. He died 21) April, 1781, aged 77. Adams, 
Annals Portsmouth, 272 — 274. Judge Parker left four sons, W'dUavi of Exe- 
ter, who graduated at H. C. 1751, was a judge of the C. C. P. and register of 
probate, and died in 1811 ; John, sheriff of the province and marshal of the 
district of N. II. ; fiamvcl, who graduated nt H. C. in 1764, was bishop of the 
Episcopal church and D. D., and died at Boston, December, 1804, in hi.s 
Wth year ; and Matthew Stanley, who settled in Wolfeborough.] 

45 



396 HISTORY OF WEW-liAMPSHlft£. [1767. 

Notwithstanding some instances, in which a want of magnanim- 
ity was too conspicuous, his administration was, in other respects, 
beneficial. Though he was highly censured, for granting the 
best lands of the province to the people of Massachusetts and 
Connecticut, with views of pecuniary reward ; yet, the true in- 
terest of the country was certainly promoted ; because the gran- 
tees in general, were better husbandmen than the people of New- 
Hampshire. 

In those cases, where dissatisfaction appeared, it was chiefly 
owing to the nature of a royal government, in which the aristo- 
cratic feature was prominent, and the democratic too much de- 
pressed. The people of New-Hampshire, though increasing in 
numbers, had not the privilege of an equal representation. Tho 
aim of most of those gentlemen, who received their appointments 
from abroad, was rather to please their masters, and secure tho 
emoluments of their offices, than to extend benefits to the people, 
or condescend to their prejudices. They did not feel their depend- 
ence on them, as the source of power ; nor their responsibility to 
them for its exercise. And, the people themselves had not that 
just idea of their own weight and importance, which they acquired, 
when the controversy with the British government called up their 
attention to their native rights.* 

When, as it goes by common fame, 

Two pounds and forty were the same. [By depreciation.} 

Then civil suits began to thrive, 

And claims grown obsolete revive. 

But when tlieir worships, manifold, 

Like men divinely bless'cl of old, 

Were bid ' t'increase and multiply,' 

Obsequious rose a num'rous fry, 

Who, ever prompt, and nigh at hand, 

Could scatter justice through the land. 

Then, with important air and look, 

The sons of Littleton and Coke 

Swarming appear'd, to mind the Squires ; 

What honors such a post requires ! 

These skilful clerks, always attending, 

Ilelp'd to despatch all matters pending ; 

Took care that judgment (as it should) 

Was render'd for the man that sued ; 

Aided their honors to indite, 

JInd sign' d for those who could not write. 

Who but must think these, happy timcB, 

When men, adroit to punish crimes 

Were close at hand ? and what is better, 

Made every little tardy debtor 

Fulfil his contract, and to boot, 

Pjiy twice his debt in costs of suit. 

This was the happy silver age 
When nia<fi3trates, profoundly sage, 
O'erepreaJ the land ; and made, it seemR, 
' Justice run down the streets in streomi.' 

* [17G7. Chatham was incorporated. 

17Q8. Seabrook, MereUitli, Ileuniker, Salisbury, Mason and Rindge were 
incorporated.] 



1767.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTII, 2d. 339 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

Administration of John Wentworth the socond. New atteraixt to force a 
revenuo from America. Establishment of Dartmouth college. Division 
of the province into counties. DeathofBenning Wentworth. Complaint 
of Peter Livius against the governor. Its issue. Progress of the contro- 
versy with Great Brittiin. Wer. Dissolution of British government in 
New-Hampshire. 

The genius, as well as the interest of tlio new governor, led 
him to cultivate the good will of the people. He was j-^g^ 
grandson, by his modier, to the late agent John Rindge, 
who had been instrumental of establishing the boundaries of tho 
])rovincc, and had advanced a large sum for that purpose. His 
family, who had long complained of ingratitude and neglect, were 
now amply gratified, not only by the advancement of the new 
governor, but by his recommending several other gentlemen, who 
were connected with it, to fill vacant seats at the council board, 
and other offices of government. Several gentlemen of other 
respectable families, who had been treated with neglect, in the 
preceding administration, were also taken into favor ; and a spirit 
of conciliation, among those who had formerly been at variance, 
seemed to mai'k the beginning of this administration with fair 
omens of peace and success. 

Being in the prime of life, active and enterprising in his dispo- 
sition, polite and easy in his address, and placed in the chair by 
the same minister who had procured the repeal of the stamp-act, 
to which event his own agency had contributed ', Mr. Wentworth 
enjoyed a great share of popular favor ; which was much height- 
ened when his conduct w^as viewed in contrast with that of some 
other governors in the neighboring provinces. Though bred a 
merchant, he had a taste for agriculture, and entered vigorously 
into the spirit of cultivation. He frequently traversed the forests ; 
explored the ground for new roads ; and began a plantation for 
himself in the township of Wolfeborough, on which he expended 
large sums, and built an elegant house. His example was influ- 
ential on other landholders, who also applied themselves in earnest 
to cultivate the wilderness. 

The improvement of the country at this time occupied the 
minds of the people of New-Hampshire, and took off their atten- 
tion, in a great measure, from the view of those political difficul- 
ties, which were occasioned by a new act of parliament, laying 
duties on paper, glass, painters' colors, aad tea ; and the estab- 
lishment of a board of commissioners for collecting the American 
revenue. In the other colonies, particularly in Massachusetts, 
these duties had become a subject of altercation and serious alarm, 



340 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [17C7. 

being grounded on the right which the pailiament had assumed 

of ' binding America in all cases whatsoever.' The only remedy 
was to be found in frugality, non-importation, and domestic 
manufactures. These things were recommended, and, in some 
measure, complied with ; and by means of these exertions, the 
revenue fell short of the sanguine expectations which its advocates 
had formed. 

The popularity of the governor of New-Hampshire, and the 
influence of his numerous friends and connexions, who were of 
the principal families and the richest merchants in the province, 
prevented the adoption of a non-importation agreement in Ports- 
mouth,* till the merchants in some of the other colonics threatened 
to withhold any mercantile intercourse with diem. A plan of the 
same kind was then (1770) formed; and the union of so many 
colonies, in this measure, caused the manufacturers in Great- 
Britain to experience distresses of the same nature with those 
occasioned by the stamp-act ; and to exert their influence for a 
repeal of the new revenue law, which was in part efiected. All 
the duties, excepting that on tea, were taken off. This relaxation, 
on the odier side of the Atlantic, produced a relaxation here. — 
The ministry in Great-Britain was frequently changed ; and no 
uniform system either of coercion or lenity was adopted. The 
opposition on this side languished for want of unanimity. Tho 
more candid among us were willing to suppose that Britain would 
never lay any more duties ; and there was some foundation for 
this supj)osition, as far as letters from ministers of state, and 
speeches from provincial governors might be depended on. The 
tax on tea was reserved as a latent spark to rekindle the contro- 
versy. 

When the governor, at his first meeting the assembly, accord- 
ing to d)c custom on such occasions, recommended to them the 
establishment of an ' adequate, honorable and permanent salary,' 
they made some hesitation, on account of a report, that the sala- 
ries of the American governors were to be paid out of the revenue. 
On being assured, that if such a general establishment should 
take place, it would be so guarded as to prevent his receiving any 
s 10 ^^^^^'"^ ^^'O"^ the assembly ; they framed a vote, granting 
' seven hundred pounds per annum during his administra- 
tion (dollars being then fixed at six shillings.) The fund appro- 
priated to the salary was the excise, and in case of its insufficiency, 
other provision was made. But the vote was limited with an 
exception, ' unless provision shall be made by parliament.' — 

* ' We cannot depend on the conntenance of many persons of the first nink 

* here ; for royal commissions and family connexions influence the ]irincipal 
' gentlemen among us, at least <o ktip silence in tliese evil times. The press 
' here has never been openly attacked ; but the printer remembers what he 

* once suffered, at Boston ; and is easily kept in awe by more private rebukes.' 
—MS. letter of the Bona of liberty, in Portsmouth, to those in Boston. 



17G7.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTII, 9il. 341 

When the question was put, the house was equally divided, and 
the speaker, Peter Gilman, turned it against a permanent salary. 
It was therefore voted from year to year, and generally amounted 
to seven hundred pounds ; besides which an allowance was made 
for house-rent, from sixty or seventy to one hundred pounds.^ * 

Among the improvements, which during this administration, 
were made in the province, one of the most conspicuous, -i^rq 
was the establishment of a seminary of literature. It was 
founded on a projection of Doctor Eleazar Wheelock, of Lebanon, 
in Connecticut, for the removal of his Indian charity school. 

The first design of a school of this kind was conceived by Mr. 
John Sergeant, missionary to the Indians, at Stockbridge. A 
rambling mode of life, and a total want of letters, were ever un- 
friendly to the propagation of religious knowledge among the 
savages of America." That worthy missionar}^, intent on the 
business of his profession, and having observed the progress made 
by some of the younger Indians, who resided in the English fam- 
ilies, in reading and other improvements, conceived the benevolent 
idea of changing their whole habit of thinking and acting ; and 
raising them from their native indolence to a state of civilization ; 
and at the same time, by introducing the English language, instead 
of their own barren dialect, to instil into tlieir minds the principles 
of morality and religion. 

To accomplish this design, he procured benefactions from 
many well disposed persons both here and in England ; and began 
a school at Stockbridge ; where the Indian youth were to be 
maintained, under the instruction of two masters ; one to oversee 
their studies, and the other their field labor ; whilst a matron 
should direct the female children in acquiring the arts of domestic 
life. Death put an end to the labors of this excellent man (1749) 
before his plan could be accomplished. 

This design was revived by Wheelock. Having made some 
experiments, he was encouraged to proceed, (1754) by the 
tractable disposition of the Indian youths, and their proficiency in 
learning ; but especially, by the numerous benefactions, which ho 
received from the friends of religion and humanity. Among 
which, a donation of Joshua Moor, of Mansfield, being the largest, 
in the infancy of the institution, determined its name ' Moor's, 
school.'^ 

To increase the means of improvement, charitable contributions 
were solicited in different parts of America, in England, and in 
Scodand. The money collected in England, was put into the 

(1) Journal of Assembly. (2) Hopkins' memoire of the Housatoonock In- 
dians, 1736. (3) Wheelock's printed narrative. 

• [17C9. llaby, now Brookline, Temple, Surry and Concord, now Lisbon, 
wero incorporated. Sanbornton and Wolfeborough were incorporated tlie 
neit year.] 



342 lIierORY OF NEW-ilAMPBIIIRE. [1709. 

hands of a board of trustees, of whom the Earl of Dartinoulh was 
at the head ; and that collected in Scotland was committed to the 
society for promoting christian knowledge. 

As an improvement on the original design, a number of Eng- 
lish youths were educated with the Indians, both in literary and 
agricultural exercises ; that their example might invite the Indians 
to the love of those employments, and abate the prejudice which 
they have universally imbibed, that it is beneath the dignity of 
man to delve in the earth. 

As the number of scholars increased, it became necessary to 
erect buildings, and extend cultivation. That part of the country' 
in which the school was first placed, being filled v/ith inhabitants, 
n removal was contemplated. When this intention was publicly 
known, offers were made by private and public persons in several 
of the neighboring colonies. The wary foresight of the founder, 
aided by the advice of the board of trustees, in England, led him 
to accept an invitation made by the governor, and other gentlemen 
of New-Hampshire. The township of Hanover, on the eastern 
bank of Connecticut river, was finally determined on, as the most 
convenient situation for the school ; to which the governor annexed 
„ -g a charter of incorporation for a university, which took the 
" name of Dartmouth College, from its benefactor, the Earl 
of Dartmouth. Of this university. Doctor Wheelock was declared 
the founder and the president ; with power to nominate his suc- 
cessor, in his last will. A board of twelve trustees was constituted, 
with perpetual succession ; and the college was endowed with a 
large landed estate, consisting of one whole township (Landaff) 
besides many other tracts of land in different situations, amounting 
in the whole, to forty-four thousand acres. One valuable lot, of 
five hundred acres, in the township of Hanover, given by the late 
governor, Benning Wentworth, was fixed upon as the site of the 
school and college. Besides these donations of land, the amount 
of three hundred and forty pounds sterling, was subscribed, to be 
paid in labor, provisions, and materials for building. With these 
advantages, and the prospect of a rapidly increasing neighborhood, 
in a fertile soil, on botli sides of Connecticut river. Doctor Wheel- 
-_^Q ock removed his family and school into the wilderness. 
At first, their accommodations were similar to those of 
^^*" other settlers, on new lands. They built huts of green 
logs, and lived in them, till a proper edifice could be erected. 
The number of scholars, at this time, was twenty-four j of which 
eighteen were white, and the rest Indians. 

Experience had taught Doctor Wheelock, that his Indian youths, 
however well educated, were not to be depended on for instruct- 
ors of their countrymen. Of forty, who had been under his care, 
twenty had returned to the vices of savage hfe ; and some, whom 
he esteemed ' subjects of divine grace, had not kept their garments 



1770.] 



PftOVlNCE. JOHN WENTWORTII, 'M. S43 



* unspotted.'* It was, therefore, in his view, necessary that ;i 
greater proportion of English youths should be educated, to serve 
as missionaries, and oversee the conduct of the Indian teachers. 
This was given as the grand reason, for uniting the college with the 
Indian school, and placing it under the same government ; though 
the appropriations were distinctly preserved. That the general 
concerns of the institution might be better regulated, and tho 
intrusion of vicious persons within the purlieus of the college pre- 
vented ; a district of three miles square was put under its juris- 
diction, and the president was invested with the office of a magis- 
trate. In 1771, a commencement was held, and the first degrees 
were conferred, on four students ;* one of whom was John 
Wheelock, the son and successor of the founder. 

Another improvement was made about the same time, by 
dividing the province into counties. This had been long sought, 
but could not be obtained. The inconvenience to which the 
people in the western parts of the province were subject, by 
reason of their distance from Portsmouth, where all the courts 
were held, was extremely burdensome ; whilst the convenience 
and emoluments of office were enjoyed by gentlemen in that 
vicinity. Some attemps to divide the province had been made 
in the former administration ; but without efTect. The rapid in- 
crease of inhabitants for several years, made a division so neces- 
sary, that it had become one of the principal subjects of debate, 
in the assembly, from the time of the governor's arrival. Several 
sessions passed before all points could be adjusted. The number 
of counties, and the lines of division, were not easily agreed to, 
and a punctilio of prerogative about the erecting of courts, made 
some difficulty ; but it v^as finally determined, that the number of 
counties should be five ; and the courts were established by an 
act of the whole legislature. It was passed with a clause, sus- 
pending its operation, till the king's pleasure should be known. 
The royal approbation being obtained, it took effect in 1771. 
The five counties were named by the governor, after some of his 
friends in England, Rockingham, Strafford, Hillsborough, Cheshire 

(1) Narrative No. 5, p. 20,21. 

* [These Ptudents were Levi Frishic, afterwards minister of Ipswich, who 
died 25 February, 160C, aged 58 ; Smmicl Cray, a native and resident of 
Windham, Connecticut, the only survivor of the class; Sylvanus Ripley, a,f- 
terwards professor of divinity at tho college, who died in July, 1787 ; and 
John WhceJoch, the president of the college from 1779 to 181. 'S, who died 4 
April, 1817, aged 03. The number of graduates since the foundation of the 
institution is 1()37. The presidents who have successively presided over it 
have been Eleazar Wheelock, D. D., who died 24 April, 1770, lEit. 68 ; John 
Wheelock, LL. D., from 1779 to 1815, died 4 April, 1817. iEt. G3 ; Francis 
Brown, D. D., from 1815 to his death, 27 July, 1820, ^t. 3G ; Daniel Dana, 
D. D., part of tho years 1820 and 1821 ; Bennet Tyler, D. D., from 1822 to 
1828; and Nathan Lord, D.D., who was inducted into oiEce, 28 October, 
1826.] 



344 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1771. 

and Grafton. The counties of StrafFord and Grafton being much 
less populous, than the others, were to remain annexed to the 
county of Rockingham, till the governor, by advice of council, 
should declare them competent to the exercise of their respective 
jurisdictions; which was done in 1773.* 

The year 177] was also distinguished by the abolition of pa- 
per currency. Silver and gold had been gradually introduced, 
and the paj)cr had for several years been called in by taxes. 
The time limited for its existence being now come, it totally dis- 
appeared, f 

The death of the late governor^ produced consequences which 
materially affected his successor. This family had been for 
many years of the first rank in the province, and some of its 
members and connexions had held the principal offices. In such 
a case, domestic union may be considered as necessary to preserve 
public honor. The late governor, though superseded, had been 
treated with every mark of respect ; and having no children, it 
was expected his successor would be his principal heir. A later 
will, made in favor of his young widow, and unknown till after his 
death, caused a sudden disappointment; which, if it had evapo- 
rated in private reflections only, might have passed among the 
infirmities incident to humanity, and with them might have been 
consigned to oblivion ; for it is beneath the dignity of history, to 
record the altercations of families, unless they are connected with 
public transactions, or events. 

Antiquated claims upon the late governor's estate were revived ; 
and law-suit3 were commenced, which probably would not have 
been agitated, if the expected disposition had been made. But 
the most alarming effect of this unhappy disappointment was a 
question, which the governor moved in council, ' whether the 
' reservation of five hundred acres, in the several townships, made 
' by the late governor, Benning Wentworth, in the charter grants, 
' conveyed the title to him ?' The council determined this ques- 
tion in the negative. The governor then asked, whether they 
would advise him to grant the said tracts, to such of his majesty's 
subjects, as should settle and cultivate the same .'' To this they 
gave their assent.^ Seven of the counsellors present on this oc- 
casion were the governor's relations. The eighth was Peter 
Livius, a gentleman of foreign extraction, who entered his dissent. 

(1) Oct. 14, 1770, iEtat. 75. (2) March 19— MS. deposition of seven of the 
council. 

* [Three other counties have since been incorporated, viz. Cohos, formed 
of the north part of Grafton, 24 December, 1803 ; Merrimack, t;Ucen from the 
counties of Rockingham and Hillsborough, 3 July, 1823 ; and Sullivan, be- 
ing the nortli division of Cheshire, 5 July, 1827.] 

t [1771. The towns of Wakefield, Dublin, Maynesborough and Taulshurg 
were granted by charter. Paulsburg was incorporated by the name of Milan, 
16 December, 1824, and Maynesborough by the name of I5erlin, 1 July, 1820.] 



1772.1 PROVINCE. JOPIN WENTWORTII, yd. i5 J5 

He had for several years served as a justice of tlie common pleas ; 
but on the division of the province into counties, it was necessary 
to issue new commissions. Finding himself overlooked j^^^ 
in the appointment of officers, and his private affairs call- ' 

ing him abroad, he sailed for England, and there exhibit- "^ 
ed to the lords of trade, articles of complaint against the governor 
and his council. 

The first was, that the governor and council, without any legal 
process, or the intervention of a jury, had deprived the grantees 
under the crown of their lands, on suggestion only that the con- 
ditions had not been fulfilled.^ 

The second was, that the duty paid by foreign shipping, com- 
monly called powder money, had not been accounted for, since 
the year 1741 ; and that the council had refused to join with the 
representatives in an inquiry into this matter in the year 1768. 

The third was, that the governor had moved in council, that 
the lands reserved to the late governor, in the charters of town- 
ships, should be regranted to himself, through the medium of 
another person ; and that the protest of the complainant, against 
the legality of this proceeding, was rejected. 

The fourth was, that ia consequence of the opposition, which 
he was in duty bound thus to make, he had been injuriously 
treated, and had received personal abuse from the governor. 

The fifth was, that pending an action in the common pleas, 
brought by the governor, though in other names, the judges had 
several times been changed, till a question on a point of law was 
determined in favor of the governor. 

The sixth article stated, that the complainant had expected to 
prove several of the above facts, by referring to copies of the 
council records in their lordship's office ; but was surprised to 
find that the governor had disobeyed his instructions in not 
sending them. 

The memorial concluded with a general charge of partiality 
arising from the family connexions of the governor and council. 

Copies of this memorial were sent to the governor and council, 
who separately prepared and returned distinct ansvv^ers to the 
several articles of complaint.- 

To the first, it was said, that the resumption of grants forfeited 
by non-compliance with the conditions of settlement was support- 
ed by the opinion of the attorney and solicitor general, given in 
1752 ; that the invariable usage in these cases, had been to issue 
notice to delinquent proprietors, that they should appear on a set 
day, and shew cause why their shares should not be forfeited and 
regranted ; that their allegations had been always treated with 
proper respect, and that no complaint of injustice had been made 
by any persons whose grants had been thus resumed. 

(1) Printed complaint. (2) MS. copies. 
46 



346 HISTORY OF NEW-HAx\lP6HlRE [1772. 

To the second, it was answered, that the amount of powder- 
money, during the former administration, though long neglected 
had been lately recovered; and that since 17GS, it had been 
regularly accounted for. The reason for the non-concurrence of 
the council, with the vote for inquiring into this matter, was their 
respect to the royal prerogative, conceiving that the house had no 
concern with the matter. 

To the third article, it was said, that the late governor, con- 
scious of the insufficiency of his title, had solicited his successor 
for grants of these reservations, which he had declined giving, 
unless a inandamus from the king could be procured ; that this 
uncertainty had prevented his alienating them ; that in consequence, 
they were uncultivated and forfeited ; that some of these lands had 
been rcgrantcd to other persons ; but that the present governor 
had no interest directly or indirectly in them. The council deni- 
ed, that the governor had ever proposed the granting of these 
lands to himself, through another person. They also denied that 
the dissent of the memorialist had been refused. 

The charge of personal abuse, in the fourth article, was contra- 
dicted and retorted ; but it was conceded, that the governor had 
told him that his reasons of dissent were not founded in truth. 

In answer to the fifth article, it was acknowledged, that the 
action was brought for the governor's benefit ; but that any unfair 
means were used to influence the court was denied. This denial 
was corroborated by the depositions of the judges themselves, and 
of the attorneys who were concerned in the suit. It was also 
proved that the judgment of the court on the question of law, was 
of no moment, being reversed by the superior court, before which 
the cause was carried by appeal. 

To the sixth article, it was answered, that the governor had 
directed the secretary to furnish him with copies of all the public 
transactions which had usually been sent to England, and that he 
had regularly transmitted then). But it appeared from the affi- 
davit of the secretary, that in June 17G0, the late governor had 
ordered him not to transcribe the minutes of the council, when 
sitting without the assembly, unless specially directed ; and since 
that time it had been usual to send the journal of the council 
when sitting as a house of assembly, and not as a council of 
state. 

In fine, the council denied that they had ever acted in their 
public capacity, from any private or family interest; but asserted, 
that they had frequently given their judgment directly against it ; 
and they concluded with very severe reflections on the com- 
plainant.* ' 

• [1772. Franconia, Hillsborougli and Bretton-Woods were incorporated. 
1773. Northwood, Loudon, Fitzwilliam, Jaffrey, Cambridge, Dummer, 
Shelburno, Stratford and Success were incorporated.] 



1773.1 PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTH, 2d 347 

With tliese answers, were transmitted a great nuniber of depo- 
sitions, from persons of all ranks and professions, testilying ^^^^^ 
in favor of the governor.^ These being laid before the ^^ ,^ 
lords of trade, and the memorialist being heard in reply, 
the board represented to the king, that the complaint against the 
governor ' had been fully verified.'- At the same time, they 
thought it their duty to represent, ' that the reports which they 

* had received, through different channels, of the siii»ation of af- 
' fairs within New-Hampshire, did all concur in representing the 

* colony to have been, since Mr. Wentworth's appointment, in a 
' state of peace and prosperity ; that its commerce had been ex- 
' tended, and the number of its inhabitants increased ; and that 

* every attempt made to excite the people to disorder and disobe- 

* dience, had been, by the firm and temperate conduct ot Mr. 
' Wentworth, suppressed and restrained.' 

When the cause was reheard before a committee of the privy 
council, it was observed by the governor's advocate, that j^^j^ 29. 

* peace, prosperity and obedience, were not compatible 

* with oppression and injustice ; and that however the lords of trade 

* had in the beginning of their report condemned the governor, 
' they had, by the praise bestowed upon him, in the end contra- 

* dieted themselves.' 

The lords of the committee reported to the king in council, 
their judgment upon several articles of the complaint, in substance 
as follows.^ 

' That by the law of England, when lands were granted, upon 
condition, the breach of that condition must be found by a jmy 
under a commission from the court of chancery ; but that no such 
court existed in New-Hampshire ; and though the general rule 
was, that the law of England extended to the colonies, yet it must 
be understood to mean, such part of the law as is adapted to the 
state and constitution of them. That though the governor had 
resumed and regranted lands, yet there was no evidence that such 
resumptions had been made without proof or public notoriety, that 
the conditions of former grants had not been complied with ; and 
that no complaint had been made by any person supposed to be 
injured. That it had not been proved that resumptions had been 
made without notice to the proprietors ; and it had not even been 
suggested, in cases where time had been allowed, that grants 
were resumed before the expiration of it. That the lands granted 
to the late governor were granted In the name of the klng,'^which 
was sufliclent to convey a title ; and that the council was mistaken 
in thinking otherwise. That the governor, by their advice, did 
resume and regrant several tracts of land which had been granted 
to the late governor ; but it had not been proved that the said lands 
were regranted in trust for himself j and in many instances such 

(1) MS. copies. (2) Printed representation. (3) Aug. 26 — Printed report. 



348 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMl^SHIRE. [1773. 

lands were regranted to different inhabitants for their own use 
and benefit ; and that the late governor's widow had not com- 
plained of any injury, by sucii resumption. That it appeared to 
have been the constant practice when any standing justice of a 
court was interested in a suit, for a special justice to be appointed ; 
that other causes were depending at tiie same inferior court of 
common pleas, in which the standing justices were interested, and 
there was ffCf proof that special justices were appointed on account 
of that particular cause in which the governor was concerned ; 
but that the commission was solicited in the common form ; and 
that the defendant himself had testified that he had no objection 
to the commission or to the special justices. Widi respect to the 
transmission of the records of council, it was their opinion that it 
might be proper to revive that practice, as it had been conducted 
previously to the year 17G0. But upon the whole, they submitted 
their judgment that there ' was no foundation for any censure 
' u{)on the said governor, for any of the charges contained in the 
' complaint, and that the general conduct of his administration had 
* tended greatly to the peace and prosperity of the said province.' 

This report was approved by the king in council, and the com- 
„ , plaint was dismissed. But the governor was strictly en- 
joined to transmit to the lords of trade, authentic copies of 
the journals of the council, as a council of state. 

In this controversy, Mr. Livius met with great support, from 
the interest of those who wished to displace the governor ; and 
they became so deeply engaged to him, as to procure for him an 
appointment to be the chief justice of New-Hampshire ; but, 
upon more mature consideration, this was thought too likely to 
produce discord and confusion, and he obtained an appointment 
to a more lucrative office in the province of Quebec. 

When the final issue of the complaint was known in New- 
Hampshire, a general satisfaction appeared among the people. 
At the next session of the assembly, the house of representatives 
presented to the governor, an address of congratulation, in the 
name of their constituents ; and the citizens of Portsmouth gave 
a splendid ball, to which the governor and bodi houses of assembly 
were invited. 

Hitherto the governor had preserved his popularity ; and the 
people, in general, were satisfied with his administration. But, 
the obligation which lay on him to support the claims of Britain, 
and aid the plans of her ministry, rendered his situadon extremely 
delicate, and his popularity very precarious. The controversy 
between Britain and the colonies was drawing to a crisis. By 
the reservation of the duty on tea, the parliament insisted on it as 
their right, to tax their American brethren without their consent; 
and the Americans, by withholding the importation of tea from 
Britain, made use of the only peaceable mode, in their power, 



1773.1 PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTII, 2d. 349 

effectually to oppose that claim. The revenue failed, and the 
warehouses of the East India company were filled with an un- 
saleable commodity. The ministry and the company, thus severe- 
ly disappointed, formed a plan, by which it was expected, that 
the one would enforce their claim, and the other secure their 
traffic. 

It was therefore enacted in parliament, that the duty on the 
exportation of tea, from Britain, should be taken off; and the 
East India company be enabled to send tea, on their own account, 
to America, subject to a duty only of three pence on the pound ; 
by which means it would come to us, cheaper than before, or than 
it could be procured by illicit trade. 

This measure caused a general alarm, through the colonies ; 
and united the interest of the merchants, with the views of the 
politicians, and the general sense of liberty in the people. The 
trading towns set the example, which the others followed, of 
passing resolves, not to permit tea, freighted by the East India 
company, to be landed or sold. These resolutions were effectual. 
In some places, the consignees were obliged to relinquish their 
appointments, and the tea was returned unladen. In other places, 
it was deposited in stores, till it could be reshipped. In Boston, 
where the obstinacy of Governor Hutchinson drove the people to 
desperation, it was destroyed. In New-Hampshire, the prudence 
of Governor Wentvvorth, the vigilance of the magistrates and the 
firmness of the people were combined, and the hateful commodity 
was sent away without any damage, aud with but little tumult. 

The first cargo of tea, consisting of twenty-seven chests, . ^^. 
was landed and stored at the custom house, before any 
people could assemble to obstruct it. A town meeting ""^'-^• 
was called, and a proposal was made to Mr. Parry, the consignee, 
to reship it. To this, he consented. A guard was appointed 
by order of the town, to watch the custom house. The tea hav- 
ing been entered, it was necessary that the duty should be paid ; 
which was done openly, by the consignee. The governor con- 
vened the council, and kept the magistrates and peace officers in 
readiness to suppress any riotous appearances ; but there was no 
need of their exertion. The tea was peaceably reshipped and 
sent to Halifax. 

A second cargo of thirty chests, which came consigned to the 
same person, raised a small ferment ; and the windows of „ g 
his lodgings were broken. He applied to the governor 
for protection. The governor, as before, summoned the council 
and magistrates. The town, by their committee, prevailed on 
the consignee to send the tea to Halifax, after having paid the 
duty, without which the ship could not legally be cleared at the 
custom house. 

A general detestation of the measures, pursued by the British 
ministry, to rivet the chains on Amei'ica, universally prevailed. 



350 HIBTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1774. 

Tho towns had severally passed resolves, asserting their right of 
exeni|nion from all taxation by parliament; condemning the im- 
portation and use of tea ; and appointing committees of inspection 
to carry their resolutions into eifect. The committees were vigi- 
lant; and being aided by the general sentiment of the people, 
their exertions were successful. 

The controversy had now advanced, to a stage, which excited 
the most serious apprehensions. The parliament had assumed 
judicial, as well as legislative powers ; and directed dieir ven- 
geance against Boston. Its port was shut, and guarded by ships 
of war ; its commerce was interdicted ; its tradesmen were with- 
out employment ; and its poor without bread. A military gov- 
ernor presided there, and was drawing together all the British 
ti'oops from every part of America ; that he might be prepared, 
to make any sanguinary experiment, which, in the ministerial plan 
of coercion, might be judged necessary. 

The sympathy of their American brethren, raised contributions, 
for the relief of the numerous poor in Boston, who were regarded 
as suffering in the common cause. But, to guard ourselves ef- 
fectually against the gathering storm, a union of the colonies was 
thought absolutely necessary; and recourse was had to the same 
measure wiiich had formerly been tried in cases of common dan- 
ger, to hold a Congress of delegates from each colony. 

The enemies of America have uniformly censured this meas- 
ure as unprecedented, illegal and dangerous. That it was dan- 
gerous to the designs of the British administration, is adinitted ; 
but for that reason, it was to us the means of safety. Though it 
was not supported by any written law, yet it was evidendy foun- 
ded on self preservation, die fnst law of nature. But that it was 
unprecedented, is a very great mistake. From the middle of the 
preceding century, the united colonies of New-England, held 
annual, or semiannual meetings of commissioners, on their com- 
mon concerns, for above forty years. From the reign of Queen 
Anne, to that of George the Second, governors, and delegates 
from councils and assemblies, occasionally met in central places, 
to hold conferences relative to the operations of war, or treaties 
with the Indian tribes.* These meetings, usually called by the 
name of Congresses, though unknown, or disregarded in Britain, 
ivere familiar to the people of America ; and what could be a 
more natural or obvious step, in a time of common danger, than 
to assemble by deputies, and confer on the means of salety ? 
Precedents were numerous, tliat governors and delegates had 

* ' May n, 1754. A question \va.s moved in council by tiie governor, 
* Whether it be not an infringement of the prerogative for the house to join 
' witli the council, in appointing delegates to the congress at Albany ? To 
' which tho council answered ; that the house had no inherent right ; but 
' it had hern lovg the cvstom, at such interviews, for the lower house to nom- 
' inate, j)erson3, to be joined with such as the council should appoint.' Coun- 
'•il Minutes. 



1774.] PROVINCE JOHN WENTWORTIJ, l;d. 35 j 

held these assemblies, when their interests were united ; what 
then should hinder the people from following the example, when 
their interest required them to meet, without their governors, who 
were endeavoring to maintain a separate interest ? 

At the meeting of the assembly of New-Hampshire, in the 
spring, the house of representatives, conformably to the -^. 
proceedings of the assemblies in the other colonics, ap- 
pointed a committee of correspondence. The governor, w ho had 
in vain labored to prevent this measure, adjourned the as- j , o 
sembly, and after a few days, dissolved it; hoping, by 
this means, to dissolve the committee also. But they were not 
restricted by forms. On a summons issued by the committee, 
the representatives met again, in their own chamber. The ,, ^ 
governor, attended by the sherili" of the county, went 
among them. They rose at his entrance. He declared their 
meeting illegal, and directed the sheriff to make open proclama" 
tion, for all persons to disperse, and keep the king's peace. When 
he had retired, they resumed their seats ; but, on furdier consid- 
eration, adjourned to another house ; and after some conversa- 
tion, wrote letters to all the towns in the province ; requesting 
them to send deputies, to hold a convention at Exeter, who 
should choose delegates for a general congress ; and to pay their 
respective quotas of two hundred pounds, agreeably to the last 
proportion of the provincial tax. They also recommended a day 
of fasdng and prayer, to be observed by die several congregadons, 
on account of the gloomy appearance of public affairs. The day 
was observed, with religious solemnity. The money was collec- 
ted. Eighty-five depudes were chosen and met at Exe- juiyi4 
ter, where they delegated Nathaniel Folsom and John 
Sullivan, Esquires, to attend the proposed congress, at " ^ ' 
Philadelphia, in September, and delivered to them the money 
which had been collected, to defray their expenses. They also 
recommended the distressed state of Boston, to the commisera- 
tion of their brethren in New-Hampshire ; and contributions 
were raised in many of the towns for their relief. 

The governor was now convinced, and in his letters to the 
ministry acknowledged, that ' the union of the colonies would not 
' be lost in New-Hampshire.'^ At the same dme, he did the 
people the justice to say, that they had abstained from violence 
and outrage, and that the laws had their course. In his letters, 
which were published by the ministry, there appears a spirit of 
candor toward the people, as well as a desire to recommend 
himself to the approbation of his superiors. Though be saw 
another authority rising in the province, founded on the broad 
basis of public opinion, and unrestrained representation, an au- 
thority over which he had no influence or control ; yet he en- 

(1) Parliamentary register, 1775, vol. i. p. 61, &c. 



352 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1774. 

deavorcd to preserve the shadow of the royal government, and 
keep up its forms as long as possible. 

But it was impracticable for a person, circumstanced as he 
was, to withstand the spirit of the people.* That his wish was 
to prevent a rupture, there is sufficient evidence, for candor to 
believe. But it cannot be thought strange, that in his endeavors 
to comply with the expectations of the ministry, and their instru- 
ments, which he conceived to be his duty, he should fall into such 
a snare, as to lose tlie affections of the people ; for it was impos- 
sible to please both. 

The troops in Boston wanted barracks, to secure them against 
the approaching winter. The artificers of die town, were, by the 
popular voice, restrained from working in the service of govern- 
ment. General Gage was therefore obliged to send for assistance 
to the neighboring governors, and, among others, to Governor 
Wentworlh. Instead of convening his council for their advice, 
or issuing a proclamation, inviting help and promising a reward, 
he privately employed a person to hire carpenters to go to Boston. 
It was impossible that the secret should be kept, and when it was 
known, his best friends reprobated his conduct. The committee 
of Portsmouth, at the head of which, was his uncle, Hunking 
Wentworth, bore theii' public testimony against it ; and censured 
him, not by name, but by implication, as ' an enemy to the com- 
munity,' and the men whom he had employed, as ' unworthy of 
society.' The agent in this secret business, was brought on his 
knees before the committee of Rochester, and made an humble 
acknowledgment. This prudent step of the committee, disarmed 
the popular rage, and prevented any injury to his person or 
property. 

The transactions of the congress which met at Philadelphia, 
were universally approved. The spirit of them was firm, but 
pacific. The mode of opposition, to the arbitrary claims 
of Britain, which they recommended, was non-importation 
and non-consumption. But in die close of their address, to their 
constituents, diey advised them to ' extend their views to the most 
' unhappy events, and to be in all respects prepared for every 
* contingency.' Not long after this advice was made public, a 
contingency presented itself, in which the people of New-Hamp- 
shire gave an example of that spirit, by which the whole country 
was animated. 

An order having been passed by the king in council, prohibiting 
the exportation of gunpowder and other military stores, to Ameri- 

* The following paragraph, of one of his private letters, written at that 
time, to a confidential friend, deserves to be remembered. 

' Our hemisphere threatens a hurricane. I have in vain strove, almost to 
' death, to prevent it. If I can, at last, bring out of it, safety to my country, 
' and honor to our sovereign, my labors will be joyful. My heart is devoted 
' to it, and you know its sincerity.' MS. letter to T. W. W. 



1774.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTH, 2d. 353 

ca ; a copy of it was brought by express to Portsmouth, at a time, 
when a ship of war was daily expected from Boston, with ^^^ j^ 
a party of troops, to take possession of Fort William 
and Mary, at the entrance of the harbor. The committee of the 
town, with all possible secrecy and despatch, collected a company, 
from that and some of the neighboring towns ; and before the 
governor had any suspicion of their intentions, they proceeded to 
Newcasde, and assaulted the fort. The captain and his five 
men (which was the whole garrison) were confined, and one hun- 
dred barrels of powder were carried oft". The next day, another 
company went and removed fifteen of the lightest cannon, and all 
the small arms, with some other warlike stores ; which they dis- 
tributed in the several towns, under the care of the committees. 
Major John Sullivan, and Captain John Langdon, distinguished 
themselves, as leaders in this affair. It was transacted with great 
expedition and alacrity, and in the most fortunate point of time ; 
just before the arrival' of the Scarborough frigate, and Canseau 
sloop, with several companies of soldiers ; who took possession of 
the; fort, and of the heavy cannon which had not been removed. 
The governor put the five men, who belonged to the fort, on 
board the ships of war, to be reserved as evidences in case of a 
prosecution of the offenders for high treason ; and having con- 
sulted counsel in this and the neighboring province, thought it his 
duty ; that he might prevent any charge of misprision of treason 
against himself; to dismiss from public trust, all those persons 
concerned in the assault of the fort, who had held any office un- 
der the government, and concerning whose proceedings he had 
authentic testimony. He also issued a proclamation,* command- 

* [The following is a copy of the proclamation : 

Province of New-Hajipshirk. — Ji Proclamatitm hy the Governor. 
Whereas, several bodies of men did, in the day time of the 14th, and in the 
night of the 15tli of this instant December, in the most daring and rebellious 
manner invest, attack, and forcibl}' enter into his majesty's castle William 
and Mary in tiiis province, and overpowering and confining the captain and 
garrison, did, besides committing many treasonable insults and outrages, 
break open the magazine of said castle and plund>»r it of above one hun- 
dred barrels of gunpowder, with upwards of sixty stand of small arms, and 
did also force from the ramparts of said castle and carry off sixteen pieces 
of cannon, and other military stores, in open hostility and direct oppugna- 
tion of his majesty's government, and in the most atrocious contempt of 
his crown and dignity ; — 

I DO, by advice and consent of his majesty's council, issue this proclama- 
tion, ordering and requiring, in his majesty's name, all magistrates and other 
officers, wliether civil or military, as they regard their duty to the king and 
s\\\ tenor of the oatlis thej^ have solenmly taken and subscribed, to eiert 
themsj^lves in detecting and securing in some of his majesty's goals in this 
province tlic said offenders, in order to their being brought to condign pun- 
ishment ; And from motives of duty to the king and regard to the welfare of 
the good people of this province : I do in the most earnest and solemn man- 
ner, exhort and injoin you, his majesty's liege subjects of this government, to 
beware of suffering yourselves to be seduced by the false arts or menaces of 
abandoned men, to abet, protect, or screen from justice any of the said high 
banded offenders, or to withhold or secrete his majesty's munition forcibly t«- 

47 



354 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1774. 

ing all officers, civil and military, to assist in detecting and secur- 
ing the offenders ; and exhorting all people to beware of being 
seduced, by the false arts and menaces of abandoned men.* 

It was thought proper by the governor and some of his friends, 
to form an association, for the support of the royal government, 
and for their mutual defence. They boasted, that an hundred 
men could be procured, from the ships, at a minute's warning. 
-___ This transaction exposed the weakness of the cause, which 
they meant to support ; for what could an hundred men 
do against the whole country ? 

A second convention of deputies met at Exeter, to consult on 
the state of affairs, and appoint delegates for the next general 
2_ congress, to be holden on the tenth of May, at Philadel- 
phia. Major Sullivan and Captain Langdon were chosen ; 
and the sum of two hundred and fifty pounds, were ordered to 
defray their expenses. This convention issued an address to the 
people, warning them of their danger ; exhorting them to union, 
peace and harmony, frugality, industry, manufactures, and learn- 
ing the military art ; that they might be able, if necessary, to de- 
fend the country against invasion. They appointed a committee 
of correspondence, with power to call another convention, when 
they should judge it necessary. 

The winter passed away in gloomy apprehension and anxiety. 
Men of consideration saw that a wide breach was made, and that 
it could not easily be closed. Some happy genius was wanting 
to plan, and wisdom on both sides to adopt, a constitution for 
Britain and America. Royal charters and instructions, acts of 
parliament and precedents of all kinds, were at best but a rotten 

ken from his castle ; but that each and every of you will use your utmost 
endeavors to detect and discover the perpetrators of these crimes to the civil 
magistrate, and assist in securing and bringing them to justice, and in recov- 
ering the king's munition ; This injunction it is my bounded duty to lay 
Btrictly upon you, and to require your obedience thereto, as you value indi- 
vidually your faith and allegiance to his majesty, as you wish to preserve that 
reputation to the province in general ; and as you would avert the dreadful 
but most certain consequences of a contrary conduct to yourselves and pos- 
terity. 

Given at the council-chamber in Portsmouth, the 26th day of December, in 
tiie 15th year of the reign of our sovereign lord George the Third, by the 
grace of God, of Great-Britain, France and Ireland, king, defender of 
the faith, &c. and in the year of our Lord Christ, 1774. 

J. WENTWORTH. 
By his excellency's command, 
with advice of council, 

Theodore Atkinson, Sec'ry. 

God save the King.] 
* [1774. Warner, Deering, Nelson, Stoddard, Erroll, Kilkenny, Mills- 
field, Piercy and Whitefield were granted or incorporated. During the rev- 
olutionary war, the following towns were incorporated : viz. in 177(5, Wash- 
ington and Marlborough ; 1777, Antrim, Moultonborough and New-Hampton ; 
1778, Fishersfield and New-Chester; 177i», Andover, Hancock, New-London 
and Northumberland; 1780, Orange and Northfield ; 1781, Thornton; and 
1782, Pittsfield.] 



1774.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTH, 2d. 355 

foundation. The store of temporary expedients was exhausted. 
It was doubtful whether force could generate submission, or 
whether resistance could enervate force. Neither country was 
sensible of the strength and resources of the other. The press 
teemed with arguments on botii sides ; but no plan of conciliation 
was adopted. A fair and candid representation of our grievances 
could not be received, in the court of Britain. Each side was 
tenacious of its claims, and there appeared no disposition to relax. 
When two independent nations are in such a state, they generally 
find among their friends and allies, some mediating power, to bring 
them to terms and prevent a rupture. Between Britain and 
America, no mediator could be found. The controversy could 
be decided only by the supreme arbiter of nations. 

The first ships, which arrived in the spring, brought us news 
that the petition of congress was graciously received by the king ; 
and that the merchants of England were petitioning in our favor. 
This revived our hopes. Soon after, we were informed, that the 
parliament had voted the existence of a rebellion in Massachu- 
setts ; and that the other colonies were aiding and assisting : 
That the lords and commons had addressed the king, to enforce 
the revenue-acts, and had assured him, that they would stand by 
him, with their lives and fortunes : That the king had demanded 
an augmentation of his forces, by sea and land : That the com- 
merce of the New-England colonies was to be restrained, and 
their fishery prohibited ; and that an additional number of troops, 
horse and foot, were ordered to America. These tidings threw 
us into distress. A war seemed inevitable ; and a gloom over- 
spread the whole country. The people of Boston began to re- 
move from the town ; and those, who could not remove, were 
solicitous to secure their most valuable effects. In the midst of 
this distress, a frigate arrived express from England ; with . 
an account of a proposal made and voted in parliament, 
which was called Lord North's conciliatory proposition. It was 
this ; ' that when any colony by their governor, council and as- 

* sembly, shall engage to make provision, for the support of civil 

* government, and administration of justice, in such colony ; it 
' will be proper, if such proposal be approved by the king and 
' parliament, for so long lime as such provision shall be made, to 

* forbear to levy any duties or taxes in such colony, except for 

* the regulation of commerce ; the neat proceeds of which shall 
' be carried to the account of such colony respectively.' The 
troops, however, were to remain ; and the refractory colonies were 
to be punished. This proposition was said to be founded on some 
advice, received from New-York, that if concessions were made 
by parliament, they would censure the proceedings of congress, 
and break the union of the colonies. The proposal was evidently 
a bait thrown out to divide us, and tempt us to desert the colony 



356 HISTORY OF JNEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1776. 

of Massachusetts ; who could not comply, without submitting to 
the alteration, lately made by parliament in their charter. 

What might have been the effect of this proposition in the other 
colonies, if it had been allowed time to operate, is uncertain. 
Tiie conduct of General Gage, on receiving this news, was in the 
highest degree absurd and inconsistent. He had been blamed in 
parliament for his inactivity. He \md friends in Boston, who con- 
standy assured him, that the people in die country would not dare 
to face his troops. He had been informed of a magazine of pro- 
visions and stores, at Concord, laid up by the provincial congress, 
in case of extremity. With the news of the conciliatory propo- 
sition, he received orders to make an experiment of its success. 
On the eighteenth day of April, he issued writs for calling a gen- 
eral assembly, to comply with the proposed terms of reconcilia- 
tion ; and in the night following, he privately despatched a body 
of his troops, to destroy the magazine at Concord ; and to seize 
some of the leaders of opposition, who had retired from the town. 
He was induced to believe, that if between the issuing of his writs, 
and the meeting of the assenibly, he could strike a bold stroke ; 
it would so intimidate the people, and unfit them for defence, that 
they would easily comply with the terms proposed. But he to- 
tally mistook the genius of the people of New-England. Nor 
were his designs carried on so secretly as he imagined. The 
popular leaders were seasonably apprised of their danger, and 
kept themselves out of his reach. The country was alarmed, by 
expresses sent off in the night, before he had taken the precaution 
to shut die avenues of die town. A company of armed citizens 
kept guard at Lexington, on the road to Concord. The British 
troops, when they appeared in the morning, having ordered them 
to disperse, fired upon them, as they were retiring, and killed 
several on the spot. They then proceeded to Concord, 
' ' and destroyed such of the stores as had not been removed ; 
and having accomplished their object, as far as they were able, 
they retreated dirough showers of musquetry from the people, 
who suddenly collected from all quarters to oppose them. 

On the alarm of this act of hosdlity, the people of New-Hamp- 
shire, and of the other colonies, took arms, and flew to the assist- 
ance of their brethren. 

Notwithstanding this ill-advised and unsuccessful attempt of 
Gage, Governor Wentworth had very sanguine hopes of die good 
effect of the ' conciliatory proposition ;' and determined, as he 
said, ' to plant the root of peace in New-Hampshire.' He sum- 
moned a new assembly ; and in his speech, entreated them, as 
„ . ' the only legal and constitutional representatives of the 
' people, to direct their counsels to such measures, as 
' might tend to secure their peace and safety ; and effectually 
' lead to a restoration of the public tranquillity ; and an affection- 



1775.] PROVINCE. JOHH WENTWORTH, 2d. 357 

' ate reconciliation with the mother country.' The house desired 
a short recess, that they might advise with their constituents on 
so momentous a question ; and the governor reluctantly consent- 
ed to adjourn them to the twelftli day of June. 

In the mean time, the officers and men of the Scarhorough 
began to dismantle the fort ; they also stopped two vessels laden 
with provisions, which were coming into the harbor ; and not- 
withstanding the most pressing remonstrances of the inhabitants, 
and solicitation of the governor, refused to release them. Upon 
this, a body of armed men, went to a battery on Jerry's ,, on 
point, at Great-Island, and took away eight cannon of 
twenty-four and thirty-two pound shot, which they brought up to 
Portsmouth ; and whilst they were engaged in this work, the 
Canseau sloop convoyed the two provision vessels to Boston, for 
the supply of the fleet and army. 

A new convention was at this time sitting at Exeter ; in which 
the province was more fully and equally represented, than it ever 
had been before. They passed votes of thanks to those who had 
taken the powder and guns from the fort, in the preceding winter, 
and to those who had removed the cannon from the battery. 
They also instructed the representatives, how to act at the next 
meeting of the assembly ; and the voice of the convention was 
regarded by the house, as the voice of their constituents. 

At the adjournment, the governor again recommended ' the 
conciliatory proposition.' The first step which the house j ^„ 
took, was in obedience to the voice of the convention, to 
expel three members whom the governor had called by the king's 
writ, from three new townships ; whilst many other towns, of 
much older standing, and more populous, were neglected, and 
never enjoyed the privilege of representation, but in the newly 
established conventions. The governor then adjourned the as- 
sembly to the eleventh of July. One of the expelled members, 
having spoken his mind freely without doors, was ussaulted by 
the populace, and took shelter in the governor's house. The 
people demanded him, and brought a gun, mounted on a carriage, 
to the door ; upon which the offender was delivered up, and 
conveyed to Exeter. The governor, conceiving himself insulted, 
retired to the fort; and his house became a scene of pillage. 

When the assembly met again, he sent a message from the 
fort, and adjourned them to the twenty-eighth of Septera- j , ,, 
ber;butthey never met any more. He continued under the ^ 
protection of the Scarborough, and another ship of war, till all the 
remaining cannon of the fort were taken on board, and then . 
sailed for Boston. In September, he came to the Isles of °' 
Shoals, and there issued a proclamation, adjourning the assembly 
to the next April. This was the last act of his administration, and 
the last time that he set his foot in the province. Thus an end 



35S HISTORY OF NKW-HAMPSHIRE. [1775. 

was put to the British government in New-Hampshire, when it 
had subsisted ninety-five years. 

From tliis view of the administration of Governor Wentworth, 
it is easy to conchide, that his intentions were pacific ; and whilst 
the temper of the times allowed him to act agreeably to his own 
principles, his government was acceptable and beneficial ; but 
when matters had come to the worst, his faults were as few, and 
his conduct as temperate, as could be expected from a servant of 
the crown. If a comparison be drawn, between him and most of 
the other governors on this continent, at the beginning of the rev- 
olution, he must appear to advantage. Instead of widening the 
breach, he endeavored to close it ; and when his efforts failed, he 
retired from a situation, where he could no longer exercise the 
office of a governor ; leaving his estate and many of his friends ; 
and preserving only his commission, as surveyor of the king's 
woods ; the limits of which were much contracted by the suc- 
ceeding revolution.''^ 



CHAPTER XXV. 

War with Britain. Change of government. Temporary constitution. In- 
dependence. Military exertions. Stark's expedition. Employment of 
troops during the war. 

When the controversy with Britain shewed symptoms of hos- 
tility, and the design of the ministry and parliament to provoke 
-_^c us to arms became apparent, the people of New-Hamp- 
shire began seriously to meditate the defence of their 
country. It was uncertain in what manner the scene would open ; 
for this and other reasons no regular plan of operations could be 
formed. By the old militia law, every male inhabitant, from 
sixteen years old to sixty, was obliged to be provided with a mus- 

* [John Wentworth, was son of Mark Hunking Wentworth, and was the 
fifth in descent from elder William Wentworth, mentioned under the year 
1689. He was born about 1730, and graduated at Harvard college in 1755, 
and his name stands as the fifth in the class, being preceded by the names of 
Gushing, Appleton, Brown and Livingston. He received the appointment of 
governor when he was but 31 years of age, being advanced to that station at 
an earlier age than any of his predecessors, or any who has succeeded him. 
After leaving New-Hampshire in 1775, he was appointed governor of Nova- 
Scotia, and resided at Halifax, where he diad 8 April, 1820, aged 84. He re- 
ceived the title of baronet from George HI., and was honored by the univer- 
sities of Oxford, in England, and Aberdeen, in Scotland, with the decree of 
Doctor of Laws. He received a similar honor from Dartmouth college. — 
The late Dr. Dwight in speaking of his character, describes him as " a man 
of sound understanding, refined taste, enlarged views, and a dignified spirit ; 
and as retiring from the chair with a higher reputation tJian any other niaa 
who held th« same office he did in the country. '] 



1775.] 



STATE. MESIIECII WEARE. 35C^ 



ket and bayonet, knapsack, cartritlge-box, one pound of powder, 
twenty bullets and twelve flints. Every town was obliged to 
keep in readiness one barrel of powder, two hundred pounds of 
lead and three hundred flints, for every sixty men ; besides a 
quantity of arms and annnunition for the supply of such as were 
not able to provide themselves with the necessary articles. Even 
those persons who were exempted from appearing at the common 
military trainings, were obliged to keep the same arms and am- 
munition. In a time of peace, these requisitions were neglected, 
and the people in general were not completely furnished, nor the 
towns supplied according to law. The care which the governor 
had taken to appoint officers of militia and review the regi- 
ments, for some years before, had awakened their attention to the 
duties of the parade ; which were performed with renewed ardor, 
after the provincial convendon had recommended the learning of 
military exercises and manoeuvres. Voluntary associations were 
formed for this purpose, and the most experienced persons were 
chosen to command on these occasions. To prevent false rumors 
and confusion, the committees of inspecdon in each town were 
also committees of correspondence, by whom all intelligence con- 
cerning the motions of the British, were to be comnjunicated ; 
and proper persons were retained to carry expresses when there 
should be occasion. 

In this state of anxiety and expectadon ; when an early spring 
had invited the husbandman to the labor of the field ; General 
Gage thought it proper to open the drama of war. The 
alarm was immediately communicated from town to town ^'^' ' 
through the whole country, and volunteers flocked from all parts ; 
till a body of ten thousand men assembled in the neighborhood of 
Boston, completely invested it on the land side, and cut of all 
communication with the country. 

On the first alarm, about twelve hundred men marched from 
the nearest parts of New-Hampshire, to join their brethren, who 
had assembled in arms about Boston. Of these, some returned ; 
others formed themselves into two regiments, under the authority 
of the Massachusetts convendon. As soon as the provin- ^ „ 
cial congress of New-Hampshire met, they voted to raise 
two thousand men, to be formed into three regiments ; those 
which were already there to be accounted as two, and another to 
be enlisted immediately. These men engaged to serve till the 
last day of December, unless sooner discharged. The command 
of these regiments was given to the Colonels John Stark, James 
Reed and Enoch Poor. The two former were present in the 
memorable batde on the heights of Charlestown, being 
posted on the left wing, behind a fence ; from which they 
sorely galled the British as they advanced to the attack, and cut 
them down by whole ranks at once. In their retreat, they lost 



5jfjO HiSTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1775. 

several men, and among others, the brave Major Andrew IMcCla- 
ry, who was killed by a cannon shot after he had passed the isth- 
mus of Charkstown.* On the alarm occasioned by this battle, die 
J q„ third regiment collected and marched to the camp ; and with 
the other New-Hampshire troops, was posted on the left 
wing of the army at Winter-Hill, under the immediate command of 
Brigadier-General Sullivan, who with the other general officers, 
received his appointment from congress. 

It had been a common sentiment among the British troops, that 
the Americans would not dare to fight with them. This battle 
effectually convinced them of their mistake. They found that 
fighting with us was a serious thing ; and the loss which they sus- 
tained in this battle, evidently had an influence on their subse- 
quent operations. 

Whilst die Scarborough frigate remained in the harbor of Pas- 
cataqua, frequent bickerings happened between her crew and the 
inhabitants. Captain Berkeley seized all inward bound ves- 
sels, and sent them to Boston. He also prevented the boats be- 
longing to the river from going out to catch fish. This conduct 
was conformable to die orders which he had received to execute 
the restraining act. In return, his boats were not permitted to 
fetch provisions from the town ; and one of them was fired upon 
in the night, by some of the guards stationed on the shore. A 
compromise, at length, was made between him and the committee 
of the town ; open boats were permitted to pass, to catch fish for 
the inhabitants ; and his boats were allowed to take fresh provis- 
ions for the use of the ship. This agreement subsisted but a short 
time, and finally all intercourse was cut off. 

After the departure of the ship, the people went in volunteer 
parties, under the direction of Major Ezekicl Worthen, whom the 
,,. conv^ention appointed engineer, and built forts on the points 
' of two islands, which form a narrow channel,, about a mile 
below the town of Portsmouth. One of these was called Fort 
Washington, and the other Fort Sullivan. The cannon which 
had been saved from the old fort and battery were mounted here, 
and die town was thought to be secure from being surprised by 
ships of war. 

The tenth of September was the last day of exportation 
fixed by the general congress. Most of the vessels which sailed 

• [Andrew McCi.art wag son of Andrew McClary of Epsom, who with 
hiB brother Jolin were early inhabitants of that town. The male line of the 
family name lias become extinct. Major McClary was an active and efficient 
officer. Swett, Hist, of Bunker Hill Battle, 2d edit. p. 48. 

In a letter from Colonel Stark to Matthew Thornton, written two days af- 
ter the battle of Bunker Hill, (see Coll. ofN. H. Hist. Soc. ii. 14o) it appears 
that the number lost from Stark's regiment, was 15 killed and missing, and 
60 wounded ; the number from Colonel Reed's regiment was 3 killed, 1 miss- 
ing and 29 wounded. The number in Swett's History, where the names of 
the killed are given, is ditferent from the account given in Uiis letter.] 



i775.J STATK. MESHECH WEARE. 30 1 

out of the harbor were seized by the British cruisers, and carried 
into Boston. One was retaken by a privateer of Beverly, and 
carried into Cape-Anne. 

In the following month, sev-eral British armed vessels were sent 
to burn the town of Falmouth ; which was in part effect- q . -.o 
ed, by throwing carcases and sending a party on shore, 
under cover of their guns. It was suspected that they had the 
same design against Portsmouth. General Washington despatch- 
ed Brigadier-General Sullivan from the camp at Cambridge, with 
orders to take the command of the militia and defend the harbor 
of Pascataqua. On this occasion, the works on the islands were 
strengthened ; a boom, constructed with masts and chains, was 
thrown across the Narrows, which was several times broken by 
the rapidity of the current, until it was impossible to secure the 
passage by such means ; an old ship was scuttled and sunk in the 
northern channel of the river ; a company of rifle-men, from the 
eamp, was posted on Great-Island ; and fire-rafts were construct- 
ed to burn die enemy's shi|)ping. These preparations served to 
keep up the spirits of the people ; but many families, not thinking 
themselves safe in Portsmouth, removed into the country, and 
there remained till the next spring. 

A spirit of violent resentment was excited against all who were 
suspected of a disposition inimical to the American cause. Some 
persons were taken up on suspicion and imprisoned ; some fled 
to Nova-Scotia, or to England, or joined the British army in 
Boston. Others were restricted to certain limits and their mo- 
tions continually watched. The passions of jealousy, hatred and 
revenge were freely indulged, and the tongue of slander was un- 
der no restraint. Wise and good men secretly lamented these 
excesses; biit no efiectual remedy could be administered. All 
commissions under the former authority being annulled, the courts 
of justice were shut, and the sword of magistracy was sheathed. 
The provincial convention directed the general affairs of the war ; 
and town committees had a discretionary, but undefined power to 
preserve domestic peace. Habits of decency, family government, 
and the good examples of influential pei-sons, contributed more 
to maintain order than any other authority. The value of these 
secret bonds of society was now more than ever conspicuous. 

In the convention which met at Exeter, in May, and continued 
sitting with but little interruption till November, one hundred and 
two towns were represented, by one hundred and thirty-three 
members.^ Their first care was to establish post offices ; to ap- 
point a committee of supplies for the army, and a committee of 
safety. To this last committee, the general instruction was sim- 
ilar to that, given by the Romans, to their dictators, ' to take un- 
* der consideration, all matters in which the welfare of the prov- 

(1) MS. Records of Convention. 
4S 



362 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1775. 

' ince, in the security of their rights, is concerned ; and to lake 
' the utmost care, that the puhlic sustain no damage.'* Particu- 
ar instructions were given to thern, from time to time, as occa- 
sion required. They were considered as the supreme executive ; 
and during the recess of the convention, their orders and recom- 
mendations had the same effect as the acts and resolves of that 
whole body. 

By an order of the convention, the former secretary, Theodore 
Atkinson, Esquire, delivered up the province records, to a com- 
mittee which was sent to receive them, and Ebenezer Thompson, 
Esquire, was appointed in his place. The records of deeds, and 
of the probate office, for the county of Rockingham, were also 
removed to Exeter, as a [)lace of greater safety than Portsmouth. 
The former treasurer, George Jaffrey, Esquire, was applied to 
for the public money in his hands, wliich, to the amount of one 
thousand five hundred and sixteen pounds, four shillings and eight 
pence, he delivered ; and Nicholas Gilman, Esquire, was ap- 
pointed treasurer in his room.f 

During this year, three emissions of paper bills were made. 
The first, of ten thousand and fifty pounds ; the second, of ten 
thousand pounds ; and the third, of twenty thousand pounds. 
For the amount of those sums, the treasurer gave his obligation 
in small notes, which passed for a time, as current money, equal 
in value to silver and gold. But as emissions were multiplied, as 
the redemption of the bills was put off to distant periods, and the 
bills themselves were counterfeited, it was impossible for them 
long to hold their value. 

Beside the three regiments which made part of the American 
army at Cambridge, a company of artillery was raised to do duty 
at die forts. A company of rangers was posted on Connecticut 
river ; and two companies more were appointed, to be ready to 
march wherever the committee of safety should direct. The 
whole militia was divided into twelve regiments ; the field officers 
were appointed by the convention^ and the inferior officers were 
chosen by the companies. Out of the militia were inlisted four 
regiments of minute-men, so called, because they were to be 
ready at a minute's warning. They were constantly trained to 
military duty, and when called to service were allowed the same 

* ' Ne quid detrimenti respublica capiat.' 

t [Nicholas Gilman was son of Daniel Gilman, of Exeter, a grandson of 
the Hon. John Gilman, one of tlie first council under President Cutt, in 1680. 
(See page 90.) lie was born 31 October, 1731, and received a common 
school education. He was elected a counsellor under the temporary consti- 
tution of New-Hampshire in 1777, and, by annual elections, continued in of- 
fice until liis death, 7 April, 17^3. Three of his sons enjoyed some of the 
first offices in tiie state. Nicholas, the eldest, died while a senator in con- 
gress, in 1814. John Taylor, after liaving been governor of the state fourteen 
years, died 31 August, 162S, x. 75. Nathaniel, now living, has been senator 
in the state legislature and state treasurer.] 



1775.] STATE. MESIIECH WE ARE. 363 

pay as the regiments in the continental army. In the succeeding 
winter, uhen the Connecticut forces had withdrawn from die camp, 
because their time of service was expired, sixteen companies of 
the New-Hampshire mihtia, of sixty-one men each, supplied dieir 
place, till the British troops evacuated Boston. 

The convention having been appointed for six months only ; 
before die expiration of that time, applied to the general congress 
for their advice, respecting some mode of government for the 
future. In answer to which, the congress recommended j^ „ 
to them, ' to call a full and free representation of the 
' people ; that these representatives, if they should think it neces- 
' sary, might establish such a form of government, as, in their 

* judgment, would best conduce to the happiness of the people, 
' and most effectually tend to secure peace and good order in the 

* province, during the continuance of the dispute between Great- 
' Britain and the colonies.' On receiving this advice, the con- 
vention took into their consideration the mode in which a ^ ,. 
full and free representation should be called ; and finally 
agreed, that each elector should possess a real estate of twenty 
pounds value, and every candidate for election, one of three hun- 
dred pounds; that every town, consisting of one hundred families, 
should send one representative ; and one more for every hundred 
families ; and that those towns which contained a less number than 
one hundred should be classed. They had before ordered a sur- 
vey to be made of the number of people in the several coundes ; 
and having obtained it, they determined, that the number of rep- 
resentativ^es to the next convention, should bear the following pro- 
portion to the number of people, viz. 

Rockingham, 37S50 people 38 representatives. 

Strafford, 12713 13 

Hillsborough, 16447 17 

Cheshire, 11089 15 

Grafton, 4101 6 



In all, 82200 89 

These representatives were to be empowered, by their constit- 
uents, to assume government as recommended by the general 
congress, and to condnue for one whole year from the time of such 
assumption. The wages of the members were to be paid by 
the several towns, and their travelling expenses out of the 
public treasury. Having formed this plan, and sent cop- ^^ -„ 
ies of it to the several towns, the convention dissolved. 

This convention was composed chiefly of men w'ho knew noth- 
ing of die dieory of government, and had never before been con- 
cerned in public business. In the short term of six months, they 
acquired so much knowledge by experience, as to be convinced, 



364 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [177(>. 

lliat it was improper for a legislative assembly to consist of one 
house only. As soon as the new convention came together, they 
Dec 21 ^'"*^"^ "P ^ temporary form of government ; and, agree- 
~ ably to the trust reposed in them by their constituents, 
having assumed the name and authority of the house of 
Jan. 5. representatives, they proceeded to choose twelve persons, 
to be a distinct branch of the legislature, by the name of a coun- 
cil. Of these, five were chosen from the county of Rockingham, 
two from Strafford, two from Hillsboro-vgh, two from Cheshire 
and one from Grafton. These were empowered to elect their 
own [iresident, and any seven of them were to be a quorum. It 
was ordained, that no act or resolve should be valid, unless pass- 
ed by both branches of the legislature ; that all money bills should 
originate in the house of representatives ; that neither house should 
adjourn for more than two days, without the consent of the other ; 
that a secretary, and all other public officers of the colony, and of 
each county, for the current year, all general and field officers 
of militia, and all officers of the marching regiments, should be 
appointed by the two houses ; all subordinate militia officers by 
their respective companies; that the present assembly should 
subsist one year, and if the dispute with Britain should continue 
longer, and the general congress should give no directions to the 
contrary, that precepts should be issued annually to the several 
towns on or before the first day of November, for the choice of 
counsellors and representatives, to be returned by the third 
Wednesday in December. 

In this hasty production, there were some material defects. 
One was the want of an executive branch of government. To 
remedy this, the two houses, during their session, performed ex- 
ecutive as well as legislative duty ; and at every adjournment 
appointed a committee of safety, to sit in the recess, with the same 
powers, as had been given in the preceding year, by the conven- 
tion. The number of this committee varied from six to sixteen. 
The president of the council was also president of this executive 
committee. The person chosen to fill this chair was an old, tried, 
faithful servant of the public, the honorable IVIeshech Weare, 
Esquire, who was also appointed chief justice of the superior court. 
So great was the confidence of the people in this gentleman, that 
they scrupled not to invest him, at the same time, with the highest 
offices, legislative, executive, and judicial; in which he was con- 
tinued by annual elections during the whole war.* 

* [Of a character so beloved and esteemed as President Weare, a note more 
extended tlian this, should bo given, but the want of suitable materials, will 
permit only the following notice. 

The family of IVeurrs was an early one in New-England, although not 
nmongthe earliest. Peter Weare, probably the first ancestor of the President 
who came hither, died 12 October, 1653, at Newbury, Massachusetts, in 
which place he had resided some time. His son, Nathaniel Weare, resided in 



1776.] 



STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 565 



This constitution was prefaced with several reasons for ado|)ting 
government, viz. That the British i)arliament liad, by many 
grievous and oppressive acts, deprived us of our native rights ; 
to enforce obedience to wliich acts, the ministry of tliat kingdom 
had sent a powerful fleet and army into this country, and had 
wantonly and cruelly abused their power, in destroying our lives 
and property ; that the sudden and abrupt departure of our late 
governor, had left us destitute of legislation ; that no judicial courts 
were open to punish ofTenders ; and that the continental congress 
had recommended the adoption of a form of government. Upon 
these grounds, the convention made a declaration in these words, 
' We conceive ourselves reduced to the necessity of establishing a 
' form of government, to continue during the present unhappy 

* and unnatural contest with Great-Britain ; protesting and de- 

* daring, that we never sought to throw oft' our dependence on 

* Great-Britain ; but felt ourselves happy under her protection, 
' whilst we could enjoy our constitutional rights and privileges ; 
' and that v.e shall rejoice, if such a reconciliation between us and 
' our parent state can be efTected, as shall be approved by the 

that place several years, and afterwards removed to Hampton, as intimated in 
a note, p. 103. Peter Weare, the son of Nathaniel, was born at Newbury, 15 
Nov. 16G0, and was appointed a counsellor of N. H. in ItiDb. The father of 
the President was Nathaniel Weare, who was probably son of Peter Weare, 
the counsellor. He had four sons and eight daughters. Me-shecii Weare 
was the youngest of the sons, and was born at what was then Hampton, in 
1714. He graduated at Harvard college, then under President Wadsworth, 
in the year 1735, and devoted some time to theological studies, which he re- 
linquished for the calls of civil and political life. He was chosen speaker of 
the house of representatives in 1752 ; and in 1754, was appointed a commis- 
sioner to the congress at Albany, and was afterwards one of the justices of 
the superior court of New-Hampshire. In 177G, he was chosen president of 
the state under the new constitution, adopted that year to continue durinff 
the war, and was annually elected to the same office "during the contest with 
Great-Britain. He was also apjjointed to the office of chief justice in 1777, 
which he held at the same time he sustained the office of chief magistrate. 
In 1784, he was elected the first president under the constitution which was 
adopted in 17H3, and which went into operation the following year ; but on 
account of his declining health, he resigned his office before the expiration of 
the political year. He enjoyed not only civil lienors, but was complimented 
with those of a literary kind. In 1782, he was elected a fellow of the Amer- 
ican academy of arts and sciences, which two years before had gone into ope- 
ration in Massachusetts, under very favorable auspices. His election was 
announced to him by tiie corresponding secretary, Rev. Joseph Willard, the 
president of Harvard college. 

Being worn out with public service and the infirmities of age. President 
Weare departed this life at ids residence at Hampton-Falls, on the twenty- 
fifth of January, 1786, having entered on the 73d year of liis age. 

In speaking of iiis character. Dr. Belknap, who personally knew him, says, 
" he was not a person of an original inventive genius, but liad a clear discern- 
ment, e.xtensive knowledge, accurate judgment, calm temper, a modest de- 
portment, an upright and benevolent heart, and a habit of prudence and dili- 
gence in discharging the various duties of public and private liie. He did 
not enrich himself by his public employment, but was one of those good men, 

* who dare to love tiieir country and be poor.' " 

The two last parag^raphs have been transferred from a note in the Appendix 
to the 2d vol. of the former editions, to this place.] 



3G6 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1776. 

' continental congress, in whose prudence and wisdom we con- 
' fide.'* 

Such was the language, and such were the sentiments of the 
people at that time ; and had the British government, on the re- 
moval of their troops from Boston, treated with us, in answer to 
our last petition, upon the principle of reconciliation ; and restored 
us to the state in which we were hefore the stamp-act was made, 
they might even then, have preserved their connexion with us. 
But in the course of a lew months, we not only found our petitions 
disregarded, and our professions of attachment to the parent state 
treated as hypocritical ; but their hostile intentions became so ap- 
parent, and our situation was so singular, that there could be no 
hope of safety for us, without dissolving our connexion with them, 
and assuming that equal rank among the powers of the earth for 
which nature had destined us, and to which the voice of reason 
and providence loudly called us. Britain had engaged foreign 
mercenaries to assist in subjugating us ; justice required that we 
should in our turn court foreign aid ; but this could not be had, 
whilst we acknowledged ourselves subjects of the crown against 
whose power we were struggling. The exertions which we had 
made, and the blood which we had shed, were deemed too great 
a price for reconciliation to a power which still claimed the right 
' to bind us in all cases whatsoever,' and which held out to us un- 
conditional submission, as the only terms on which we were to 
expect even a pardon. Subjection to a prince who had thrown 
us out of his protection ; who had ruined our commerce, destroy- 
ed our cities and spilled our blood ; and who would not govern 
us at all, without the interposition of a legislative body, in whose 
election we had no voice, was an idea too absurd to be any longer 
entertained. These sentiments, being set in their just light by va- 
rious publications and addresses, had such force as to produce a 
total change of the public opinion. Independence became the 
general voice of the same people, who but a few months before 
had petitioned for reconciliation. When this could not be had, 
but on terms disgraceful to the cause which we had undertaken 
to support, we were driven to that as our only refuge. The 
minds of the people at large in most of the colonies being thus in- 

* [This was the first constitution, it has been said, which was adopted by 
any of the colonies, after the revolution commenced. It met with a small 
opposition from some of the delegates, and from the inhabitants of Portsmouth. 
Twelve of the former entered their protest against it, and the following among 
other reasons are given for their dissent. " Because the colonies of New- 
York and Virginia, which are in similar circumstances with us, are much 
larger and more opulent, and, we presume, much wiser, (to whom we would 
pay all due deference) have not attempted any thing of this kind, nor, as we 
can learn, ever desired it." The ninth reason was " Because it appears to 
«s too much like setting up an Indkpendency of the Mother Country." — 
Portsmouth sent in a remonstrance 12 January, 1776, but the new govern- 
jTient went into operation with much energy, and but little complaint was 
;nade by the people after the first year.] 



1776.] 



STATE. MESllECH WEARE. 20'^ 



fluenced, they called upon their delegates in congress to execute 
tlie act which should sever us from foreign dominion, and put us 
into a situation to govern ourselves.* 

It ought ever to be remembered, that the declaration of our in- 
dependence was made, at a point of tin)e, when no royal j^j 
governor had even the shadow of authority in any of the 
colonies ; and when no British troops had any footing on this con- 
tinent. The country was then absolutely our own. A formidable 

* On the lltli of June, 177G, a committee was chosen by the assembly of 
New-Hampshire ' to make a draught of a declaration of tlie general assembly 
' lor the Lnjjkpk.nde.nck of tlie united colonies on Great Britain, to be trans- 
' mitted to our delegates in congress.' [The proceedings of the assembly, 
and the declaration are here introduced, copied from the records in the secre- 
tary's oflice. 

Dkclaration of Independence by New-Hampshire in 1776. 

In the FIovsc of Representatives, June 11, 177G. 

"Fof«/, That Samuel Cutts, Timothy Walker and John Dudley, Esquires, 
be a committee of this house to join a committee of tlie honorable board, to 
make a draft of a declaration of this general assembly for Independence of 
the united colonies, on Great-Britain." 

June 15, 1776. 

" The committee of both houses, appointed to prepare a draft setting forth 
the sentiments and opinion of the council and assembly of this colony relative 
to the united colonies setting up an independent state, make report as on file 
— which report being read and considered, Voted vnanimmisUjfTh.^tXhe re- 
port of said committee be received and accepted, and that the draft by them 
brought in be sent to our delegates at the continental congress forthwitli aa 
the sense of the house." 

" The draft made by the committee of both houses, relating to independen- 
cy, and voted as the sense of this house, is as follows, viz. 

'• Whereas it now appears an undoubted fact, that notwithstanding all the- 
dutiful petitions and decent remonstrances from the American colonies, and 
the utmost exertions of their best friends in England on their behalf, the Brit- 
ish ministry, arbitrary and vindictive, are yet determined to reduce by fire 
and sword our bleeding country, to their absolute obedience ; and for this pur- 
pose, in addition to their own forces, have engaged great numbers of foreign 
mercenaries, who may now be on their passage here, accompanied by a for- 
midable fleet to ravish and plunder the sea-coast; from all which we may 
reasonably expect the most dismal scenes of distress the ensuing year, unless 
we exert ourselves by every means and precaution possible ; and whereas we 
of this colony of New-Hampshire have the example of several of the most re- 
spectable of our sister colonies before us for entering upon that most import- 
ant step of disunion from Great-Britain, and declaring ourselves FREE and 
INDEPENDENT of the crown thereof, being impelled thereto by the most 
violent and injurious treatment ; and it appearing absolutely necessary in this 
most critical juncture of our public affairs, that the honorable the continental 
congress, who have this important object under immediate consideration,, 
should be also informed of our resolutions thereon without loss of time, we 
do hereby declare that it is the opinion of this assembly that our delegates at 
the continental congress should be instructed, and they are hereby instruct- 
ed, to join with the other colonies in declaring the thirteen united colonies a 
free and independent state — solemnly pledging our faith and honor, tiiat we 
will on our parts support the measure with our lives and fortunes — and that 
in consequence thereof they, the continental congress, on whose wisdom, fi- 
delity and integrity we rely, may enter into and form such alliances as they 
may judge most conducive to the present safety and future advantage of these 
American colonies : Provided, the regulation of our own internal police be 
under the direction of our own assembly. 
Entered according to the original, 

Attest, NOAH EMERY, Clr. D. Reps.} 



3^8 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1776, 

force was fndecil collected on our coasts, ready to invade us ; and 
in the face of that armament, this decisive step was taken. The 
declaration was received with joy by the American army then 
assembled at New-York. Within fourteen days, it was jiublished 
J J jcj by beat of drum in all the shire towns of New-Hampshire. 
It relieved us from a state of embarrassment. We then 
knew the ground on which we stood, and from that time, every 
thing assumed a new appearance. The jargon of distinctions 
between die limits of authority on the one side, pnd of liberty on 
the other, was done away. The single question was, whether 
we should be conquered provinces, or free and independent states. 
On this question, every person was able to form his own judgment ; 
and it was of such magnitude that no man could be at a loss to 
stake his life on its decision. ^ '^ 

It is amusing to recollect, at this distance of time, that one ef- 
fect of independence was an aversion to every thing which bore 
the name and marks of royalty. Sign boards on which were 
painted the king's arms, or the crown and sceptre, or the portraits 
of any branches of the royal family, were pulled down or defaced. 
Pictures and escutcheons of the same kind in private houses 
were inverted or concealed. The names of streets, which had 
been called after a king or queen were altered j and the half- 
pence, which bore the name of George 111., were either refused 
in payment, or degraded to farthings. These last have not yet 
recovered their value. 

The new assembly began their administration by establishing 
judicial courts, on the same system as before, excepting that the 
court of appeals, which had long been esteemed a grievance, was 
abolished, and all appeals to Great-Britain were prohibited. Ap- 
peals from the probate courts, which formerly came before the 
governor and council, were transferred to the superior court, 
whose judgment was now made final. Encouragement was given 
to fit out armed vessels, and a maritime court was established for 
the trial of captures by sea. A law was made to punish the coun- 
terfeiting of the paper bills of this and of the United States ; and 
to make them ' a tender for any money due by deed or simple 
' contract.' After the declaration of independence the style of 

(1) Observations on the American Revolution, p. 57, 58. 

* [The delegates from New-Hampsliire in cong-ress, who signed the declara- 
tion of independence, were Josiaii Bartlftt, William Whipplk and Mat- 
thew Thornton, of eacii of wliom a memoir is given in tlie national work, 
Biography of the Siirners of the Declaration of Indrprndrnrc. As the editor of 
this work furnisliea the biographer of these men call the facts and materials in 
his possession, he can add notliing new to their liistory, but refers the reader 
to the work mentioned. The most important information contained in this 
work has been condensed by N. Dwightof the city of New- York, and publish- 
ed in a duodecimo volume.] 



1776,] STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 3C9 

Colony was changed for that of the State of New-Hampshire. 
A new law was enacted to regulate the militia. More paper bills 
were issued to pay the expenses of the war ; and provision was 
made for drawing in some of the bills by taxes. Doubts had 
arisen, whether the former laws were in force ; a special act was 
therefore passed, reviving and re-enacting all the laws which 
were in force, at the time when government was assumed ; as far 
as they were not repugnant to the new form, or to the indepen- 
dence of the colonies, or not actually repealed.* 

The congress having ordered several frigates to be built in dif- 
ferent places ; one of thirty-two guns, called the Raleigh, . , . „, 
was launched at Portsmouth, in sixty days from the time 
when her keel was laid ; but for want of guns and ammunition, and 
other necessaries, it was a long time before she was completely 
fitted for the sea. The making of salt-petre was encouraged by 
a bounty ; and many trials were made before it was produced in 
purity. Powder mills were erected, and the mai iifacture of gun- 
powder was, after some time, established ; but notwithstanding all 
our cxeitions, foreign supplies wore necessary. 

For the service of this year, two thousand men were raised, 
and formed into three regiments, under the same commanders as 
in the former year. Three hundred men w-ere posted at the forts 
in the harbor. Supplies of fire arms and ammunition were sent 
to die western parts of the state, and a regiment was raised in 
that quarter, under the command of Colonel Timothy Bedel, to 
be ready to march into Canada. 

The three regiments went with the army under General Wash- 
ington to New- York ; and thence were ordered up the Hudson, 
and down the lakes into Canada, under the immediate command 
of Brigadier-General Sullivan. The design of this movement 
was to succor and reinforce the army, which had been sent, the 
preceding year, against Quebec ; and which was now retreating 
before a superior force, which had arrived from Britain, as early 
as the navigation of the St. liawrence was opened. Our troops 
having met the retreating army at the mouth of the Sorel, threw 
up some slight works round their camp. General Thomas, who 
had commanded the army after the fall of the brave Montgomery, 
was dead of the small-pox. f Arnold was engaged in stripping 

* [1776. The towns of Washington, formerly Camhdcn, and Marlborough, 
formerly Kcto-MarJhorough, were incorporated on the 13 December, this year. 
Acts and Laws of the state of New-Hampshire, folio 57, 58.] 

t [General John Thomas was from Massachusetts, and was descended from 
one of the most ancient and respectable families in the county of Plymouth. 
His death was deplored as a great public calamity. He was distinguished by 
great prudence and judgment, as well tas resolution and intrepidity. He was 
appointed a major-general on the continental establishment in March, 177(5 ; 
but had been second in command in the provincial army in the summer of 
1775, till General Wasliington arrived at Cambridge. Ho had also served 
with reputation ns a field officer in the war of 1756, between England and 

40 



370 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1776. 

the merchants of Montreal, under pretence of supplying the army ; 
and Thompson was taken prisoner in an unsuccessful attack on 
the village of Trois Rivieres. The command therefore devolved 
on Sullivan, who, finding a retreat necessary, conducted it with 
great prudence. At this time, the American troops, and in par- 
ticular the regiments of New-Hampshire, had taken the infection 
of the small-pox. The sick were placed in batteaux, and with the 
cannon and stores, were drawn against the rapid current, by the 
strength of men on shore, or wading in the water ; and so close 
was the pursuit of the enenjy, that they could scarcely find time 
to kindle a fire to ilress their victuals, or dry their clothes. At 
St. John's, the pursuit ceased. On the arrival of our army at 
J , J Ticonderoga, Sullivan, being superseded by Gates, re- 
turned to the main army at New-York. The troops in 
the northern department being reinforced by the militia of the 
neighboring states, fortified the posts of Ticonderoga and JMount 
Independence. Besides the small pox, a dysentery and putrid 
fever raged among them ; and it was computed, that of the New- 
Hampshire regiments, nearly one third part died this year by sick- 
ness. 

When the danger of an attack on Ticonderoga for that season, 
was passed, the remaining part of the New-Hampshire troops 
marched by the way of the Minisinks, into Pennsylvania. There 
they joined General Washington, and assisted in the glorious 
capture of the Hessians at Trenton, and afterward in the battle of 
Princeton. Though worn down with fatigue, and almost destitute 
of clothing, in that inclement season, (December and January,) 
they continued in the service six weeks after the term of their 
enlistment had expired ; and two regiments of the militia which 
were sent to reinforce the army remained till March. 

By this time, the inconvenience of maintaining an army, by an- 
nual enlistments and temporary levies, was severely felt, and gen- 
- „~„ erally reprobated ; and the congress, though slow in listen- 
' ing to remonstrances on this head, were obliged to adopt 
a more permanent establishnicnt. In recruiting the army for the 
next year, the officers were appointed by congress, during the 
war; and the men enlisted either for that term, or for three 
years. The commanders of the three regiments of New-Hamp- 
shire, were the Colonels Joseph Cilley,* Nathan Hale and Alex- 
France. Bradford, Hist, of Mass. ii. 104. He died at Chamblee. It has been 
said that from some scrujjles, lie refused to be inoculated for the small-pox 
himself, and would not sufl'er his troops to receive inoculation.] 

* [Joseph Cii.i.ey wa.s of Nottingham, where his father was one of the 
early settlers. He was distinguished for his bravery and patriotism during 
the whole revolutionary contest. After the liberties of the country were se- 
cured, he was several times elected a representative to the legislature of New- 
Hampshire, and in 1797 and 171)8, was chosen one of the executive council. 
He was appointed major-general of the militia, 22 June, 1786, in which office 
he remained a number of yeftrs. He died at Nottingham in August, 1799, 
aged ri."j ] 



1777.] STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 371 

ander Scammell. These regiments were supplied with new 
French arms ; and their rendezvous was at Ticonderoga, under 
the immediate command of Brigadier-General Poor. There they 
remained, till the approach of the British army under j^, g 
General Burgoyne, rendered it eligible to abandon that 
post. On the retreat, Colonel Hale's battalion was ordered to 
cover the rear of the invalids, by which means, he was seven miles 
behind the main body. The next morning, he was attacked, by 
an advanced party of the enemy at Hubberton.* In this engage- 
ment, Major Titcomb of the New-Hampshire troops, was wound- 
ed. Colonel Hale, Captains Robertson, Carr, and Norris, Ad- 
jutant Elliot, and two other officers were taken prisoners, with 
about one hundred men. The main body of the army continued 
their retreat to Saratoga. On their way, they had a skirmish 
with the enemy at Fort Anne, in which Captain Weare, son of 
the president, was mortally wounded, and died at Albany. 

Immediately after the evacuation of Ticonderoga, the commit- 
tee of the New-Hampshire grants (who had now formed themselves 
into a new state) wrote in the most pressing terms, to the j^j g 
committee of safety at Exeter for assistance, and said that 
if none should be afforded to them, they should be obliged to re- 
treat to the New-England states for safety. ^ When the news of 
this affair reached New-Hampshire, the assembly had finished 
their spring session and returned home. A summons from j , ,_ 
the committee brought them together again ; and in a short 
session of three days only, they took the most effectual and deci- 
sive steps for the defence of the country. They formed the 
whole militia of the state into two brigades ; of the first, they gave 
the command to William Vv hippie, f and of the second, to John 
Stark. They ordered one fourth part of Stark's brigade, and one 
fourth of three regiments of the other brigade, to march immedi- 
ately under his command, ' to stop the progress of die enemy on 
' our western frontiers.' They ordered the militia officers, to take 

(1) Original letters in files. 

* [In the county of Rutland in Vermont. It is often written Hubbardton, 
which is probably the correct orthography.] 

t [William Whipple was a native of Kittery, in Maine, where he was 
born in 17IW. Before he was 21 years of age, he obtained the command of a 
vessel, and performed a number of voyages to the West Indies, and to Eu- 
rope. In IT.'Si), he abandoned the sea, and went into business at Portsmouth ; 
was a delegate from that town to the convention at Exeter, in 1775 ; was one 
of the first council of New-Hampsliire after the war with Great-Britain com- 
menced ; was a delegate to the general congress at Philadelpliia, and one of 
the signers of the decharation of independence. In 1777, he changed his po- 
litical for a military character, and received the appointment above named. 
His services to the American cause were important. After the war closed, 
he was appointed judge of the superior court of judicature, in wliich office he 
remained about three 3'ears. He died at Portsmouth, 10 November, 1785, 
aged 54. Adams, Annals of Portsmouth. 281 — 234. — Biography of the Sign- 
ers of the Declai-ation of Independence, V. 73 — 98.] 



373 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHiRE [1777. 

away arms, from all persons, who scrupled or refused to assist, in 
defending the country ; and appointed a day of fasting and prayer, 
which was ohserved with great solemnity. 

The appointment of Stark, to this command, with the same pay 
as a brigadier in the continental service, was peculiarly grateful 
to the people, as well as to himself. In an arrangement of gen- 
eral officers, in the preceding year, Poor, a junior officer, had 
been promoted ^ whilst he was neglected. He had written on this 
subject to congress, and his letters were laid on the table. He 
therefore quilted the army, and retired to his own state.* He 
was now by the unanimous voice of his fellow citizens, invested 
with a separate command, and received orders to ' repair to 

* Charlcstovvn on Connecticut river ; there to consult with a com- 
' mittee of New-Hampshire grants, respecting his future opera- 
' tions and the supply of his men with provisions ; to take the 
' command of the militia and march into die grants to act in con- 
' junction with the troops of that new state, or any other of the 

* states, or of the United States, or separately, as it should appear 
' expedient to him ; for the protection of the people and the an- 

* noyance of the enemy.'^ 

In a few days, he proceeded to Charlestown, and as fast as his 
men arrived, he sent them forward, to join the forces of the new 
state, under Colonel Warner, who had taken post at Manchester, 
twenty miles northward of Bennington.^ Here, Stark joined him, 
and met w?ith General Lincoln, who had been sent from Stillwa- 
ter, by General Schuyler, commander of the northern depart- 
ment, to conduct the militia to the west side of Hudson's river. 
Stark informed him of his orders, and of the danger which the 
inhabitants of the grants apprehended from the enemy, and from 
their disaffected neighbors ; that he had consulted with the com- 
mittee, and that it was the determination of the people, in case 
he should join the continental army and leave them exposed, that 
they would retire to the east of Connecticut river ; in which case 
New-Hampshire would be a frontier. He therefore determined 
to remain on the flank of the enemy, and to watch their motions. 
For this purpose, he collected his force at Bennington, and left 
Warner with his regiment at Manchester. A report of 

^^' ' this determination was transmitted to congress, and the 

(1) MS. copy of orders on file. (2) Aug. 17 — MS. copy of Lincoln's letter. 

• [Upon his resignation, the council and liouse of delegates of New-Hamp- 
shire, on the 21 ^farch, 1777, passed the following vote : " Voted that the 
tlianksof bothliouses in convention be given to Colonel Stark, for his good 
Bcrvices in tlie present war, and tliat from his early and steadfast attachments 
to the cause of liis country, they malic not the least doubt'that his future con- 
duct in whatever state of life providence may i)lace him, will manifest the 
aainc noble disposition of mind." Whereujjon tiie thanks of both liouses 
were presented to Colonel Stark by tho honorable the president. Records of 
the House of Ropp vol. ii. 12().] 



1777.1 STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 373 

orders on which it was founded were by them disapproved ; but 
the propriety of it was evinced by the subsequent facts. 

General Burgoyne, with the main body of the British arnny lay 
at fort Edward. Thence he detached Lieutenant Colonel Baurn, 
with about fifteen hundred of his German troops, and one hun- 
dred Indians, to pervade the grants as far as Connecticut river, 
with a view to collect horses to mount the dragoons, and cattle, 
both for labor and provisions ; and to return to the army with his 
booty. He was to persuade the people among whom he should 
pass, that his detachment was the advanced guard of the British 
army, which was marching to Boston. He was accompanied by 
Colonel Skeene, who was well acquainted with the country ; and 
he was ordered to secure his camp by night.* 

The Indians who proceeded this detachment, being discovered 
about twelve miles from Bennington ; Stark detached Colonel 
Gregg,* with two hundred men, to stop their march. In the eve- 
ning of the same day, he was informed that a body of regular 
troops, with a train of artillery, was in full march for Bennington. ^ 
The next morning, he marched with his whole brigade, . 
and some of the militia of the grants, to support Gregg, "^' 
who found himself unable to withstand the superior number of the 
enemy. Having proceeded about four miles, he met Gregg re- 
treating, and the main body of the enemy pursuing, within half a 
mile of his rear. When they discovered Stark's column, they 
halted in an advantageous position ; and he drew up his men on an 
eminence in open view ; but could not bring them to an engage- 
ment. He then marched back, about a mile, and encamped ; 
leaving a few men to skirmish with them ; who killed thirty of the 
enemy and two of the Indian chiefs. The next day was . 
rainy. Stark kept his position, and sent out parties to ^' 
harass the enemy. Many of the Indians took this opportunity to 
desert ; because, as they said, ' the woods were full of yankees.' 

On the following morning, Stark was joined by a com- . 
pany of militia from the grants, and another from the conn- "^' 
ty of Berkshire, in Massachusetts. His whole force amounted to 
about sixteen hundred. He sent Colonel Nichols,f with two 

(1) MS. copy of Burgoyne's orders. (2) Aug. 13— Stark's MS. letters in 
files. 

* [Col. William Gregg was born at Londonderry, 21 October, 1730. He 
was son of Cnpt. .John Gregg, and grandson of Capt. James Gregg, wlio was 
one of the first sixteen who settled that town, as mentioned page 1!)2. There 
is a short memoir of Colonel Gregg's revolutionary services in the Coll. of 
Farmer and Moore, iii. p. 311. At the close of tha war, he retired to his farm, 
and employed himself in the pursuits of husbandry till within a few years of 
his death. He died at Londonderry on the 16 September, 1824, having al- 
most completed his 04th year.] 

t [Col. Moses Nichols was of Amherst, where he died 23d May, 1790, aged 
50 years. He was appointed a colonel of the 6th regiment of N. H. militia, C> 
Dec. 177C; was a delegate to the convention, whicTi met in 1778 to form a 



4J74 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1777. 

hundred and fifty men, to the rear of the enemy's left wing; and 
Colonel Hendrick, with three hundred, to the rear of their right. 
He placed three hundred to oppose their front and draw their at- 
tention. Then sending Colonels Hubbard and Stickney,* with 
two hundred to attack the right wing, and one hundred more to 
reinforce Nichols in the rear of their left, the attack began in that 
•quarter precisely at three of the clock in the afternoon. It was 
immediately seconded by the other detachments; and at the same 
time, Stark himself advanced with the main body. The engage- 
ment lasted two hours ; at the end of which he forced their breast- 
works, took two pieces of brass cannon and a number of prisoners ; 
the rest retreated. 

Just at this instant, he received intelligence that another body 
of the enemy was within two miles of him. This was a reinforce- 
ment for which Baum had sent, when he first knew the force 
which he was to oppose. It was commanded by Colonel Brey- 
man. Happily Warner's regiment from Manchester came up 
with them and stopped them. Stark rallied his men and renew- 
ed the action ; it was warm and desperate ; he used, with success, 
the cannon which he had taken ; and at sunset obliged the enemy 
to retreat. He pursued them till night, and then halted, to pre- 
vent his own men from killing each other, in the dark. He took 
from the enemy two other pieces of cannon, with all their baggage, 
wagons and horses. Two hundred and twenty-six men were 
found dead on the field. Their commander, Baum, was taken 
and died of his wounds ; beside whom, thirty-three officers, and 
above seven hundred privates, were made prisoners. Of Stark's 
brigade, four officers and ten privates were killed and forty-two 
were wounded. 

In the account of this batde, which Stark sent to the committee 
of New-Hampshire, he said, ' our people behaved with the great- 
. ,g ' est spirit and bravery imaginable. Had every man been 
"^' ' ' an Alexander, or a Charles of Sweden, they could not 
* have behaved better.' He was sensible of the advantage of 
keeping on the flank of the enemy's main body ; and therefore 
sent for one thousand men to replace those whose time had ex- 
pired ; but intimated to the committee that he himself should re- 
new constitution, and a representative from Amherst in 1781 and 1789, and 
subsequently a l)rigadier-general. He was register of deeds of Hillsborough 
•county from 177(1 to liis death. He was bred a physician and practised with 
much success. He left several sons, (lie eldest of whom was Moses Nichols, 
Esq. a physician, who resided in Thornton, in Canada, in Amherst, and after- 
wards again in Canada, to which place he removed in 1811, and where he 
lately sustained the office of judge of some court.] 

* [Col. Thomas SricKNEy, son of Lieut. Jeremiah Stickney, was a native 
of Bradford, Massachusetts, but spent nearl}' his wiiole life in Concord, in this 
state, wJiere his father removed about the 3'ear 1731, and where the colonel 
flied 2C) .January, 1809, in the 80th year of his age. Moore, Annals of Con- 
eord, 03.] 



1777.] STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 375 

turn with the brigade. They cordially thanked him ' for the very 
' essential service which he had done to the country,' but earnest- 
ly pressed liim to continue in the command ; and sent him a re- 
inforcement, ' assuring the men that they were to serve under 
' General Stark.' This argument prevailed with the men to 
march, and with Stark to remain. 

The prisoners taken in this battle were sent to Boston. The 
trophies were divided between New-Hampshire and Massachu- 
setts. But congress heard of this victory by accident. Having 
waited some time in expectation of letters, and none arriving ; in- 
quir}^ was made why Stark had not written to congress f Ho 
answered, that his correspondence with them was closed, as they 
had not attended to his last letters. They took the hint ; and 
though they had but a few days before resolved, that the instruc- 
tions which he had received were destructive of military subor- 
dination, and prejudicial to the common cause ; yet they present- 
ed their thanks to him, and to the officers and troops under his 
command, and promoted him to the rank of a brigadier-general, 
in the army of the United States.* 

This victory gave a severe check to the hopes of the enemy, 
and raised the spirits of the people after long depression. It 
wholly changed the face of affiiirs in the northern department. 
Instead of disappointment and retreat, and the loss of men by 
hard labor and sickness ; we now were convinced, not only that 
our militia could fight without being covered by intrenchments ; 
but that they were able, even without artillery, to cope with regu- 
lar troops in their intrenchments. The success thus gained was 
regarded as a good omen of farther advantages. ' Let us get 
them into the woods,' was the language of the whole country. 
Burgoyne was daily putting his army into a more hazardous situ- 
ation ; and we determined that no exeruon should be wanting on 
our part to complete the ruin of his boasted enterprise. The 
northern army was reinforced by the militia of all the neighboring 
states. Brigadier Whipple marched with a great part of his brig- 
ade ; besides which, volunteers in abundance from ev^ery part of 
New-Hampshire flew to the northern army now commanded by 
General Gates. Two desperate battles were fought, the one at Still- 
water, and the other at Saratoga ; in both of which, the troops of 
New-Hampshire had a large share of the honor due to theAmer- 

* [General John Stark was a native of Londonderry, and died at Man- 
chester, (formerly Derryfield) 8 May, 1822, having nearly completed his 94th 
year. Excepting Gen. Sumpter of South-Carolina, he was the last surviving 
general who had a command in the war of the American revolution. It is 
only necessary to refer the reader for a biography of him to the Coll. of Far- 
mer and Moore, i. 02 — 110, and the sketch of his life published in the Boston 
Statesman, in 182'.), and copied into various papers the same j'ear. In the 
392d number of Sir Richard Phillips's London Magazine, there is an account 
of him which is very erroneous and ridiculous. The editor of that workhow- 
evM afterwards received more correct information respecting General Stark.] 



376 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1777. 

ican army. Iq the former action, two lieutenant-colonels, Adams 
and Colburn,* and Lieutenant Thomas, were slain in the field ; and 
several other brave oflicers were wounded, one of whom. Captain 
Bell, died in the hospital. In the latter, Lieutenant-Colonel Con- 
ner and Lieutenant McClary were killed, with a great number of 
their men ; and Colonel Scammell was wounded. The conse- 
quence of these battles was the surrender of Burgoyne's army. 
This grand object being attained, the New-Hampshire regiments 
performed a march of forty miles, and forded the Mohawk river, 
below the falls, in the space of fourteen hours. The design of 
this rapid movement was to check the progress of a detachment, 
commanded by the British general, Clinton ; who threatened Al- 
bany with the same destruction which he had spread in the country 
below ; but on hearing the fate of Burgoyne, he returned quietly 
to New-York. The regiments then marched into Pennsylvania 
and passed the winter in huts at Valley-Forge. Besides those 
ofilccrs slain at the northward, we sustained a loss in the death of 
Major Edward Sherburne, aid de camp to General Sullivan, who 
was 'dllcd in a bold, but unsuccessful action at Gcrinantowu.f 

After the capture of Burgoyne's army, all danger of invasion 
from Canada ceased ; and the theatre of the war was removed to 
the southward. The troops of New-Hampshire, being formed 
into a distinct brigade, partook of all the services and sufferings, 
to which their brethren were exposed. In the battle of IMonmouth, 
a part of them were closely engaged, under the conduct of Colonel 
Cilley and Lieutenant-Colonel Dearborn ; and behaved 
' with such bravery as to merit the particular ai)probation of 
their illustrious general. They continued with the main body, all 
that campaign, and were hutted, in the following winter, at Read- 
ing. 

In die summer of 1776, when a French fleet appeared on our 
coast, to aid us in the contest with Britain ; an invasion of Rhode- 
Island, then possessed by the British, was projected, and General 
Sullivan had the command. Detachments of militia and volun- 
teers, from Massachusetts and New-Hampshire, formed a part of 
his troops. But a violent storm having j)revented the co-operation 
of the French fleet and driven them to sea ; the army, after a 
few skirmishes, was under the disagreeable necessity of quitting 
the island ; and the retreat was conducted by Sullivan with the 
greatest caution and prudence. J 

* [Liout. Colonel ANniiF.w Colkurn belonjjod to Marlborough, and re- 
ceived tlic appointment, of lieutenant-colonel of the third battalion, raised in 
Novv-IIampshire in 177(). He was a bravo meritorious officer.] 

t [1777. Antrim, being part of a place called Society-Lands, was incorpo- 
rated ^2 March. Acts and Laws of the state of New-Hampshire, folio.^p. 7(3. 
Tlie towns of Moultonborough and New-Hampton were incorporated 27 Nov- 
ember. Ibid. !ty, 04.] 

X [1778. The towns of Grafton, New-Chester and Fishersfield were incor- 
porated on the 11, 20 and 27 of November respectively. Acts and Laws of 
the state of Now-Hampshirc, folio 127, 131, 137.] 



1779.] STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 377 

When an expedition into the Indian country was determined 
on, General Sullivan was appointed to the command, and the New- 
Hampshire brigade made a part of his force. His route t---Q 
was up the river Susquehanna into the country of the Sen- 
ecas; a tract imperfectly known, and into which no troops had 
ever penetrated. The order of his march was planned with 
great judgment, and executed with much regularity and perse- 
verance. In several engagements with the savages, the troops of 
New-Hampshire behaved witli their usual intrepidity. Captain 
Cloyes and Lieutenant jMcAulay were killed, and Major Titcomb 
was again badly woimded. The provisions of the army falling 
short, before the object of the expedition was completed, the troops 
generously agreed to subsist on such as could be found in the In- 
dian country. After their return, they rejoined the main army, 
and passed a third winter in huts, at Newtown in Connecticut. 
In the latter end of this year, Sullivan resigned his command and 
retired.* 

In the following year, the New-Hampshire regiments did duty 
at the important post of West-Point, and afterward march- . ^op 
ed into New-Jersey, where General Poor died.f Tin-ee 
regiments of militia were employed in the service of this year. 
The fourth winter was passed in a hutted cantonment, at a place 
called Soldier's Fortune, near Hudson's river. In the close of 
this year, the three regiments were reduced to two, which were 
commanded by the colonels, Scammell and George Reid.J 

The next year, a part of them remained in the state of New- 
York, and another part marched to Virginia, and were .„p- 
present at the capture of the second British army, under 
Earl Cornwallis. Here the brave and active Colonel Scammell 
was killed. § In the winter, the first regiment, conunanded by 

* [1770. The towns of Andover, formerly Kcic-Bretton. New-London, for- 
merly .^fW/<io?io/^2/f.ra;u//7V/, Hancock, formerly part of the Society-Land, 
Northumberland, and Stratford were incorporated. Acts and Laws of the 
state of New-Hampshire, folio, 15G, 157, 1G3, 165, IGG.] 

t [Enoch Poor was son of Thomas Poor, of Andover, Massachusetts. He 
received his appointment as colonel of one of the New-Hampshire regiments 
in 1775. In 1779, he accompanied General Sullivan in the wilderness as far 
as the Gennesee, and defeated tlie savao-e enemy. In 1780, he commanded 
a brigade under Major General La Fayette. He died in New-Jersey, 8 Sep- 
tember, 1780, aged 43. See Rev. Israel Evans's oration, at his interment, at 
Hackinsack, N. J. — Abbot, Hist, of Andover, 2C, 27.— Coll. of Farmer and 
Moore, ii. 1G5, IGG.] 

+ [Gkorge Rkid was of Londonderry. lie was appointed a brigadier-gen- 
eral of the militia of N. H. 10 August, 1785, and received the appointment of 
sheriff of the county of Rockingham, 22 October, 1791. lie died in October, 
1815, aged 81 .J 

§ [Alexander Scajimei.l was born in that part of Mendon, now Milford, 
in the county of Worcester, Massachusetts. He graduated at Harvard col- 
lege in 170!), and aftor having been engaged in instructing a school at Kings- 
ton, Massachusetts ; in the study of law under General Sullivan ; in assisting 
Captain Holland in making surveys for his map of New-Hampshire, and in 

50 



378 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRK. [1782. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Dearborn,* was quartered at Saratoga, and 
the second on Mohawk river ; in which places they were station- 
ed, till the close of the following year ; when the approach of 
peace relaxed the operations of war. In a few months, the ne- 
gotiations were so far advanced, that a treaty was made ; and the 
same royal lips, which from the throne had pronounced us ' re- 
* volted subjects,' now acknowledged us as ' free and indbpen- 

' UENT STATES.' 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

Paper money. Confiscations. State constitution. Controversy with Ver- 
mont. 

The war in which we became involved with Britain, found us 
not destitute of resources, hut unskilled in the art of finance. 
Former wars had been maintained by a paper currency ; which, 
though it depreciated in some measure, yet was finally redeemed 
by the reimbursements which we received from the British treas- 
ury. We had been also used to issue bills on loan, and receive 
landed property as security for its redemption. To the same 
mode we had recourse on this occasion, without either of the 
foundations on which our former currencies had been supported. 
Bills of credit were emitted with no other fund for their redemp- 
tion than taxation, and that deferred to distant periods. It was 
imagined that the justice of our cause, and the united ardor and 
patriotism of the people, would preserve the value of these bills 

exercising the office of surveyor of the royal forests of New-Hampshire and 
Maine, was, in 1775, appointed brigade major, and in 1776, received the ap- 
pointment of colonel of the tliird battalion of continental troops i-aised in this 
state. In 1777, he commanded the third regiment from New-Hampshire, and 
was wounded in the desperate battle of Saratoga, as stated under tiie year 
1777. In 1780, the levy of this state being reduced to two regiments, he 
commanded tlie first. He was afterwards appointed adjutant general of the 
American armies, in which office he was deservedly popular, and secured the 
esteem of the officers of the army generally. On the 30 September, 1781, at 
the memorable and successful siege at Yorktown, he was the officer of the 
day ; and while recoiinoitering tlie situation of tlie enemy, was surprised by 
a partyof their horse ; and after being taken prisoner, was iniiumanly wound- 
ed by them. He was conveyed to the city of Williamsburg, Virginia, where 
he died on the of October, and where there is a monumental tablet to his 
memory. 2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 17G. iv. 90, 'Jo. Coll. of Farmer and 
Moore, i. 125. ii. IGC, 170, 222. iii. 253,285—280,383.] 

* [Afterwards, secretary of war during President Jefferson's administration, 
and in the second war between Great Britain and tiie United States, the se- 
nior major general in the U. S. service. He was born at Nortli-Hauipton in 
this state, 12 February, 1751, and died at Roxl)ury, Massacliusetts, 7 June, 
1829, aged 78. A biographical memoir of him was published in the Boston 
Patriot and other papers of the day.] 



1776.] STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 379 

during the contest which we were very sanguine would be short ; 
and in fact the circulation of them for the first year was .««g 
supported by no otiier means. But being counterfeited, 
they began to depreciate, and then it was thought necessary to 
enact a law against forging them, and to make them a legal j^, ^ 
tender in all payments. In some of the states, these bills 
were made a tender for the interest, but not for the principal of 
former debts ; but in New-Hampshire, if the creditor should re- 
fuse them when offered in payment, the whole debt was cancelled. 
Had this law regarded future contracts only, every man would 
have known on what terms to make his engagements ; but to de- 
clare it legal to pay debts, already contracted, with money of an 
inferior value, was altogether unjust. It was not in human pow- 
er to prevent a depreciation of the bills ; and the enforcing of 
their currency accelerated the destruction of their value. The 
fraudulent debtor took advantage of this law to cheat his creditor, 
under color of justice ; whilst the creditor had no other refuge, 
than in some cases privately to transfer the written obligation ; and 
in other cases to refuse the tender, at the risk indeed of losing 
the debt ; but in hope that justice would at some future time have 
its course. Husbandmen, who lived remote from the scene of 
hostilities, and who had the produce of the earth at their com- 
mand, were able to keep their property good. Hawkers and 
monopolizers, who crept from obscurity and assumed the name 
of merchants, could even increase their substance in these perilous 
times. But those persons whose property was in other men's 
hands ; or whose living depended on stated salaries ; or whose 
honest minds could not descend to practise knavery, though es- 
tablished by law, were doomed to suffer. 

To palliate these evils, at one time, a law w'as enacted against 
monopoly and extortion ; and when found impracticable, ^^^^ 
it was repealed. At other times, the prices of different 
articles were stated under severe penalties ; but ways were soon 
found to evade these establishments ; and when found ineffectual, 
the laws were repealed. It is not consistent with the nature of 
commerce to bear such restrictions ; and the laws increased the 
evils which they pretended to cure. At another time, public 
sales by auction were prohibited, because it was said that they 
were the means of depreciating the currency ; but in fact they 
served only to demonstrate its real value. There was a disposi- 
tion in the governing part of the people to keep out of sight the 
true cause of this growing mischief. Even the general congress, 
in a public address which they ordered to be read in the congre- 
gations, assembled for religious worship, after saying much in praise 
of paper money, told us, that it was ' the ojily kind of money 
' which could not make to itself wings and fly away.'* Had this 

(1) Circular letter of Sept. 13, 1779. 



380 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHlRt:. [1777. 

been intended as the language of burlesque, it might have been 
received with a smile ; in any other sense, it was an insult to the 
feelings of honest men. 

In the midst of these distresses, frequent meetings of different 
bodies of men were held, to consult on some practicahle modes of 
relief. Committees of counties, and of different states, at various 
limes, formed projects, and issued public addresses ; but pallia- 
tives in this, as in all other cases, soon lost their efficacy. From 
one of these conventions, holdcn at Springfield, and composed of 
delegates from the New-England states and New-York ; a letter 
was addressed to the general congress, which put them on devis- 
ing means to surmount the existing difficulties.* Among other ex- 
pedients they recommended effectual taxation, the opening of 
loan-offices, and that the states individually should emit no more 
bills of credit. These were salutary proposals; but the most no- 
table effect of this letter was a recommendation from congress to 
the several states ' to confiscate and make sale of nil the real and 

* personal estates of such of their inhabitants and other persons as 
' had forfeited the same, and the right to the protection of their 
' respective states ; and to invest the money arising from the sales 

* in continental loan certificates, to be appropriated as the respec- 

* tive states should direct. '■- 

This was a delicate point, and required the most critical dis- 
cussion. It involved a question of national law; and some per- 
sons who were acquainted with the subject, thought such a step 
not only illegal, but impolitic and dangerous. In cases of war be- 
tween independent nations, acknowledging no common superior, 
the acquisition of immovable property is not complete till confirm- 
ed by a treaty of peace. 2 The war between America and Britain 
was so far a war between two independent nations, that the com- 
mon laws of war ought to have been observed. Had the estates 
of absentees been taken into possession, and the income arising 
from them been applied to the supj)oi t of the war ; and had the 
question of property remained undecided till the conclusion of a 
peace, there is no doubt that the state would have been a gainer 
both in reputation and interest ; but when we were daily cheating 
and deceiving ourselves vvilh a fraudulent paper medium, it is not 
strange that the voice of justice toward those whom we deemed 
our enemies could not be heard. 

The first step toward executing this reconmiendation of con- 
gress, was an act |)roscribing certain persons, to the num- 
ber of seventy-six, who had at various times, and for vari- 
ous reasons, quitted this stale.* These were forbidden to return 

(1) July and August — MS. niinutps of ronvention. {'i) Journal of con- 
gresP, Nov. 27. (3) Valtel. 

* [The names of these proscribed personp -were John Wnitirnrth, Peter Liv- 
iuB, John Fisher, Geo. Mescrvc, Robert Trail, George Boyd. John Fenton. 



1778.] STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 331 

without leave, under the penalty of transportation ; and in case of 
a second return, they were to suffer death. 

The next step, was to confiscate ihe whole estate, real and per- 
sonal, of twenty-eight of the proscrihed ; of whom it was declared 
that they had ' justly forfeited all right to protection from the 
' state ; and also their right to any farther enjoyment of their in- 
' terest and property within it.' 

In these acts, no distinction was made between those persons 
who had withdrawn themselves from the state, by a sense of their 
duty ; those Vv'ho were in fact British subjects, but occasionally 
resident here ; those who had absconded through timidity ; and 
those who had conniiitted crimes against express law, and had 
fled from justice. No conditional offer of pardon was made ; no 
lime was allowed for any to return and enter into the service of the 
country ; but the whole were put indiscriminately into one black 
list, and stigmatised as ' having basely deserted the cause of lib- 
' erty, and manifested a disposition inimical to the state, and a 
' design to aid its enemies in their wicked purposes.' 

Some persons who had legal demands on these estates, had for 
the security of their debts laid attachments on them ; but by 
another act, all attachments which had been made since the com- 
mencement of hostilities, were declared null and void, and the 
courts were required to dismiss them. 

Tiustees were appointed in each county to take possession of 
all these estates, real and personal ; and to sell the personal im- 
mediately at public auction ; with a discretionary power to leave 
out of the sale such articles as they should deem necessary to 
the support of the families of the proscribed. To preserve some 
farther appearance of justice, the creditors of these estates, 
though they were not allowed to bid at the auctions without pay- 
ment, were ordered to exhibit their claims to the trustees, and in 

John Cochran, Samuel Hale, jr., Edward Parry, Thomas McDonovgh, Esquires, 
Maj. Robert Rogers, Andrew P. Sparhawk, Patrick Burn, John Smith, Will- 
iam Johnson Riisaiii, Steplien Little, Tliomas and Arcliibald Achincloss, Rob- 
ert Robinson, Hugh Handerson, Gillam Buller, James McMaslers, John Mc- 
Masters, George Craige, James Bigby, William Poavey, Benjamin Heart, 
Bartholomew Stavers, Philip Bayley, Samuel Holland, Esq., Bcnnin<r Went- 
iporth, Jude Kennison, Jonathan Dix, Rolicrt Lnist Fotolc, Benjamin Thomp- 
son, Esq., Jacob Brown, George Bell, Stephen Holland, Esq., Richard Holland, 
John Davidson, James Fulton, Thomas Smith, DennisO'Hala, Edicard Gold- 
stone Lulwychc. Esq., Samuel Ciimmintrs, Esq., Thomas Cummings, Benjamin 
WhitinfT, Esq., William Stark. Esq., JolinSlark, John Sli?ison, John Stinson,jr., 
Samuel Stinson, Jeremiah Bowen, Zareheus Cutler, John Holland, Daniel 
Farnsmorth . John Quiirlcij, John Morrison, Josia/i Pomroif, Elijah Willams, 
Esq.. Tiioma.s Cutler. Eleazar Sanger, Robert Gilniore, Breed Batchclder, Si- 
mon Baxter, William Baxter, Solomon Willard, Jesse Rice, Enos Stevens, Phin- 
ehas Stevens, Solomon Stephens, Tjcvi Willard, John Brooks, Josiah Jones, 
and Simeon Jones. Those in italics, by the sub.<;eqnent act had their estates 
confiscated. Acts and Laws of the state of New-Hampshire, folio, 128. l-'iP, 
where the residence and profession of each are mentioned. Their residence 
may be also found in the index to this work.] 



■^S2 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1778. 

cases of insolvency, all claims were to be settled by the judges 
of probate. 

Whilst the settlement of these estates was going on, the money 
was rapidly depreciating. After the year 1777, the slate issued 
110 more bills, and the former were called in and exchanged for 
treasurer's notes on interest, of a value not less than five pounds. 
The continental bills continued passing and depreciating till the 
spring of 1781, when suddenly, and by general consent, they 
went out of circulation, and solid coin succeeded in their place. 
Tlien a scale of depreciation for the preceding years of the war 
was framed, and all past payments were regulated by it. The 
treaty of peace obliged us to proceed no farther in the matter of 
confiscations. By a subsequent act,* the judges of probate were 
empowered to liquidate by the scale of depreciation, the sums 
paid into the treasury by the trustees ; to receive claims against 
the estates, and to adjust and certify the same to the president, 
who was authorised to order the treasurer, to issue notes, bearing 
interest from the time when the said sums were paid into the 
treasury ; which notes the creditors were to receive in payment ; 
but if any of the estates should prove insolvent, then the credi- 
tors were to receive their average. In this manner, some of these 
estates have been settled and the creditors paid ; others remain 
unsettled. Some of them barely paid the expenses of their man- 
agement ; others were rendered insolvent. The estate of the 
late governor paid all the demands upon it excepting that of his 
father ; who generously withdrew his claim that the other credi- 
tors might be paid in full.f The clear profit to the state from 

•March 1, 1783. 

t The following papers are taken fro;u the registry of probate for the coun- 
ty of Rockingham. 

' Rochinithum, ss. Feb. IG, 178(5. [ hereby certify, that the sums against 
•* each person's name herein set down, were respectively due to them the last 
* day of July, 1782, from the estate of the late governor, John Wentworth, 
' Esq. at which time it appears there had been received into the treasury, a 
' sufficiency to pay all the demands, exliibited against him, except his father's ; 
^ who has withdrawn his, that the others might be paid in full. 

' P. White, Judge of Probate.' 

' Portsmouth, Feb. 0, 1781). Sir, — After considering the great delays in 
' settling the demands against the estate of my son, Governor Wentworth, 
'■ and the probabilit}', from tiie ill management thereof, before it fell under 
■* your directio-n, that it will be greatly insolvent; and feeling for the distress 
' of many of the creditors, and wishing that all may have their just demands 
' paid. I have determined to remove their embarrassment as far as 1 can, by 
' withdrawing my account and claim, until tlieirs be fully adjusted and dis- 
' charged, by you or other proper ofiicers. Reserving to myself still the right 
^ of claiming, if there should be found a surplus or balance in his fiivor. For 
' as proved by my account and authentic vouchers ready to be produced, that, 
' exclusive of my account before, I have paid off several creditors to a con- 
' siderable amount, since he left this government; and had also greatly aug- 
' mented the value of his estate at Wolfel)orough, by my advances and care 
' thereof, all to the benefit of his present creditors. I shall therefore be great- 
' ly obliged, by your directing that my account be sent me ; and 1 shall hope 



1778.] STATE. MESIIECII WE ARE. 333 

all these confiscations, as far as it had been ascertained, is Incon- 
siderable. 

Power when delegated without restrictions, and for the abuse 
of which the delegate is not held accountable, has a strong ten- 
dency toward despotism. The temporary constitution which we 
had adopted at the beginning of the war, was found, by experi- 
ence, to have many imperfections ; and the necessity of checks 
and exclusions became every day more evident. Other states 
were forming constitutions on certain established principles, and 
defining their rights as a preliminary to the delegation of power. 
An attempt of the like kind was made in IVew-Hamp- -.r-i-Q 
shire. A convention of delegates, chosen for the pur- 
pose, drew up and sent abroad a system of government ; but so 
deficient was it in its principles, and so inadequate in its provis- 
ions, that being proposed to the people, in their town-meetings, it 
was rejected. Another convention was appointed, which had 
more advantage than the former, the neighbouring state of Massa- 
chusetts having digested and adopted a constitution, which was 
supposed to be an improvement on all v.hich had been framed in 
America. This convention had no less than nine sessions, and 
continued for more than two years.* In the first plan of govern- 
ment which they composed, they distinctly stated the alienable 
and unalienable rights of the people. They divided the govern- 
ment into three branches, legislative, executive and judicial, and 
defined the limits of each. The legislative branch was compos- 
ed of a senate and house of representatives. The senate was to 
consist of twelve persons, five for tlie county of Rocking- ^^^ 
ham, two for Strafford, two for Hillsborough, two for ' 
Cheshire and one for Grafton. These were to be voted for in 
town-meetings, and the votes sealed and returned to the secreta- 
ry's office. The number of representafives was limited to fifty, 
and apportioned among the counties, thus ; twenty for Rocking- 

' for your future friendly interposition, if it should be found necessary; be- 
' ing, with the highest esteem and respect, your most humble servant, 

' Mark H. WEXTwoRTH.t 
' Phillips White, Esq.' 

A general statement of the claims against the confiscated estate of the late 
Governor John Wentwortli, and the neat proceeds from the sale of it; the 
account being not yet settled. April, 1791. 

Dr. The claim of M. H. Wentworth, proved by 

authentic vouchers, £13080 10 11 

Amount of other claims proved as above, 3877 15 35 

Paid to the several other creditors, since the gov- 
ernor's absence, by M. II. Wentworth," 819 11 6 



£18377 17 85 
Cr. Paid into the treasury by the trustee for said estate, 10435 8 G 



t [He was appointed by mandamus one of the counsellors of the province 
in 1759. lie died 19 December, 1785. Adams, Annals of Portsmouth, 285.] 
* From June, 1781 , to October, 1763. 



384 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1781. 

ham ; eight for Straftbid ; ten for Hillsborough ; eight for Chesh- 
ire ; and four for Grafton. These were to be elected by the 
county conventions, consisting of one delegate for every fifty rate- 
able polls. This mode was recommended, to prevent those in- 
terested views and that party spirit, which too often api:)ear in 
single towns in the election of representatives. The executive 
power was vested in a governor, whom the convention, in their 
address to tiie people, described in the following terms : ' They 
' have arrayed liim with honors, they have armed him with pow- 
' er and set him on high 5 but still he is only the right hand of 
' your power, and the mirror of your mnjesty.' But though arm- 
ed with power and liable to be impeached for misconduct, he 
was shrouded from responsibility, by a council, witliout whose 
advice he could not take one step of any importance. The judi- 
cial department was to be appointed by the executive and sup- 
ported by the legislative ; but the judges were removable for mis- 
conduct, by the governor and council, on the address of both 
houses of the legislature. Justices of the peace were to hold 
their commissions five years only. Provision was made for the 
exclusion of persons from holding several offices at the same 
time; the reason of which was thus expressed. ' Besides the 
' interference of several offices held by the same person in point 
' of time, which we have seen, and the difficulty of one man's 
' giving his attention to many matters sufficiently to understand 
' them all, which we have too often felt ; there is a still stronger 
* reason, which is, the difficulty of a man's preserving his integ- 
' rity in discharging the duties of each.' The encouragement 
of literature was also recommended as essential to the preserva- 
tion of a free government, and it was declared to be the duty of 
legislators to cherish its interests. 

This plan was printed and sent to every town. The inhabit- 
ants were requested to state their objections distinctly to 
^ ' ' any particular part, and return them at a fixed time. 
The objections were so many and so various, that it became ne- 
cessary to alter the form and send it out a second time. The 
name of governor, and most of his powers, were still retained ; 
1709 but the mode of representation was altered. Instead of 
being elected, by county conventions, the representatives 
were to be chosen immediately by the towns ; every in- 
•=■■ ■ corporatcd township containing one hundred and fifty 
ratable polls, having the ])rivilege of choosing one ; and everyone 
containing four hundred and fifty, of choosing Iwo. Particular 
attention was given to the mode of appointing officers of militia. 
Instead of superior officers being chosen by their inferiors, and 
inferior officers by the privates, as had been practised since the 
beginning of die war, the order of appointment was reversed, and 
the privates had no power of choice at all. This was said to 



! 



1782.] STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 385 

be necessary to the preservation of harmony, subordination and dis- 
cipline. The second plan being sent out was generally approved ; 
but it was not completed at the time when the news of peace «oo 
arrived. The old form having expired vvitii the war, it was, jyi^rch* 
by the votes of the people in their town-meetings, revived April, 
and continued for one year longer. In the following autumn, ^^ „. 
the new form was finished ; and the name of governor being 
changed to president, it was a third time printed and declared to 
be ' the civil constitution for the state of New-Hampshire.' It 
took place on the second day of the following June, and i,~qa 
was introduced at Concord by a religious solemnity, 
which has since been repeated at every annual election. 

To the convention which formed this constitution, several towns 
in the western part of the state did not send delegates. The cause 
of this omission, and of some other eccentricities in the conduct ol 
the people in that quarter must now be explained. 

The inhabitants of the district on the western side of Connecti- 
cut river, which was severed from New-Hampshire in 1764, had 
been engaged in a long and bitter controversy with the govern- 
ment of New-York. They had even been obliged to have recourse 
to arms in defence of their estates ; and frequent acts of violence 
had been committed. There was among them a set of intrepid 
men, ready to encounter dangers, and trained to hardy enterprise. 
At the commencement of hostilities, by the advice of some prin- 
cipal opposers of the British government, in the other colonies, a 
company of those people styling themselves Green Mountain Boys, 
marched to Ticonderoga, and wrested that fortress, to- -.^mr 
gether with Crown-Point, out of the hands of the British ' 
garrisons. A regiment of them was embodied by order and in 
the pay of the general congress. Their exertions in the common 
cause were meritorious and their services were acceptable. 

Soon after the declaration of independence, the inhabitants of 
that territory assembled in convention to consider their 
peculiar situation and concert measures for their safety. 
The opportunity which then presented for a change in their po- 
litical connexions, was too precious to be lost. By the dissolu- 
tion of the bonds which had held iVmerica in subjection to the 
crown of Britain, they conceived themselves free from the gov- 
ernment of New- York, to which the most of them had never 
voluntarily submitted ; and, being as they said, reduced to * a 
state of nature,' they thought that they had a right to form such 
connexions as were agreeable to themselves. Accordingly, they 
made and published a declaration ; 'that they would at 
' all times consider themselves as a free and independent 
* state ; capable of regulating their own internal police ; ^^^' ^^' 
' that they had the sole exclusive right of governing themselves, 
' in sucii manner as they should choose, not repugnant to the re- 

51 



386 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1778. 

' solves of congress ; and that they were ready to contribute their 
' proportion to the common defence.' Under the influence of 
these principles, they formed a plan of governnjent and a code of 
laws, and jjetitioned congress to receive them into the union. 

The inhabilauts on the eastern side of Connecticut river were 
very conveniently situated to unite with those on the western 
side, and many of them had the same principles and views. — 
They argued that the original grant of New-Hampshire to Mason 
was circumscribed by a line drawn at the distance of sixty miles 
from the sea ; that all the lands westward of that line, being royal 
grants, had been held in subjection to the government of New- 
Hampshire by force of the royal commissions, which were vacated 
by the assumed independence ol the American colonies ; and 
therefore thai the inhabitants of all those lands had ' reverted to a 
* state of nature.'^ By this expression, however, they did not 
mean that each individual was reduced to such a state ; but that 
each town retained its corporate unity, unconnected with any 
superior jurisdiction. They distinguished between commissions 
derived liom the king, which were revocable at his pleasure, and 
incorporations held on certain conditions, which being performed, 
the powers and privileges granted by the incorporations were per- 
petual. They asserted, that jurisdictions, established by royal 
commissions, could bind a people together no longer than the 
force which first compelled continues to operate ; but when the 
coercive power of the king was rejected, ;uul its operation had 
ceased, the peoi)le had a right to make a stand at the first legal 
stage, viz. their town incorporations.- These, by oniversal con- 
sent, were held sacred ; hence they concluded that the major 
part of each one of those towns had a right to control liie minor 
part ; and they considered themselves as so many distinct corpo- 
rations, until they should agree to unite in one aggregate body. 

In these sentiments, the people were not all united. The ma- 
jority of some towns was in favor of their former connexion, and 

Cl) Observations en the right of jurisdiction over N. H. Grants. Printed 
1778. (2) Public defence of the right of N. H. Grants, &c. Printed 177!).— 
[There were several publications relative to the New-Hampshire Grants, of 
which I have seen — 1. " A Defence of the New-Hampshire Grants, &c." 
(title page missing) printed probably in 1778 or 177!', in small 12 mo. contain- 
ing 5(> pages, to v.'hich are added, '• Resolves of a Convention held on the 
N. Hampshire Grants," 4 pages; 2. "Observations on the Right of Jurisdic- 
tion claimed by the States ot Now- York and New-Hampshire over the New- 
Hainpshire Grants (so called) lying on both sides of Connecticut river. In 
a Letter to the Inlial)ilants on said Grants." 12 mo. pp. 15. Uanvers, 1778 ; 
3. " A Vindication of the Conduct of the General Assembly of the State of 
Vermont, held at Windsor in October 1778, against Allegations and Remark 
of the Protesting Members ; with Observations on their Proceedings at a 
Convention held at Cornish, on the Dth of Day of December, 1778. By Ira 
Allen. Arlington, Dth Jan. 1779." 12 mo. pp. 48. Dresden, printed by Al- 
den Spooner, 177!). " A Concise Refutation of the Claims of New-Hamp- 
Bhire and Massachusetts-Bay, to the Territory of Vermont ; Avith occasional 
Remarks on the long disputed claim of New-York to the same. Written by 
Ethan Allen and Jonas Fay, Esqrs." 12 mo. pp, 29. Hartford, 1780.] 



1778.] STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 387 

in those towns where the majority inclined the other way, the 
minority claimed protection of the government. 

They supposed that the existence of their town incorporations, 
and of the privileges annexed to them, depended on their union 
to New-Hampshire ; and that their acceptance of the grants was 
in effect an acknowledgment of the jurisdiction, and a suhmission 
to the laws of the state ; from which they could not fairly be dis- 
engaged without its consent ; as the state had never injured or 
oppressed them. 

Much pains were taken by the other f irty, to disseminate the 
new ideas. Conventions were held, pamphlets were printed, and 
at length, a petition was drawn in the name of sixteen towns* on 
the eastern side of Connecticut river, requesting the new state, 
which had assumed the name of Vermont, to receive them into 
its union, alleging, ' that they were not connected with any state, 
' with respect to their internal police.' i The assembly at first ap- 
peared to be against receiving them ; but the members from those 
towns which were situated near the river on the west side, de- 
clared that they would withdraw and join with the people^^on the 
east side, in forming a new state. The question was then refer- 
red to the people at large, and means were used to influ- j j^ 
ence a majority of the towns to vote in favor of the union, 
which the assembly could not but confirm. The sixteen towns 
were accordingly received ; and the Vermont assembly resolved, 
that any other towns on the eastern side of the river might be ad- 
mitted on producing a vote of a majority of the|inhabitants, or on 
the appointment of a representative. Being thus admitted into 
the state of Vermont, they gave notice to the government j go 
of New-Hampshire, of the separation which they had 
made, and expressed their wish for an amicable settlement of a 
jurisdictional line, and a friendly correspondence. 

The president of New-Hampshire, in the^jUame of the assem- 
bly, wrote to the government of Vermont, claiming the . ^^ 
sixteen towns as part of the state, the limits of which had 
been determined prior to the revolution ;/reminding'.Uiim that 
those towns had sent delegates to the convention in 1775 ; that 
they had applied to the assembly for armsand ammunition, which 
had been sent to them ; that their military officers had accepted 

(1) MSS. in New-HampshircTJes. 

• 1 Cornish, 8 Bath, 

' 2 Lebanon, !) Lyman, 

^ a name given to tho ,^ , , C now divided into Lit- 

3 Drcsdm V^'strict belonging to ^" *'^^,T^',,. ^ tleton and Dalton. 

' J Dartmouth College ; 11 Enfield, 

' but now disused. 12 Canaan. 

4 liime, 13 Cardigan, now Orange, 

5 Orford, 14 Landaft', 

G Pierniont, 15 GuiUhwaitc, now'New-Concord, 

7 Haverhill, 16 Morris-town, now Franconia. 



388 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHlRJi. [1778. 

commissions and obeyed orders from the government ; that the 
minority of those towns was averse to a disunion, and had claim- 
ed protection of the state, which the assembly thought themselves 
bound to aflbrd ; and beseeching him to use his influence with the 
assembly of Vermont to dissolve the newly formed connexion. 

At the same time, the president wrote to the delegates of the 
state in congress; desiring them to take advice and endeavor to 
AufT If) ^'^^'^'^ ''^^ interposition of that body ; intimating his ap- 

"' " prehension, that without it, the controversy must be deci- 
ded by the sword, as every condescending measure iiad been used 
from the beginning and rejected. 

Tlie governor and council of Vermont sent a messenger to 
congress to see in what light the new state was viewed by them. 
On his return, he reported, that the congress was unanimously 
opposed to the union of the sixteen towns with Vermont ; other- 
wise they (excepting the delegates of New-York) had no objec- 
tion to the independence of the new state. 

At the next session of the Vermont assembly at Windsor, 
when the representatives of the sixteen towns had taken their 
Q , seats, a debate arose on a question, whether they should 
be erected into a new county, which passed in the nega- 
tive. Conceiving that they were not admitted to equal privileges 
with their brethren, the members from those towns withdrew ; 
and were followed by several others belonging to the towns ad- 
joining the river on the west side. They formed themselves into 
a convention, and invited all the towns on both sides of the river 
to unite, and set up another state by the name of New-Connecti- 
cut. This secession had nearly proved fatal to the state of Ver- 
mont. A ridge of mountains which extends from soutii to north 
through that territory, seemed to form not only a natural, but a 
political line of division. A more cordial union subsisted between 
the people on the eastern side of the Green Mountains, aud the 
eastern side of Connecticut river, than between the latter and 
those on the western side of the mountains ; but these alone were 
insufficient, without the others, to make a state. The governor, 
and other leading men of Vermont, who resided on the west side 
of the mountains, wrote letters to the assembly of New-Hamp- 
shire, informing them of the separation, and expressing their dis- 
approbation of a connexion with the sixteen towns. The assem- 
bly regarded these letters as ambiguous, and as not expressing a 
disinclination to any future connexion with them. Jealousy is 
said to be a republican virtue ; it operated on this occasion, and 
the event proved that it was not without foundation. 

A convention of delegates from several towns on both sides of 
jj g the river assembled at Cornish and agreed to unite, with- 
out any regard to the limits established by the king in 
1764 ; and to make the following proposals to New-Hampshire, 



1778.] STATE. MESIIECH WEARE. 389 

viz. either to agree with them on a dividing line, or to submit the 
dispute to congress, or to arbitrators mutually chosen. If neither 
of these proposals were accepted, then, in case they could agree 
with New-Hampshire on a form of government, they would con- 
sent that ' the whole of the grants on both sides of the river 
' should connect themselves with New-Hampshire, and become 

* one entire state, as before the royal determination in 17G4.' — 
Till one or other of these proposals should be complied with, they 
determine ' to trust in providence and defend themselves.' 

An atten)pt was made in the following year to form a a consti- 
tution for New-Hampshire, in which the limits of the state ,^^q 
were said to be the same as under the royal government 
' reserving nevertheless our claim to the New-Hampshire Grants, 

* west of Connecticut river.' Though this form of government 
was rejected by a majority of the people ; yet there was a dis- 
position in a great part of the assembly to retain their claim to 
the whole of the grants westward of the river. At the same 
time, the state of New- York set np a claim to the same lands, 
and it was suspected, perhaps not without reason, that intrigues 
were forming to divide Vermont between New-Hampshire and 
New-York, by the ridge of mountains which runs through the 
territory. Certain it is, that the Vermonters were alarmed ; and, 
that they might have the same advantage of their adversaries, 
they extended their claim westward into New- York, and eastward 
into New-Hampshire ; and thus not only the sixteen towns, but 
several other towns in the counties of Cheshire and Grafton, be- 
came incorporated with Vermont by ' articles of union and con- 

* federation.' 

It is not easy to develope the intrigues of the several parties, 
or to clear their transactions from the obscurity which surrounds 
them.* He who looks for consistency in the proceedings of the 
conventions and assemblies which were involved in this controver- 
sy, will be disappointed. Several interfering interests conspired 
to perplex the subject. The people on the western side of the 
Green Mountains, wished to have the seat of government among 
them. Those adjoining Connecticut river, on both sides, were 
desirous of bringing the centre of jurisdiction to the verge of the 
river. The leading men in the eastern part of New-Hampshire, 
were averse to a removal of the government from its old seat : 
Vermont had assumed independence, but its limits were not de- 
fined. New- York had a claim on that territory as far as Con- 
necticut river, from which there was no disposition to recede. 
That state had been always opposed to the independence of 

* The author has spared no pains to gain as perfect a knowledge of these 
things as the nature of them will admit. If lie has not succeeded in ohtain- 
ing materials, for a just and full account, it is his request that those who are 
better acquainted with the subject would oblige the public with more accu- 
rate information. 



390 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1779. 

Vermont. New-Hampshire at first seemed to acquiesce in it ; 
and some letters which the President wrote to the Governor of 
Vermont, when threatened with invasion in 1777, were understood 
as an acknowledgment of it. Had diere been no attempt to 
unite with the towns on the eastern side of the river, New-Hamp- 
shire would perlia|)s never have opposed the independence of 
Vermont. But the Assembly was afterward induced to claim all 
that territory, which before the year 17G4, had been supposed to 
be within the limits of the state. This interfered with the claim 
of New- York ; and at the same time, Massachusetts put in a claim 
to a part of Verniont. The controversy had become so intricate, 
that it was thought necessary to be decided by congress ; and 
Se t 24 application being made to that body, they recommended 

to the three States of New- York, Massachusetts and 
New-Hampshire, to pass acts which should authorise congress to 
determine their boundaries ; and at the same time, they advised 
the people of Vermont to relinquish jurisdiction over all persons 
on the west or east sides of Connecticut river, who had not denied 
the authority of New- York and New-Hampshire ; and to abstain 
from granting lands, or confiscating estates, within their assumed 
limits, till the matter should be decided. The states of New- 
York and New-Hampshire passed these acts ; but Massachusetts 
did not. The Vermont assembly proceeded in granting lands and 
confiscating estates ; and congress could only resolve that their 
proceedings were unwarrantable. 

It was necessary that nine states should be present in congress, 
beside those whose claims were to be heard. A cleficiency in 
the representation caused a long delay ; but after the expiration 
of another year, the question was brought on. The claims of 
%<jon New- York and New-Hampshire were put in ; and both 

pleaded tliat Vermont had no right to independence. 
Sept. 20. rpj^g agents of the New-State assorted their right, and 
offered to become part of the Union ; intimating, that if they could 
not be admitted, they should be reduced to the necessity of mak- 
ing die best terms which the British government.* 

* How far intritjues of this kind were carried on, it may be difficult to as- 
certain ; but that the British government had some dependence on the defec- 
tion of Vermont appears froui tiie following paragraph of an intercepted let- 
ter from Lord George Germaine, to Sir Henry Clinton, dated Whitehall, 
Feb. 7, 1781. 

' The return of the people of Vermont to their allegiance, is an event of 
' the utmost importance to the King's affairs ; and at this time, if the French 
' and Washington really meditate an irruption into Canada, may be consider- 
' ed as opposing an insurmountable bar to the attempt. General Haldiman, 
' who had the same instructions with you to draw over those people, and 
' give them support, will, I doubt not, pusii up a body of troops, to act in con- 
' junction with them, to secure all tlie avenues, through their country into 

* Canada ; and v/hen the season admits, take possession of the upper parts of 

* the Hudson's and Connecticut rivers, and cut off the communication between 
' Albany and the Mohawk country. How far they may be able to extend 
' themselves soutliward and eastward, must depend on their numbers, and the 
' disposition of the inhabitants.' Pennsylvania Packet, Aug. 4, 17dl. 



1781.] STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 39 1 

The cause was further perijleried by a constiuuional question, 
whether congress had any power to Ibrni a new Slate ^^ 
within the limits of the union ? The decision was defer- ' 
red ; and after eleven months, congress had proceeded ' "^" 
no farther, than to lay it down as an indispensable preliminary, to 
the recognition of Vermont, as a member of the union ; tliat they 
should 'explicitly relinquish all demands of land and juristliction 
' on the east side of Connecticut river, and on the west side of a 
' line drawn twenty miles eastward of Hudson's river to Lake 
' Champlain.' 

When this resolution was laid before the assembly of Vermont, 
which met at Charlestown, ihey determined to ' remain q jg 
' firm in the principles on which they first assumed govern- 
' ment, and to hold the articles of union inviolate, that they would 
' not submit the question of their independence to the arbitrament 
' of any power whatever ; but they were willing at present to 
' refer the question of their jurisdictional boundary to commission- 
' ers mutually chosen, and when Uiey should be admitted into the 
' American union, they would submit any such disputes to con- 
' gress.'i 

The state of society within the seceding towns, at this time, 
was very unhappy. The majorities attempted to control the mi- 
norities ; and these were disposed not to submit, but to seek pro- 
tection of the government with which they had been connected. 
At the same time, and in the same place, justices, sheriffs and 
constables, appointed by the authority of both states, were exer- 
cising jurisdiction over the same persons. Party rage, high words 
and deep resentment, were the effect of these clashing interests. 
An affray which began in the town of Chesterfield, threatened a 
scene of open hostilty, between the states of New-Hampshire and 
Vermont. 

A constable, appointed by the authority of Vermont, had a 
writ, in an action of debt against a man who was in the interest of 
New-Hampshire. He found the man in company with a number 
of people of his own i)arty, and attempted to arrest him. ^^ .. 
The owner of the house interposed. The constable 
produced a book, which he said contained the laws of Vermont, 
and began to read. The owner of the hout.e forbade him. 
Threatening words were used ; and the officer was compelled to 
retreat. By a warrant from a Vermont justice, the householder, 
and another of the company, were committed to |)rIson, in Charles- 
town. They sent a petition to the assembly of New-Hampshire 
for relief. The assembly empowered the committee of safety to 
direct the sheriff of Cheshire to release the prisoners; pj^ . ^^ 
they farther empowered the committee to cause to be 
apprehended and committed to prison, in any of the counties, all 

(1) MS. copy of Vermont resolves in New-Hampshire files. (2) MS. depo 
sitions and letters in the files. 



392 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1781. 

persons acting under the pretended authority of the state of Ver- 
mont, to be tried by the courts of those counties where they might 
be confined ; and for this j)urpose, the sheriffs were empowered 
to raise the posse Comitntiis. 

In attempting; to release the two prisoners from Charlestown 
goal, the sheritr liimself was imprisoned by the Vermont slierifF, 
under the authority of a warrant from three Justices. The im- 
prisoned shcriil' applied to a brigadier-general of New-Hamp- 
shire, to raise tlie militia for his liberation. This alarmed the 
17R7 Vermonters ; and orders were issued by the governor for 
* their militia to oppose force with force. A committee of 
Jan. 12. Vermont was sent to Exeter, ' to agree on measures to 
' prevent hostilities.' One of this committee was the Vermont 
sheriff; he was immediately arrested and thrown into prison at 
Exeter, and there held as a hostage for the release of the sheriff 
of Cheshire. Tlie assembly issued a proclamation, allowing forty 
days for the people in the revolted towais to repair to some magis- 
trate of New-Hampshire, and subscribe a declaration, that they 
acknowledged the extent of New-Hampshire to Connecticut river; 
and that they would demean themselves peaceably as good citi- 
zens of the State. They also ordered the militia of all the coun- 
ties to hold themselves in readiness to march against the revolters. 

While affairs wore such a threatening aspect between the two 
States, means were used at congress to take up the controversy on 
more general ground. A committee, who had under considera- 
tion the affair of admitting Vermont into the union and determin- 
ing its boundaries, prevailed on General Washington, then at 
Philadelphia, to write to the governor of Vermont, advising to a 
relinquishment of their late extension, as an ' indispensable 
preliminary,' to their admission into the union ; intimating 
also, that upon their non-compliance, they must be considered as 
having a hostile disposition toward the United States, in which 
case cocmon on the part of congress, however disagreeable, would 
be necessary.* 

* The following is tiie letter from Washington alluded to. 

Philadelphia, 1st January, 1782. 

Sir, — T received your favor of the 14th of November, by Mr. Brownson. 
You cannot be at a loss to know why I have not heretofore, and why 1 can- 
not now, address you in your public character or answer you in mine : But 
the confidence which you have been pleased to repose in me, gives me an 
opportunity of offering you my sentiments, as an individual, wishing most 
ardently to see the peace and union of his country, preserved, and the just 
rights of the people of every part of it fully and firmly established. 

It is not iny business, neitiier do I think it necessary now, to discuss the 
origin of the right of a number of inhabitants to that tract of country formerly 
distinguished by the name of the New-Hampshire Grants, and now known 
by that of Vermont. 1 will take it for granted that their right was good, be- 
cause congress, by their re.solve of the 7th of August, imply it; and by that 
of the 21st, are willing fully to confirm it, provided the new state is confined 
to certain descritjed bounds'. It appears, therefore, to me, that the dispute of 



1782.] STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 393 

This letter had the desired effect. The assembly of Vermont, 
taking advantage of the absence of the members from the p ^ oo 
eastern side of the river, obtained a majority for comply- 
ing with the preliminary, and resolved, ' that the western bank of 
' Connecticnt river on the one part, and a line drawn from the 
' north-west corner of iNIassachusetts, north -ward, to Lake Cham- 
' plain on the other part, be the eastern and western boundaries 
' of the state of Vermont, and that tiiey relinquished all claim of 
* jurisdiction without those limits.' VVMien the members from the 
eastern side of Connecticut river arrived, they found themselves 
excluded from a seat in the assembly, and took their leave with 
some expressions of bitterness. 

After this compliance, it was expected that Vermont would be 
admitted into the union, and the question was solemnly put in 
congress ; but a majority decided against it, to the no . 
small disappointment of many persons, beside the inhabi- 
tants of the disputed territory. The pretence for this decision 
was, that they had exceeded the limited time ; but they had com- 
plied with the ' indispensable preliminary ;' and the order of 
congress, requiring it, stood unrepealed. 

Though cut off from their connexion with Vermont, the re- 
volted towns did not at once return to a state of peace ; but the 
divisions and animosities which had so long subsisted, continued 

boundary is tlie only one tluit exists, and that that beino^ removed, all further 
diiKculties would be removed also, and the matter terminated to the satisfac- 
tion of all parties. Nc'>v I would ask j'ou candidl}', whether the claim of 
the people of Vermont, was not, for a long time, confined solely, or very 
nearly, to that tract of country which is described in the resolve of conoress 
of the 21st of August last ; and whether, agreeable to the tenor of your^own 
letter to me, the late extension of j-our claim upon New-Hampshire and New- 
York, was not more a political manoeuvre, than one in which 3-ou conceived 
yourselves justifiable. If my first question be answered in the atfirmative, it 
certainly bars your new claim. And if my second be well founded, your end 
is answered, and you have nothing to do but withdraw your jurisdiction to 
the confines of your old limits, and obtain an acknowledgment of indepen- 
dence and sovereignty, under the resolve of the 21st of August, for so much 
territory as does not interfere with the ancient established bounds of New- 
York, New-Hampshire and Massachusetts. I persuade myself you will see 
and acquiesce in the reason, the justice, and indeed the necessity of such a 
decision. 

You must consider, sir, that the point now in dispute is of the utmost po- 
litical importance to the future union and peace of this great country. The 
state of Vermont, if acknowledged, will be the first new one admitted into 
the confederacy; and if sufl^ered to encroach upon the ancient established 
boundaries of the adjacent ones, will serve as a precedent for others, which it 
may hereafter be expedient to set off, to make the same unjustifiable demands. 
Thus, in my private opinion, while it behoves the delegates of the states now 
confederated, to do ample justice to a body of people suflicientiv respectable 
by their numbers, and entitled by other claims to be admitted into that con- 
federation, it becomes them also to attend to the interests of their constitu- 
ents, and see, that under the appearance of justice to one, tiiev do not mate- 
rially injure the rights of others. I am apt to think this is "the prevailing 
opinion of congress, and that )-our late extension of claim has, upon the prin- 
ciple I have above mentioned, rather diminished than increased your friends ; 
and that, ifsuch extension should be persisted in, it will be made a common 

52 



394 HISTORY OF iNEW-HAMPSIIIRE. [1782. 

to produce disagreeable effects. The judicial courts of New- 
Hampshire had sat without mucii interruption, in the county of 
Cheshire and Grafton, whilst the oflicers of Vermont held juris- 
diction also ; but when the latter were excluded by the act of the 
Vermont assembly, a spirit of opposition began to arise against the 
sitting of the former. 

When the inferior court was holdcn at Keene, a number of 

persons appeared, to oj)pose its proceedings, and effected their 

purpose so far as to make an adjournment necessary ; but 

^^ ■ three of the leaders of the opposition w-ere arrested and bound 
over to the superior court. In the mean time, efforts were made to 
raise a party who should oppose the superior court ; and it was re- 
ported that two hundred men had associated and armed themselves 
for that purpose. On the morning before the court was 

^ ' opened, several of the leaders came to the judges' cham- 
bers and presented a petition, praying, ' that the court might 

* be adjourned, and that no judicial proceedings might be had, 
' whilst the troubles in which the country had been involved still 

* subsisted.' They were told that the judges could come to no 
determination on the subject but in open court. When the court 
was opened, their petition was publicly read ; and the considera- 



opened, their petition was publicly read ; i 
of it was postponed to the next day. The 



tion of it was postponed to the next day. The court then pro- 
cause and not considered as only affecting the rights of those states imme- 
diately interested in the loss of territory ; a loss of too serious a nature not to 
claim the attention of any people. There is no calamity within the compass 
of my foresight; which is more to be dreaded than a necessity of coercion on 
the part of congress ; and consequently every endeavor should be used to 
prevent the execution of so disagreeable a measure. It must involve the ru- 
in of that state against which the resentment of the others is pointed. 

I will only add a few words upon the subject of the negotiations, which 
have been carried on l)etween you and tiie enemy in Canada and in New-York. 
1 will take it for granted, as you assert it, that they were so far innocent, that 
there never was any serious intention of joining Great-Britain in their at- 
tempts to subjugate your country ; but it lias had this certain bad tendency, 
it has served to give some ground to tliat delusive opinion of the enemy, and 
upon which they, in a great measure, found their liopes of success ; that they 
have numerous friends among us, who only want a prf)per opportunity to 
shew thenaselves openly ; and that internal disputes and feuds will soon 
break us in pieces. At the same time, the seeds of distrust and jealousy are 
scattered among ourselves by a conduct of this kind. If you are serious in 
your professions, these will be additional motives for accepting tlie terms 
wliich luave been offered, (and which appear to me equitable) and thereby 
convincing the common enemy, tiiat all their expectations of disunion are 
vain, and tiiat they have been worsted at their own weapon — deception. 

As you unbosom yourself to me, I thought I had the greater right of speak- 
ing my sentiments openly and candidly to you. I have done so, and if they 
should produce the effect which I most sincerely wish, that of an Iionorable 
and amicable adjustment of a matter, which, if carried to hostile lengths, may 
destroy the future happiness of my country, I shall have attained my end, 
while the enemy will be defeated of theirs. 

Believe me to be, with great respect, 
Sir, 
Your most-obedient servant, 

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

Thomas Chittenden, Esquire. 



1782.] STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 395 

ceeded to its common business. The grand jury being impan- 
nelled, the doors of the house where they met were kept open, 
whilst the attorney general laid before them the case of the riot- 
ers at the inferior court. A bill was found against them. They 
were arraigned, they pleaded guilty, and cast themselves on the 
mercy of the court. The court remitted their punishment on 
condition of their future peaceable behaviour. This well judged 
combination of firmness and lenity disarmed the insurgents; and 
they quietly dispersed. • From that time, the spirit of opposition 
to government in that quarter gradually abated ; and the people 
returned to their connexion with Ncvz-Hampshire. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

Popular discontent. Efforts for paper currency. Tender acts. Insurrection. 
Dignity and lenity of government. Federal constitution. 

The American revolution had been crowned with success, as 
far as it respected our emancipation from foreign jurisdiction, 
the establishment of forms of government among ourselves, and 
our deliverance from war. It remained, to accommodate the 
minds and manners of the people under the new administration, 
to a regular course of justice, both public and private ; to perfect 
the union of the states ; and to establish a system of finance. 
These things were necessary to make the revolution complete. 

The extremes of despotism on the one hand, and of li- 
centiousness on the other, are equally to be avoided. In a 
just medium between these, a government well balanced and 
executed with vigor, is capable of producing the most val- 
uable benefits. To this point it was necessary to conduct our 
revolution. But it was equally necessary, that it should proceed 
by slow degrees ; that errors in principle should be gradually re- 
formed ; and that men should be taught by their own experience, 
the folly of relying on any system of politics, which however sup- 
ported by popularity, is not founded in rectitude. 

A large debt accumulated by the war, remained to be discharg- 
ed. For this purpose, requisitions were made by congress, as 
well as by the state governments. Silver and gold, which had 
circulated largely in the latter years of the war, were returning, 
by the usual course of trade, to those countries, whence large 
quantities of necessary and unnecessary commodities had been 
imported. Had any general system of impost been adopted, 
some part of this money might have been retained, and some part 



396 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1785. 

of the public debt discharged ; but the power of congress did not 
extend to this object ; and the states were not united in the ex- 
pediency of delegating new and sufiicient powers to that body. — 
The partial imposts, laid by some of the states, were inefiiictual, 
so long as others found their interest in omitting them. Recourse 
therelbre, was had to the usual mode of taxation on polls and es- 
tates ; by which means, a heavy burden was laid on the husband- 
man and the laborer. Those who were punctual in their pay- 
ments, saw no probable end of their exertions, whilst the negli- 
gence of others occasioned repeated demands. Private creditors, 
who had suiFered by long forbearance, were importunate for their 
dues ; and the courts of law were full of suits. 

The people who felt themselves distressed, held conferences 
with a view to devise means of redress. The remedy which ap- 
peared to many of them most easy, was a new emission of paper 
bills, funded on real estate, and loaned on interest. To effect 
^pyor ^l^'^j i)etitions were addressed to the legislature ; and to 
remedy the grievance, as far as it was occasioned by a 
■*■'■ debt of the state, an act was passed, to draw into the 
treasury all notes issued by the state, and give certificates for the 
interest, and for fifteen per cent, of the principal, annually; which 
certificates were to be received by the treasurer for taxes, ' in 
' lieu of, and equal to silver and gold.' By this means, it was 
expected that the debt would gradually be extinguished ; and 
that the people would easily be enabled to pay atTeastone species 
of their taxes. 

This was far from satisfying the complainants. The public 
securities, they said, were engrossed by rich speculators, and the 
poor were distressed for the means of paying their taxes and their 
private debts. The cry for paper money was incessant ; and the 
people were called upon in the public papers, ' to assert their own 
' majesty, as the origin of power, and to make their governors 
' know, tliat they are but the executors of the public will.' 

To this clamor, the voice of reason and justice calmly answer- 
ed ; that it was not in the power of the legislature to establish any 
fund, whicli should secure paper money from depreciation ; that 
there was so much paper then in circulation, and the time of its 
redemption was so distant, that the notes passed at a discount of 
sixty, and the certificates of twenty per cent ; that if the quantity 
were increased, the depreciation would increase in proportion ; 
that if bills were issued and made a tender in all payments, it 
would never be in the power of government to redeem them by 
silver and gold, because none could be collected ; and in that 
case, no part of the continental or foreign debt could be discharg- 
ed ; that if bills were loaned on land security, it would be in the 
power of the public debtor to purchase the bills at a reduced val- 
ue, and with them to make his payment at the treasury, in which 



1-^85.1 ^TATE. JOHN LANGDON. 397 

case, though the public chest might be filled with paper, yet the 
government would suffer all the embarrassment of poverty. It 
was added, that the legislature were by the constitution expressly 
forbidden to make retrospective laws, and had no right to alter 
the nature of private contracts ; and that should the majority of 
the people petition the government to make paper a lawful tender, 
it would be their duty to reject the petition as unconstitutional. — 
When it was proposed, that the paper should not be a tender for 
past but only for future contracts ; it was answered, that this would 
notreheve the debtor, who was suffering for his past engagements, 
and the difficukies which it pretended to cure would still exist. 

In vain were agriculture and manufactures, industry and fru- 
gality recommended as the only adequate sources of relief; the 
complainants had no disposition to apply a remedy so slow in its 
operation 5 and indeed it was doubtful whether the utmost exer- 
tions in that way would have been sufficient, completely to extri- 
cate us out of these difficulties, without some alteration in our 
confederated government. 

Similar difficulties, at the same time, existed in the neighboring 
state of Massachusetts ; to remedy which, among other paUiatives, 
a law was passed called a tender-act, ' by which it was provided 
' that executions issued for private demands, might be satisfied by 
' cattle and other enumerated articles, at an appraisement of im- 
' partial men under oath.'^ For such a law, the discontented 
party in New-Hampshire petitioned ; and to gratify them, the leg- 
islature enacted, that ' when any debtor shall tender to his ^^^ g 
' creditor, in satisfaction of an execution for debt, either 
' real or personal estate sufficient, the body of the debtor shall be 

* exempt from imprisonment, and the debt shall carry an interest 
' of six per cent ; the creditor being at liberty either to receive 
' the estate, so tendered, at a value estimated by three appraisers, 
' or to keep alive the demand by taking out an alias, within one 
' year after the return of any former execution, and levying it on 

* any estate of the debtor which he can find.' At the same time, 
an act was made, enlarging the power of justices of the peace, to 
try and determine actions of debt and trespass to the value of ten 
pounds. These laws were complained of as unconstitutional ; 
the former as being retrospective, and changing the nature of con- 
tracts ', the latter as depriving the creditor, in certain cases, of a 
right to trial by jury. But so strong was the clamor for redress 
of grievances ; and so influential was the example of the neigh- 
boring state, that some of the best men in the legislature found it 
necessary to comply ; whilst another part were secretly in favor 
of worse measures. 

The tender-act, at first, was made for two years only ; before 
the expiration of which it was revived, with some alterations, and 

(1) Minot's History of the Insunections, p. 15. 



398 inSTORY OF NEW-llAMPSHlRE. [1785. 

continued for three years longer. The effect of this law, in cases 
where an attempt was made to execute it, was, that the most val- 
uable kinds of property were eitlier concealed or made over to a 
third person ; and when Uie sherill'came with an execution, it was 
levied on such articles as were of little use to the creditor. But 
the most general effect of the law was to prevent any demand on 
the part of the creditor, and to encourage the debtor in neglect- 
ing payment. 

The scarcity of money was still a grievance which the laws had 
not remedied, but rather had a tendency to increase. To en- 
^^of courage its importation into the country, the legislature 
exempted from all port duties, except light-money, every 
vessel which should bring gold and silver only ; and from one 
half of the duties, if a sum of money equal to one half of the car- 
go should be imported. But it was to no pur))ose to import mon- 
ey, unless encouragement were given for its circulation, which 
could not be expected whilst the tender-act was in force ; for 
every man who owned money thought it more secure in his own 
hands, than in the hands of others. 

The clamor for paper currency increased, and, like a raging 
fever, approached toward a crisis. In every town, there was a 
party in favor of it, and the public papers were continually filled 
with declamations on the suliject. It was said that an emission of 
bills of credit would give a spring to commerce and encourage 
agriculture ; that the poor would be able to pay their debts and 
taxes ; that all the arguments against issuing paper were framed 
by speculators, and were intended to serve the wealthy part of the 
community, who had monopolized the public securities, that they 
might raise their value and get all the good bargains into their 
own hands ; that other states in the union had issued paper bills, 
and were rejoicing in the happy effects of their currency, without 
any depreciation ; that the people had a right to call upon their 
representatives to stamp a value on paper, or leather, or any 
other substance capable of receiving an impression ; and that to 
prevent its depreciation, a law should be enacted to punish with 
banishment and outlawry, every person who should attempt by 
any means to lessen its value.* 

The same party who were so zealous in favor of paper cur- 

* A specimen of the language used on this occasion is as follows: — ' Seven 
' states are now blessed with harmony, plenty and happiness. Worthy, in- 
' dustrious men can go to market with a penny in their pockets; their benev- 
' olent friends, tiie farmers, meet them half way witli cheerfulness, and are 
' as read}' to receive as tliey to offer ; now one greets the other with social 
' benedictions, trade flourishes, agriculture increases, mutual confidence is 
' restored, and harmony reigns triumpliant. Elysian fields these ! when con- 
' trasted witli tiie bondage of the inhabitants of New- Hampshire ; for ' in the 
' midst of life, tiiey are in death.' death of the worst kind, penury and want of 
' the common blessings of providence. How long, freemen of New-Hamp- 
' shire, can ye bear the yoke of oppression I' New-Hampshire Gazette, July 
20, 17rtC. 



1780.] STATE. JOHN SULLIVAN. 399 

rency, and against laws which obliged them to pay their debts, 
proceeded to inveigh against courts and lawyers. The inferior 
courts were represented as sinecures for judges and clerks ; the 
defaulting, appealing, demurring, abatements, fees and bills of 
cost, without any decision, were complained of as burdens, and 
an abolition of these courts became a part of the popular cry. — 
But the party did not content themselves with writing in the pub- 
lic papers. An attempt was made to call a convention, at Con- 
cord, whilst the assembly were sitting there, who should petition 
the legislature in favor of the plan ; and it Vv'as thought, that the 
presence of such a body of men, convened at the same time and 
place, would have great weight. The attempt was defeated in a 
manner singular and humorous. 

At the first sitting of the assembly, when five only of the mem- 
bers of the proposed convention were in town, some wags, j 
among whom were several young lawyers, pretended to have 
been chosen by the towns in wiiich they lived for the same pur- 
pose. In conference with the five, they penetrated their views, 
and persuaded them to post an advertisement, for all the mem- 
bers who were in town to assemble immediately ; it being of the 
utmost importance to present their petition as early in the session 
as possible. By this means,, sixteen pretended members, with 
the five real ones, formed themselves into a convention, choosing 
one of the five their president, and one of the sixteen their clerk. 
They carried on their debates and passed votes with much ap- 
parent solemnity. Having framed a petition, complaining in the 
most extravagant terms of their grievances ; praying for a loan of 
three millions of dollars, funded on real estate ; for the abolition 
of inferior courts, and a reduction of the number of lawyers, to 
two only in a county ; and for a free trade with all the world ;. 
they went in procession to the assembly, (some of whom had 
been previously let into the secret) and with great formality pre- 
sented their petition, which was suffered to lie on the table, and 
was afterwards withdrawn. The convention then dissolved ; and 
when others who had been really chosen by the towns arrived, 
they were exceedingly mortified on finding their views for that 
time so completely frustrated. 

The next effort of the party was to call county conventions. — 
Of what class of people these were composed, some idea may be 
formed from this circumstance. An innholder, at whose house 
one of these conventions first met, refused to take their promise 
for lumber to pay the expense of their meeting; upon which they 
adjourned to a ware-house, belonging to one of the party, and 
were treated with liquor, gratis. 

From two of these conventions, and from several towns in dif- 
ferent parts of the state, petitions were presented to the „ ^ ,0 
1-1 1 • ■ T-i C-A 1 1 Ti Sept. 13. 

legislature, at their session m Exeter. On calm delib- 
eration, these petitions appeared to be inconsistent with each other, 



400 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1786. 

with the constitution, with justice and public faith. But to still 
the clamor and collect the real sense of the people on the subject 
of paper currency ; the assembly formed a plan for the emission 
of fifty thousand pounds, to be let at four per cent, on land secu- 
rity ; to be a tender in payment of state taxes, and for the 
fees and salaries of public onicers. This plan was immediately 
printed, and sent to the several towns ; and the people were de- 
sired to give their opinions in town meetings for and against it, and 
to make return of their votes to the assembly at their next session. 

This way of proceeding did not coincide with the views of the 
party ; the principal directors of which endeavored to conceal 
themselves, whilst they persuaded a considerable number of per- 
sons of various characters, to appear openly in support of the pe- 
titions. They took pains to spread false reports through the coun- 
try ; and among other things, it was said that the assembly had 
passed an act, to refund the value of the confiscated estates, 
which was to be immediately assessed on the people. 

It must be observed, that at this time, causes of a similar na- 
ture had excited numbers of people in some counties of Massa- 
chusetts, to assemble in arms and prevent the judicial courts from 
sitting.* This example, aided by false reports, and a sense of 
grievances, partly real and partly imaginary, operated so power- 
fully on the minds of a number of people, in the western part of 
the county of Rockingham ; that on the morning of the twentieth 
of September, about two hundred men assembled at Kingston, 
six miles from Exeter, where they chose leaders and procured a 
drum. By the help of some militia oflicers, they formed them- 
selves into military order, and in the afternoon, marched to Exe- 
ter ; about one third of them being armed with muskets, and the 
others with swords and clubs. Having entered the confines of 
the town, they halted ; and sent a paper to the assembly, signed 
by one of them who styled himself moderator, demanding an an- 
swer to their former petition immediately. They then marched 
through the town, and paraded before the meeting-house, where 
both houses of assembly were holding a conference. The doors 
were open, and as many of them as were disposed, entered. — 
The president, in a cool and deliberate speech, explained the 

* [The insurrection in Massaclinsotts nssuined sucli a threatening aspect, 
that the governor of that, state wrote to President Sullivan, requesting him 
to offer a reward for apprehending any of the rebels who should flee to thia 
state, and to take measures for preventing their receiving any supplies. — 
'• The government of New-Hampshire, pursued every measure, which it was 
thougiit the powers vested in the president and council would authorize. — 
They did not think proper, to admit armed parties from another state into 
that; but the existing laws permitted civil officers of other states, to pur- 
sue offenders there, and by application to a magistrate to have them appre- 
hended and sent into the state having jurisdiction of the offence. They, 
therefore directed a major-general, to secure all armed parties, who might 
come into their state ; and a proclamation was is-ued by their president, 
agreeably to the request of the governor of the commonwealth.' Minot, 
Hist, of the Insurrection in iVIa,ss. 1;7>4.] 



I78C.J STATE. JOHN SULLIVAN. 401 

reasons on which the assembly had proceeded in rejecting the 
petitions ; exposed the weakness, inconsistency and injustice of 
their request; and said, that if it were ever so just and proper in 
itself, and if the whole body of the people were in favor of it, yet 
the legislature ought not to comply with it, while surrounded by an 
armed force. To do this, would be, to betray the rights of the 
people, which they had all solemnly sworn to support. He con- 
cluded by declaring, that no consideration of personal danger 
would ever compel them to violate the rights of their constituents. 
This speech being ended, the drum beat to arms; as many as 
had guns were ordered to load them with balls ; sentries were 
placed at the doors, and the whole legislature were held prison- 
ers ; the mob threatening death to any person who should attempt 
to escape, till their demands were granted. The assembly went 
on with their business, taking no farther notice of the rioters, till 
the approach of evening ; when the president attempted to go out, 
but was stopped by an impenetrable column. He then reasoned 
with them, and warned them of the fatal tendency of their con- 
duct, assuring them, that the force of the country would support 
the government. Their answers to him were insolent and re- 
proachful. They raised a cry for paper money, an equal distri- 
bution of property, and a release from debts. The inhabitants of 
Exeter had all this time beheld with silence the insult offered to 
the legislature. Having no orders to take arms, they restrained 
their indignation, till the dusk of the evening; when some of 
them beat a drum at a distance, and others cried, ' Huzza for 
' government ! Bring up the artillery !' At the sound of these 
words, the mob were struck with a panic, and began to disperse, 
Their moderator ordered them to meet again, at nine of the 
clock the next morning, and they scattered in every direction.* 

* [The president of New-FIampshire at this time was John Sullivan, of 
whom through the kindness of the Hon. William Plumer, I am enabled to 
add the following note, 

John Sullivan was the son of John Sullivan, and was born in Berwick, 
Maine. Without an academic education, he commenced the practice of law 
at Durham, in this state, where he lived till his death. He was in the times 
in which he lived, considered a distinguished lawyer. In 1772, he was ap- 
pointed a major in the militia. In 1774, he was appointed a delegate to the 
general congress; and in December, he, with others, seized the Britisji fort 
William and Mary, at New-Castle, and took more than a hundred barrels of 
gunpowder from thence, and removed it into the country. In 1775, he waa 
re-appointed delegate to congress ; and by that body on the 22 June, was ap- 
pointed brigadier-general in the revolutionary army. He commanded the 
troops stationed on Winter Hill, in the vicinity of Boston. 

He received from congress the appointment of major-general, 29 July, 
1776. The 2Gth August, he was taken prisoner on Long-Island, New-York, 
and in October, was exchanged ; sent to the army in Canada, where after the 
death of General Thomas, he commanded; but was soon superseded, and re- 
turned to the main army. In 1777, he was distinguished for his bravery and 
good conduct in the battles of Brandy wine and Germantown. In August, 

1778, he commanded the army at Newport, Rhode-Island, but was obliged to 
retreat, on which occasion his conduct met the approbation of congress. In 

1779, he commanded an expedition against the Indians, where he euiierotl 

53 



402 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1780. 

The assembly being ilius at litierly, requested the president to 
call out the force ol' ilie sialc to iiuc-ll thtJ insurreclion. jn the 
evening, he issued his orders, and belbrc mofning companies of 
militia, well armed, began to come in liom ilie neighboring tfuvns. 
o » ni l^y ten of ihe clock in ilie morning, a siifhcienl body of 
horse and loot, wiili lieltl-pieces and mnitary Jiuisic, hav- 
ing arrived j the president put ihem in motion against t!;e insur- 
gents, who were then parading, about a mile distant. Having by 
their spies obtained intelligence of the motion of the miliiio, the 
unarmed part of the insuigents retreated to a hill beyond the riv- 
er ; the others kept their ground till a pariy ot" light-liorse appear- 
ed in view, and then tl)e whole body retired. Some of ihern 
were taken by the pursuers ; others recovered the bridge at 
King's fall, and being met by those who had first retreated, made 
an appearance as if they would dispute the passage. Orders 
were given by one of their leaders to lire ; but the iorce of the 
government appeared so ibrmidable that iliey dared not to obey. 
The officers of the militia rusl)ed in among them, seized their 
moderator and others, to the number of forty. The rest fled 
with precipitation, and no farilier pursuit was made. Tlie pris- 
oners were disarmed and conducted to the town ; where they 
were brought to an examination belbre the president and council. 
Had these men been engaged in a good cause, and commanded 
by projier officei-s, they would have mainiained the honor of their 
country, and fought her battles with ardor and peisevcrance ; 
but, conscious of their inconsistency in opposing a government of 
their own establishing, their native fortitude foisook them ; and 
they gave an example of the most humiliating submission. IMcst 
of tljem professed to be asliamed of their conduct, and their sliamc 
appeared to be sincere. 

The dignity of g(;vernment being thus vindicated, its lenity 

great fatigue, but destroyed many Indians, and laid their country waste. On 
the SCtli November, congress accepted his resignation, which he had previous- 
ly requested. 

In February, 1780, the legislature of the state appointed him an agent to 
settle the line between New-Hampshire and New-VTork ; and June '^ist, a 
delegate to the congress of the United States, and on the 19 January foUovv- 
incf, re-appointed him to that office. In January, 17ciJ, the legislature ap- 
pomted him commander of their troops to Vermont, and en the !il June, at- 
torney general of i\e\v-Hampsh!r>^. 

■ After the establisliment of the state constitution, he was re-appointed at- 
torney general, 25 December, 17-4, and UInj^r-general cf the militia, l)ot!i of 
which he held till 2ii Ftbruiry, 17dt). when he resigned themb(.th. in 17c5, 
he was member and speaker of t!ie h.use of representatives aiid counsellor. 
In 17dr) and 17o7, he was elected president cf the state. In 17cd, he was a 
member and speaker of tlie hou30 of representitives ; member anJ president 
of the convention which ratified the c-nstitution t f the United States. 

In 17ci!>, he was an eKctor of president and vice president of the United 
States, and in March, was elected preiideutof the state for the third time. — 
In September, the same year, the president and senate of the U. S. ^>pp^intcd 
him judge of the district court ol" New-Hampsliire, wliich olGcc lie lield as 
loag 03 he lived, lie died 2'i January, 171.5, a^ed 51 years.] 



nSO.J STATE. JOHN SULLIVAN. 403 

was equally conspicuous. Six only of the prisoners were de- 
tained, nnd a parly of liglit-lioise was sent to apprehend two 
others of the most culpable. They were taken out of tlieir beds 
and brought to Exeter. This mar.CEuvrc had an excellent effect, 
for some, who knew themselves equally guiliy, were afraid lo 

sleep in their own houses. The superior court beinsihen e, . «_ 
r . , . , .' ^ , Sept. 25. 

m session at L.xe(er, these eight prisoners were arraigned 

on an indictment for treason. One dropping on his knees, plead- 
ed guilty. Others hesitated when they pronounced the words 
' not guilty.' They were ordered to recognize for their appear- 
ance at the next superior court, when their bonds were discharged. 
Some of them, who belonged to the preshyterian churches, were 
cited before the ecclesiastical session, and there censured, as op- 
posers ofjust government. Others,' being military officers, were 
tried by a general court martial ; of these, some were cashiered, 
but not incn])nci(a:od for future service ; some were reprimanded, 
and others were acquitted. The whole opposition was complete- 
ly subdued ; wavering minds became settled ; converts were 
made to the side of government ; and the system of knavery re- 
ceived a deep wound, from which it has not since recovered. 

The plan which had been issued by the assembly, for emitting 
paper money, was in course referred to the people, in .^(,_ 
their town meetings ; and at the next session, the returns ' 
were made, when a majority appeared against it. To "' 
Cuisi) the whole matter, two questions were put in the assembly. 
The first was ' whether the legislature can, consistently with the 

* constitution, and their oaths, pass an act making paper bills of 

* credit, a tender to discharge private contracts, made prior to the 
' passing such act P Tiie other was, ' whether paper money be 

* emitted on any plan which has been proposed .^' Both these 
questions were determined in the negative. 

To observe the progress of wisdom and virtue, and the obsta- 
cles which are laid in the way of vice, is a most pleasing enter- 
tainment to the philanthropist ; and it is but just, in such a con- 
templation, to acknowledge that superintending influence, which 
brings good out of evil. It was feared by many, that the Amer- 
ican revolution would not produce that sum of political happiness 
which its warmest advocates had fondly predicted. The efforts 
of faction in several of the states were very alarming. In New- 
Hampshire, the assault being made directly at the supreme head 
of the government, the force of the state immediately rose and 
crushed it. In iMassachusettr, the attacks were made on the ju- 
dicial courts, which of themselves had no ))ower effectually to 
oppose them. The disaffection there rose to a higher degree ; it 
was more extensively diffused, and with more difticulty quelled. 
But at length, the constitutional powers of government being ex- 
erted with vigor, the spirit of anarchy was suppressed. la anolh- 



404 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [HSti 

er neighboring state, the same spirit reigned triumphant. A de- 
preciating currency was established by law, aud pertinaciously 
adhered to by the government. 

The imbecility of the confederation by which the states were 
united, had long been felt, and some attempts had been making 
to strengthen it ; but the view of our situation at this time demon- 
strated the total inefficacy of that constitution, to bind together 
thirteen distinct sovereignties, over which no coercive power was 
established, which could prevent or cure such evils as threatened 
the destruction of all public and private credit. Happily for the 
American union, the remedy existed within itself. The good 
sense and public virtue of the great body of our citizens readily 
adopted the idea of a Convention of the States. The first 
proposal came from Virginia, where American hberty was first 
publicly asserted, when it was flagrantly violated by the stamp act. 
The name of Patrick Henry will ever be illustrious in the Amer- 
ican annals for moving the resolves of 17G5 ; and the name of 
James Madison will be equally distinguished for proposing the 
convention of 1787. 

To this convention, which was hnlden at Philadelphia, all the 
states, except one, sent their delegates. After a close and par- 
ticular investigation, they produced a new federal constituUon ; 
containing adequate remedies for those political disorders, which 
had threatened with extinction, the liberty and independence of 
the American states. 

Among other wise provisions, to establish justice and secure the 
blessings of liberty, those which respect public and private credit 
are not the least conspicuous. To support the former, the con- 
gress has a power which, by the first confederation, was not dele- 
gated, ' to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to 
' pay the debts and provido for the common defence and general 
' welfare of the United States.' For the latter, it is declared, that 
' no state shall coin money, emit bills of credit, make any thing 
' but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts, pass any 
' bill of attainder or expost facto law, or any law impairing the 
■ * obligation of contracts.' 

When this new constitution was proposed to the people, con- 
ventions were called in each state to consider it. In these bodies^ 
composed of persons who represented impartially every class and 
description of the people, and who were themselves equally vari- 
ous in thoir principles, habits and views, the constitution under- 
went the most critical and severe discussion. Whilst it was in 
debate, die anxiety of all parties was extended to the utmost de- 
gree, and the efforts of its friends and its opposcrs were unre- 
mitted. 

After the constitution had been, with the help of some propos- 
ed amendments, adopted by Massachusetts, a convention was 



i788.] STATE. JOHN LANGDON. 405 

called at Exeter in New-Hampshire. At its first meeting, a de- 
bate which continued ten days ended in an adjournment . _„o 
for four months ; at the expiration of which term, in a ^^^ jg' 
short session of three days only at Concord, the question 
for adopting and ratifying the constitution, was, with the ""^~ ' 
same help as in Massachusetts, carried in the affirmative, by a 
majority of eleven ; the whole number present being one hundred 
and three. This was the ninth state in the union which accepted 
the constitution ; and thus the number was completed which was 
necessary to put in motion the political machine.* In about a 

* [1788. John Langdon was elected presidentof New-Hampshire for the 
second time. A note, detailing the services of this early patriot of the revo- 
lution, will conclude the editor's annotations on this part of the labors of the 
historian of New-Hampshire. John Langdon was a native of Portsmouth, 
and w'as born in 1740. His father, of the same name, was the sixth son of 
Tobias Langdon, and lived at Sagamore's creek in Portsmouth, where his 
house was burned, about the year 1740. Tobias is supposed to have been 
son of Tobias Langdon, who lived in New-Hampshire in 1C62. 

He received his education at the public grammar school, under the tuition 
of Samuel Hale. From school, he went into the counting house of the hon- 
oiable Daniel Rindge, where he became well acquainted with mercantile 
transactions. At the close of his apprenticeship, he entered upon a seafaring 
life, which business he continued to follow, until the troubles between the 
country and Great-Britain commenced. He took-an early and active part in 
tlie opposition to the British government, and was one of the leaders of that 
party, which removed the powder and military stores from the fort at New- 
castle, in December, 1774. In 1775, he was appointed a delegate to the gen- 
eral congress, and in January, 1776, was re-appointed to the same office. — 
Soon afteu the beginning of the revolutionary war, he had the command of 
an independent company of cadets, and at the time of the surrender of the 
British army under BurgOyne, went to Bennington as a volunteer. He was 
likewise at Rhode-Island with a detachment of his company, at the time the 
Briiish troops were in possession of the island, and when General Sullivan 
brought off the American troops. 

He was representative and speaker of the house of representatives in this 
state in 1776 and 1777, and in the former year, judge of the court of common 
pleas, which office he resigned in April, 1777. In 1778, he had the agency 
under congress of building several public ships of war, and was appointed 
continental agent in New-Hampshire. In 1779, he was a member and presi- 
dent of the New-Hampshire convention for regulating the currency ; and 
from 1777 to 1782 memberandspeaker of the house of representatives of New- 
Hampshire. In 1780, he was a commissioner to raise men and procure pro- 
visions for the army ; and on the 13 June, 1783, was appointed delegate to the 
congress of the United States. 

In 1784 and 1785, he was elected a member of the New-Hampshire senate, 
and the latter year, president of the state, being the successor of Meshech 
Weare. In 1788, he was a delegate to the convention which formed the 
constitution of the United States. In March, the same year, was elected rep- 
resentative of the legislature, and speaker of the house in June, when on 
counting the votes for president, he was found to be elected. In November, 
the legislature elected liini senator to the congress of the United States, and 
was there elected the first president /^ro tern, of that body, the}' ever appoint- 
ed. In 1794, he was re-elected for another term of six years. 

From 1801 to 1805, inclusive, he was representative in the N. H. legisla- 
ture, and in 1804 and 1805, was elected speaker of the house. From 1805 to 
1808, and in 1810 and 1811, he was elected governor of the state. In 1805, 
the government of Dartmouth college conferred on him the degree of Doctor 
of Laws. Governor Langdon died at Portsmouth, 18 September, 1819, aged 
79. Adams, Annals of Portsmouth, 370—373. — MS. Amer. Biography by 
Hon. W. Plumer.— Gazetteer of N. Hamp. 222.] 



40C HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [178D. 

month, two more states were added. Then a congress was form- 
17C0 ^^' ^"^' '''"^ ilhistrioiis Washington, by the unanimous 

suffriis;e of the people, was phiced in the first seat of gov- 
ernment. Three other stiiies, of which one is Vermont, have 
since been admitted into the union ; and tliere is now in opera- 
70n ^''^" ^ general system of energetic government, which 

pervades every part of the United Stales, and has ah-eady 
produced a surjirising alteration for the better. By the funding 
of the continental debt, and the assumption of the debts of the in- 
dividual states, into one general niass, a foundation is laid for the 
support of public credit ; by which means, the American revolu- 
tion appears to be completed. Let it be the sincere prayer and 
endeavor of every thoughtful citizen, that such harmony may pre- 
vail between the general government, and the jtwisdiction of each 
state, as the peculiar delicacy of their connexion requires ; and 
that the blessings of ' peace, liberty and safet}',' so dearly obtain- 
ed, may descend inviolate to our posterity. 



APPENDIX. 



TABLES. 

Chief Magistrates of New-Hampshire and Rlassachusetts from 1C41 to 1830 ; 
with the Kings of England from the first settlement of N. H. in MJ'22, until 
the separation of this country from Great-Britain, and the Pres'-dents of the 
United States from the adoption of tlie Federal Constitution. 

COLONIAL GOVERNMENT. 



I 




Govi rnorsot New-Hanipjiiae 


A.D. 


Kings of England. 


and Massachusetts, while 
united. 


1623 


James 1. 




1625 


Charles I. 




1641 


(( 


Richard Bellingham. 


1642 


cc 


John Wiiithrop. 


1644 


<( 


John Endecott. 


1645 


<c 


Thomas Diidlej', 


1646 


(C 


John VVinthrop. 


1649 


The Commonwealth. 


John Endecott. 


1650 


C( 


Thomas Dudley. 


1651 


(C 


John Endecott. 


1654 


(( 


Richard Bellingham. 


1655 


a 


John Endecott. 


1660 


Charles II. 


(( 


1665 


(( 


Richard Bellingham. 


1673 


({ 


John Leverelt. 


1679 


<c 


Simon Bradstrcet. 



PROVLXCIAL GOVERNMENT. 



1 




Cliier Magistrates of 


Chief Magistrates ot 


A.D.I 


Kin<Ts of England. 


New-Hain'p«!liire. 


Ma^snchnseHs.* 


16HC 


Charljs il. 


John Ciitt 


Simon Bradstreet 


1681 


a 


Richard Waldron 


(( 


1682 


<( 


Edward Cranlield 


u 


1685 


James II. 


Walter Barefoote 


(( 


1686 


a 


Joseph Dudley 


•Foseph Dudley 


1687 


li 


Edmund Andros 


Kdmund Andios 


1689 


William Til. 


Simon Bradstreet 


Simon Bradstreet 



* Massachusetts did not become o. Province until the charter of WiUiam 
«ad Mary was granted ia 1601. 



408 



APPENDIX. 



1692 


William Hi. 


John Usher 


William Phips 1 


1697 


u 


William Partridge 


(( 


1698 


(( 


Samuel Allen 


u 


1699 


(( 


Earl of Bellomont 


Earl of Bellomont 


1702 


Anne. 


Joseph Dudley 


Joseph Dudley 


1714 


George I. 




U 


1716 


(( 


Samuel Shute 


Samuel Shute 


1727 


Georfije II. 


u 


u 


1 72S 


it 


William Burnet 


William Burnet 


1730 


(( 


Jonathan Belcher 


Jonathan Belcher 


1741 


u 


Benning Wentworth 


William Shirlev 


1757 


u 


(( 


Thomas Pownal 


1760 


George III. 


(C 


Francis Bernard 


1767 


(( 


John Wentworth 


u 


1770 


u 


u 


Tho. Hutchinson 


1774 


n 


IC 


Thomas Gage 


1775 


The British government terminated. 





REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 



A.D. 1 


United States. 


Pies. &, Gov's. N.H. 


Governors of Mass. 


1776 


■ 


Meshech Weare 




1780 




a 


John Hancock 


1785 


Continental 


John Langdon 


James Bowdoin 


1786 


Congress. 


John Sullivan 


11 


1787 




u 


John Hancock 


1788 


Presidents U. S. 


John Langdon 


C( 


1789 


G. Washington 


John Sullivan 


<( 


1790 


<( 


Josiah Bartlett* 


(C 


1794 


a 


John T. Gilman 


Samuel Adams 


1797 


John Adams. 


(( 


Increase Sumner 


1800 


C( 


u 


Caleb Strong 


1801 


Tho. Jcflferson 


u 


(C 


1805 


li 


John Langdon 


a 


1807 


a 


(( 


James Sullivan 


1809 


James Madison 


Jeremiah Smith 


Christopher Gore 


1810 


cc 


John Langdon 


Elbridge Gerry 


1812 


C( 


William Plumer 


Caleb Strong 


1813 


C( 


John T. Gilman 


u 


1816 


a 


William Plumer 


John Brooks 


1817 


James Monroe 


a 


(( 


1819 


a 


Samuel Bell 


u 


1823 


(( 


Levi Woodbury 


William Eustis 


1824 


(( 


David L. Morril 


(( 


1825 


John Q. Adams 


li 


Levi Lincoln 


1827 


(( 


Benjamin Pierce 


« 


1828 


u 


John Bell 


(( 


1829 


A. Jackson 


Benjamin Pierce 


iC 


1830 


(( 


Matthew Harvey 


C( 



• From 1793, the chief magistrate of N. H. has been stjled Goventor. 



APPENDIX. 



409 



DEATH AND AGES OF THE PRECEDING. 
KINGS OF ENGLAND. 



James I. 


8 April, 


1625, 


58. 


Charles i. 


30 January, 


1648, 


47. 


Charles II. 


6 Feb. 


1685, 


54. 


James II. 


16 Sept. 


1701, 


68. 


William III. 


16 March, 


1702, 


52. 


Anne 


1 August, 


1714, 


50. 


George I. 


11 June, 


1727, 


67. 


George II. 


25 October, 


1760, 


77. 


George III. 


29 January, 


1820, 


81. 



GOVERNORS, 

WHILE MASSACHUSETTS AND NEW-HAMPSHIRE WERE UNITED. 

Richard Bellingham, 
John Winthrop, 
John Endecott, 
Thomas Dudley, 
John Leverett, 
Simon Bradstreet, 



7 December, 


1672, 


80. 


26 March, 


1649, 


61. 


15 March, 


1665, 


76. 


31 July, 


1653, 


77. 


16 March, 


1679. 




27 March, 


1697, 


94. 



CHIEF MAGISTRATES, 

WHILE NEW-HAMPSHIRE WAS A SEPARATE PROVINCE. 



John Cutt, 
Richard Waldron, 
Edward Cranfield, 
Walter Barefoote, 
Joseph Dudley, 
Edmund Andros, 
John Usher, 
William Partridge, 
Samuel Allen, 



27 March, 


1681. 




27 June, 


1689, 


80. 


about 


1700. 




about 


1688, 


53. 


2 April, 


1720, 


72, 


February, 


1714. 




6 September, 


,1726, 


78, 


3 January, 


1729, 


74, 


4 May, 


1705, 


69. 



GOVERNORS OF MASSACHUSETTS AND NEW-HAMPSHIRE, 

UNTIL THE REVOLUTION. 

William Phips, 
Earl of Bellomout, 
Samuel Shute, 
William Burnet, 
Jonathan Belcher, 
William Shirley, 
Benning Wentvvorth, 
Thomas Povvnall, 
Francis Bernard, 
John Wentworth, 
Thomas Hutchinson, 
Thomas Gage, 

54 



18 February, 


1695, 


44. 


5 March, 


1701. 




15 April, 


1742, 


80. 


7 September, 


, 1729, 


41. 


31 August, 


1757, 


75. 


24 March, 


1771. 




14 October, 


1770, 


75. 


25 February, 


1805, 


83. 


June, 


1779. 




8 April, 


1820, 


84. 


3 June, 


1780, 


69. 


April, 


1787. 





410 



AFPEMDIX. 



GOVERNORS OF MASSACHUSETTS AND NEW-HAMPSHIRE, 

SINCE THE REVOLUTION, WHO HAVE DECEASED. 



Mesliech Weare, 


15 January, 


1786, 


73 


John Hancock, 


8 October, 


1793, 


56 


John Langdon, 


18 September 


,1819, 


79 


John Sullivan, 


z8 January, 


1795, 


64 


James Bowdoin, 


6 November, 


1790, 


64 


Josiah Bartlett, 


19 May, 


1795, 


65 


John T. Oilman, 


31 August, 


1828, 


75 


Samuel Adams, 


2 October, 


1803, 


81 


Increase Sumner, 


7 June, 


1799, 


52 


Caleb Strong-, 


7 November, 


1820, 


75 


James Sullivan, 


8 December, 


1808, 


64 


Christopher Gore, 


1 March, 


1827, 


69 


Elbridge Gerry, 


23 November, 


1814, 


70 


John Brooks, 


1 March, 


1825, 


73 


William Eustis, 


6 February, 


1825, 


76 



PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES, 

WHO HAVE DECEASED. 



George Washington, 
John Adams, 
Thomas Jefferson, 



14 December, 1799, 67. 

4 July, 1826, 91. 

4 July, 1826, 83. 



A CATALOGUE OF THE COUNSELLORS OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, 
FROM 1680 TO 1830. 



UNDER THE ROYAL GOVERNMENT. 

[The ages of those with this mark t are conjectured. Where a dash precedea 
a name, the time of appointment is uncertain.] 



App. I Counsellors. | 


Residence. 


Died. 


lAgel 


1680 


John Cutt 


Portsmouth 


27 March, 


1681 


1 




Richard Martyn 


Portsmouth 




1693 


ll 




William Yaughan 


Portsmouth 




1719 




Thomas Daniel 


Portsmouth 




1683 






John Gilnian 


Exeter 


24 July, 


1708 


84t 




Christopher Hussey 


Hampton 




1685 


75t 




Richard Waldron 


Dover 


27 June, 


1689 


80t 




Elias Stileman 


New-Castle 


19 Dec. 


1695 


78t 




Samuel Dalton 


Hampton 


22 August, 


1681 




1681 


Job Clements 


Dover 




1717 






Robert Mason^ 


New-Castle 




1688 


58 




Richard Waldron 


Portsmouth 


30 Nov. 


1730 


80 




Anthony Nutter 


Dover 


19 Feb. 


1686 





(1) These four would probably average 70 years each. (2) He died at Eio- 
ptiB,in New- York. 



APPENDIX. 



411 



App. I 



Counsellors. 



I Residence. 



Died. 



lAge 



1683 



1684 



1685 
1692 



1697 
1698 



1702 



1710 
1712 
1715 
1716 



1682 Walter Barefoote 

Ricliard Chamberlain 
Nathaniel Fryer 
Robert EUiotl 
John Hinkes2 
Edward Randolph^ 
James Sherlock 
Francis Champernoou'* 
Robert Wadleigh 
Henry Greene 
John Usher 
Thomas Graffort^ 
John Walford 
John Love 
Peter CoffinS 
John Gerrish 
Nathaniel ^Veare 
William Partridge 
Joseph Smith 
Kingsley Hall 
Sampson Sheafe^ 
Peter Weare 
Samuel Penhallow 
John Plaisted 
Henry Dow 
George Jaftrey^ 
Mark Hunking 
John Wentworth 
George Vaughan 
Richard Gerrish 
Theodore Atkinson 
Shadrach Walton 
George Jaffrey 
Richard Wibird 
Thomas Westbrook 

1719 Thomas Packer 

1722 Archibald Macpheadris 

1724 John Ffrost'^ 



New-Castle 

New-Castle 
New-Castle 
New-Castle 
Portsmouth 



Exeter 

Hampton 

Boston 

Portsmouth 

Portsmouth 

Dover 

Dover 

Iffimpton 

Portsmouth 

Hampton 

Exeter 

New-Castle 

Hamp. -Falls 

Portsmouth 

Portsmouth 

Hampton 

New-Castle 

Portsmouth 

Portsmouth 

Portsmouth 

Dover 

New-Castle 

New-Castle 

New-Castle 

Portsmouth 

Portsmouth 

Portsmouth 

Portsmouth 

New-Castle 



1688 or 1689 53 



13 August, 1705 



ret. to England. 



about 1686 

5 August, 1700 

5 Sept. 1726 

6 August, 1697 



May, 
Jan. 
Nov. 
about 



Dec. 
about 

May, 
Feb. 

Dec. 
Dec. 

May, 
Oct. 
May, 
Oct. 



1714 68 
1718 87 
1729 74 
1717 64 
1736 
1724 



1726 
1707 
1707 
1707 



25 Dec. 



1730 

1725 

1717 

1719 50 

1741 

1749 

1732 

1736 

1723 

1728 

1732 51 



(1) Living in 1745. (2) Living in 1707, and probably in 1722, when there 
is a deed from John Hinkes on record in Rockingham county. 

(3) Randolph returned to England. (4) Chanipernoon was cousin to Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges. He lived sometime in York, Maine. 

(5) GrafFortand Sheafe removed to Boston and died there. 

(G) Living inl714 at theage of 83. (7) Died at Col. Appleton's in Ipswich. 

(8) He was son of Major Ciiarles Ffrost, who is noticed page 143. It 
might have been there stated tiiat the major was born 20 July, 1(>31, the 
■on of Nicholas Ffrost of Kittery, who was born at Tiverton, in Eno-land, 
in 1580, came very early to New-England, and died 20 .Tuly,1663, aged 
74. John, the grandson above mentioned, was born 1 March, 1682. — 
His wife was Marj', sister of Sir William Pepperell. Afler his death, she 
married sticcessively Rev. Benjamin Colman, D. D., of Boston, and Rev. 



412 



APPENDIX. 



App. 1 Counsellors. 


Residence. | Diet 


\A^^ 


172^ 


.Jothain Odioine 


New-Castle 


16 Aug. 


1748 7o 


i72s 


Henry Sherburne 


Portsmouth 


29 Dec. 


1757 83 


1732 


Richard Waldron 


Portsmouth 


23 Aug. 


1753 60 




Joshua Pcircel 


Portsmouth 


7 Feb. 


1743 


12 




lienning Wcntworth^ 


Portsmouth 


14 Oct. 


1770 


75 




Benjarani Gamling 


Portsmouth 




1737 


57 




Kphraim Dennet 


Portsmouth 










'i'heouore Atkiusou'2 


New-Castle 


22 Sept. 


1779 


HI 


jl733 


Ellis Huske 


Portsmouth 




1755 




I 


Joseph Sherburne 


Portsmouth 


3 Dec. 


1744 


64 


1739 


Richard VVibird 


Portsmouth 


25 Sept. 


1765 


63 


,1740 


John Riudge 


Portsmouth 


6 Nov. 


1740 


i5 


i 


-John Dowiiino" 




16 Sept. 
2 May, 


174^ 


^5 
74 


' 


Saaiuel Smith 




176U 




Joseph Blanchard 
Sampson Sheafe 
Samuel Solley 
Daniel Warner 


Dunstable 

New-Castle 
Portsmouth 
Portsmouth 


7 April, 


1 75.' 


53 




1772 


01 






t7 i 


175:5 




177b 




1754 


Joseph Nevvmarch 


Portsmouth 




1766 




1759 


Mark H. Wentworth 


Portsmouth 


19 Dec. 


1785 






James Nevin 


Portsmouth 


6 Feb. 


1769 


60 


1761 


!;*hn Nelson^ 


Portsmouth 




1787 




1762 


William Temple 


Portsmouth 




178S 






Theodore Atkinson 




28 Oct.- 


17G9 


33 




Nathaniel Barrell 


Portsmouth 








1765 


Peter Livios'l 


Portsmouth 




1795 


est 


1766 


Jonathan Warner 


Portsmouth 


15 May, 


1814 


87 




Daniel Rindge 


Portsmouth 


12 Jan'. 


1799 


68 




Daniel Peirce 


Portsmouth 


4 Dec. 


1773 






Daniel Rogers 


Portsmouth 










George Jaftrey 


Portsmouth 


25 Dec. 


1802 


86 




Henry Sherburne 


Portsmouth 


30 March, 


1767 


58 




Paul Wentworth 


Somerswo'th 








1772 


Peter Oilman 


Exeter 


1 Dec. 


1788 


84 




Thomas W. Waldron 


Portsmouth 


3 April, 


1785 


63 


1774 


John Sherburne 


Portsmouth 


10 March, 


1797 


76 




John Phillips 


Exeter 


April, 


1795 


76 


1775 


George Boyd-> 


Portsmouth 1 


1787 





Benjamin Prescott, of Danvers, Mass. She died in ]7(I{). Mr. Ffrost had 
seventeen children. George, the lltli child and the sixth son, was a coun- 



sellor three years in the time of the Revolution, and a delegate to the old 
Congress. To his son George Ffrost, Esq., of Durham, the editor is indebted 



! years 
To his 
for tlie facts contained in this note. 

(1) Sworn into office 18 January, 1733. 

(2) Not sworn into office until 12 Oct. 1734. Gov. Belcher, in a letter, da- 
ted 15 Ann-, 1734, speaking of the expense of their mandamuses, says, " I 
am told W. and A.'s mandamuses have already cost them about 100 guineas 
apiece." 

(3) He went to Grenada, where it is believed he died about 1795. 

(4) Died in England. W. Winthrop. 

(5) lie left the state, and was included in the act proscribing 7G persons, 
passed in 1778, and died on his return from England to this country. 



APPENDIX. 



413 



UNDER THE REVOLUTIONART GOVERNMENT. 



'App. 



Counsellors. 



1778 xMeshech Weare 
iVIattliew Thornton 
William Whipple 
Josiah Baitlt'tt 
Nathaniel Folsom 
John Wentuorth 
Ebenezt-r Thompson 
Wyseman Clagett 
Jonathan Rlanchard 
Sarauel Ashley 
Benjamin Giles 
John Huid 
1777 Nicholas Oilman 
George Atkinson2 
Timothy Walker 
[Matthew Patten • 
jBenjarain Bellows 
17791 Moses Nichols 

Jacob Abbot-^ 
1780 George Atkinson 
John'^M'Clary 
Timothy Farrar 
Samuel Hnnt 
Enoch Hale 
Charles Johnston 
178l' Woodbury Langdon 
George FtVost 
John Hale 
Wyseman Clagett 
Benjamin Bellows 
|Francis Worcester 
|1782 Timothy Farrar 
Jacob Abbot 
Thomas Sparhawk 
Charles Johnston 
1783|Francis Worcester 



Residence iInoH ice.l Di>-d 

Hamp.-Falir^l5 Jan. 



8 19 
|l 26 
1810 
15 15 

|l: 4 
3 16 
i4 18 

111 9 

':7 7 

;3 M3 
i3 5 



Londonderry 

Portsmouth 

King^ton 

E?t:eter 

Dover 

Durham 

Litchlield 

Dunstable 

Winchesterl 

Newport 

Haverhill 

lExeter 

^Portsmouth 

'Concord 

Bedford 

Walpole 

lAmherst 

I Wilton 

Portsmouth 

Epsom 

New-Ipswich ij 

Charlestown '1124 

Walpole 

Haverhill 

jPortsmouth 

[Durham 

Hollis 

Litchfield 

Walpole 

Plymouth 

See 1780 

Wilton 

jWalpole 

iHaverhi'.l 

See 1781. 



1 24 June, 

1 10 Nov. 
May, 
May, 
Jan. 
Aug. 
Dec. 
Juiv, 
Feb. 



1 A(je. 
1786172" 
1803|r->9 
17&.J54 
179;;]G5 
1790154 
1787-^0 
1 «02l65 



63 
50 



Dec. 



1784 
1788 
1792 71 
1787 70 



April, 

Jan. 

May, 

Aug. 

June, 

May, 

March, 

See 1777. 

16 June, 



1782 
1806 
1822 
1795 
1802 



52 
66 
85 
76 
62 



1790 50 

182074 

1801182 



August, 1799 66 



5 March, 
13 Jan. 
21 June, 

See 1776 
See 1777 



See 1779 
31 Oct. 

See 1780 



1813176 
180566 
1796 76 
1791 60 



1802 



64 



UNDER THE CONSTITUTION. 



1784 John M'Clary 
Joseph Badger 
Francis Blood 
Moses Chase 
Nathaniel Peabody 

1785 John Sullivan 
Matthew Thornton 
Amos Shepard 



Epsom 

Gilmanton 

Temple 

Cornish 

\tkinson 

Durham 

Merrimack 

Alstead 



11116 June, 

I 14 Jan. 

1 Nov. 
|i|l8 Oct. 

II 29 June, 
1 23 Jan. 

1 See 1776 

2 1 Jan. 




1812 



TTrTnerwardsofClaremont. where he du-d. (.) H.s n,u..e 
Ge^lrgfS. (-3) Died at Bransw.ck, Mame. 



414 



APPENDIX. 



App. 1 Counsellors. | 


Residence. | In otHce. | Di< 


!(1. |Age. 


1785 


Moses Dow 


Haverhill 


2 


31 March, 


181164 


1786 


Christopher Toppan 


Hampton 




28 Feb. 


1818 


83 




Joshua Weiitwortb 


Portsmouth 




19 Oct. 


1809 


67 




Robert Means 


Amherst 




24 Jan. 


1823 


80 


1787 


Joseph Oilman 


Exeter 






1806 


68 




Ebenezer Thompson 


Durham 




See 1776 








Daniel Emerson 


Hollis 




4 Oct. 


1821 


75 




Muses Chase 


Cornish 




See 1784 








John Pickering 


Portsmouth 




11 April, 


1805 


67 


1788 


Peter Green 
Ebenezer Smith 


Concord 
Durham 




27 March, 


1798 


52 




Robert Wallace 


Henniker 




Jan. 


1815 


66 




Josiah Richardson 


Keene 


125 Feb. 


1820 


74 




William Simpson 


Orford 




1823 


81 


1789 


John Pickering 


Portsmouth 


1 See 1787 








Ichabod Rollins 


Somersworth 


131 Jan. 


1800 






Charles Barrett 


New-Ipswich 


121 Sept. 


180S 


63 




Sandl'ord Kingsbury 


Claremont 


l\ 








Jonathan Freeman 


Hanover 


8*20 August 


, 1808 


63 


1790 


Christopher Toppan 


Hampton 


l|See 1786 








Joseph Badger 


Gilmanton 


3 See 1784 








Robert Wallace 


Heniiiker 


13,See 1788 








Lemuel Holmes 


Surry 


4 


died in Vermont 




1791 


Nathaniel Rogers 


Exeter 


1 


May, 


1829 


83 


1792 


Phillips White 


S. Hampton 


2 24 June, 


1811 


82 


1793 


Ebenezer Smith 


See 1788 


3 






1794 


Christopher Toppan 


Hampton 


3 See 1786 








Thomas Bellows 


Walpole 


5 






1795 


Joseph Badger 


Gilmanton 


2 See 1784 






1797 


Joseph Cilley 


Nottingham 


2 


Aug. 


1799 


65 




Aaron Wingate 


Farmington 


6 


24 Feb. 


1822 


78 




Russell Freemanl 


Hanover 


5 


27 Dec. 


1805 


67 


1799 


James Sheafe 


Portsmouth 


1 


6 Dec. 


1829 


74 




Samuel Stevens 


Charlestown 


6 


17 Nov. 


1823 


88 


1800 


Joseph B Ian chard 


Chester 


2 








1802 


Levi Bartlett 
David Hough 


Kingston 
Lebanon 


6 

1 


30 Jan. 


1828 


64 


1803 


William Hale 
Benjamin Pierce 
Daniel Blaisdell 


Dover 

Hillsborough 

Canaan 


2 
6 
5 








1805 


Joseph Badger 
Nahum Parker 


Gilmanton 
Fitzwilliam 


4 
2 


See 1784 






1807 


Amasa Allen 
Daniel Gookin 


Walpole 
N. Hampton 


2 
1 


1 July, 


1821 


69 




William Tarleton 


Piermont 


2 


26 March, 


1819 


68 


1809 


Elijah Hall 


Portsmouth 


8 


22 June, 


1830 


87 




Richard Dame 


Rochester 


2 


19 Sept. 


1828 


72 




Samuel Bell 


Amherst 


1 









(1) Murdered by Josiah Burnham. 



APPENDIX. 



415 



App. 1 Counsellors | 


Residence. | In 


office. 1 Died lAtre. 


1809 


Caleb Ellis 


Clareraont 


2 9 Miiv, 1816 49 




Benjamin J. Gilbert 


Hanover 


2 




1810 


JediVliah K. Smith 


Amherst 


4 17 Dec. 182858 


1811 


Nathaniel Upham 


Rochester 


2 10 July, 1829.56 




Ithamar Chase 


Cornish 


5 August, 1817 55 




Jonathan Franklin 


Lyme 


2 




1813 


Nathan Taylor 


'Sanbornton 


1 






Enoch Colby 


Thornton 


5 




1814 


Samuel Quarles 


Ossipee 


3: 






Benjamin Pierce 


See 1S03 


2! 




1816 


Levi Jackson 


Chesterfield 


2 30 August, 1821 


49 


1817 


John M. Page 


Tamworth 


3! May, 1826 


48 




John Bell, jr. 


Chester 


5i 




1818 


Richard H. Ayer 


Hooksett 


5 






Samuel Grant 


Walpole 


1 






Jeduthun Wilcox 


Orford 


2 




1819 


Aaron Matson 


Stoddard 


2 






John French 


Landati' 


3 




1820 


Richard Odell 


Conway 


3 




1821 


Samuel Dinsmoor 


Keene 


1 




1822 


Hunking Penhallow 


Portsmouth 


2 24 Sept. 1826 


60 




Elijah Belding 


Swanzey 


2 






Ezra Bartlett 


Haverhill 


3 




1823 


Daniel C. Atkinson 


Sanbornton 


2 






Jonathan Harvey 


Sutton 


2 




1824 


Thomas C. Drew 


Walpole 


2 






Daniel Hoit 


Sandwich 


2 




1825 


Langley Boardman 


Portsmouth 


2 






John Wallace 


Milford 


3 






Caleb Keith 


Wentworth 


4 




1826 


Jotham Lord 


Westmorela'd 


3 




1827 


Francis N. Fisk 


Concord 


1 






Andrew Peirce 


Dover 


2 




1828 


Langley Boardman 


See 1825 


1 






Matthew Harvey 


Hopkinton 


2 




1829 


Francis N. Fisk 


See 1827 








Benning M. Bean 


Moultonboro' 


1 






Joseph Healey 


Washington 








Stephen P. Webster 


Haverhill 






1830 


Thomas E. Sawyer 
Jesse Bowers 


Dover 
Dunstable 







416 



APPENDIX. 

SECRETARIES OF STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, 
FROM 1080 TO 1830. 



[Tills list may not be complete, as the Council Records are missing for a 
number of years from the Secretary's office.] 



Ai-i.. 


Names. 


Discunt'd | 


Died. 1 


Age. 


168(J 


Elias Stileman 




1695 




1682 


Richard Chamberlain 








ir,92 


Thomas Davis 








1696 


Henry Penny 




1709 




1699 


Sampson Slieafe 




1724 


76 


1669 


Charles Story 


1714 








Samuel Penhallow 




1726 


61 




Richard Waldron 




1753 


60 




Theodore Atkinson 




1779 


81 




Theodore Atkinson, jr. 
Theodore Atkinson 




1769 


33 






as above 




1775 


Ebenezer Thompson 




1802 


68 


1786 


Joseph Pearson 


1805 


1822 


85 


1805 


Philip Carrigain 


1809 






1809 


Nathaniel Parker 


1810 


1810 




1810 


Samuel Sparhawk 


1814 






1814 


Albe Cady 


1816 






1816 


Samuel Sparhawk 


1825 






1825 


Richard Bartlett 


1829 






1829 


Dudley S. Palmer 









TREASURERS OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, 

SINCE THE REVOLUTION. 



App. 


Names. 


Residence. 


1 Dis. 


1775 


Nicholas Gilman 


Exeter 


1783 


1783 


John Taylor Gilman 


Exeter 


1794 


1794 


Oliver Peabody 


Exeter 


1805 


1805 


Nathaniel Gilman 


Exeter 


1813 


1813 


William Austin Kent 


Concord 


1816 


1816 


William Pickering 


Greenland 


1829 


1828 


Samuel Morril 


Concord 


1829 


1829 


William Pickering 


Concord 


1830 


1830 


Abuer Bayley Kelly 


Warner 





DELEGATES TO CONGRESS, 

DURING THE CONFEDERATION OF THE STATES. 



Name. 


Residence. 


Death. 


1 Age.| 


John Sullivan 


Durham 


22 Jan. 


1795 


54 


Nathaniel Folsom 


Exeter 




1789 




Josiah Bartlett 


Kingston 


19 May, 


1795 


65 


John Langdon 


Portsmouth 


18 Sept. 


1819 


79 



* Some of the followinc; were elected a second and third time. There- 
cords show that severtal others were elected, who declined the appointment. 



APPENDIX. 



417 



Name. 


llesidence. 


Death 


lA<:-e.| 


William Whipple 


Portsmouth 


28 Nov. 


1785 


54 


Matthe^v Thornton 


Londonderry 


24 June, 


1803 


89 


George Ffrost 


Durham 


21 June, 


1796 


76 


Nathaniel Peabody 


Atkinson 


29 June, 


1823 


81 


Woodbury Langdon 


Portsmouth 


13 Jan. 


1805 


66 


Paine Wingate 


Strathani 








Samuel Livermore 


Portsmouth 


May, 


1803 


71 


Abiel Fosttjr 


Canterbury. 


Feb. 


1806 


71 


Nicholas Oilman 


Exeter 


7 April, 


1782 


52 


John Wentworth 




10 Jan. 


1787 


42 


Phillips White 


S. Hampton 


24 June, 


1811 


82 


John Taylor Oilman 


Exeter 


31 Aug. 


1828 


75 


Jonathan Blanchard 


Dunstable 


16 July, 


1788 


50 


Peirce Long 


Portsmouth 


31 March 


,1789 





DELEGATES TO THE CONVENTION OF THE UNITED STATES, 

IN 1787. 



John Langdon, 
Nicholas Oilman, 



Portsmouth. 
Exeter. 



SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES IN CONGRESS 

UNDER THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 



SENATORS. 



Commenced. 



1789 
1789 
1793 
1801 
1801 
1802 
1805 
1807 
1810 



John Langdon 
Paine Wingate 
Samuel Livermore 
Simeon Olcott 
James Sheafe 
William Plumer 
Nicholas Oilman 
Nahum Parker 
Charles Cutts 



In office. 
12 



Commenced. 

1813 

1814 

1817 

1817 

1819 

1823 

1825 

1831 



Jeremiah Mason 
Tho. W Thompson 
Clement Storer 
David L. Morril 
John F. Parrott 
Samuel Bell 
Levi Woodbury 
Isaac Hill 



In office. 
4 
3 
2 
6 
6 



55 



143 



APPENDIX. 



REPRESENTATIVES. 



Commenced. 



In othce. Commenced. 



1789 

1789 
1789 
1791 
1793 
1793 
1795 
1797 
1797 
1797 
1800 
1800 
1801 
1801 
1802 
1803 
1803 
1803 
1805 
1805 
1807 
1807 
1807 
1807 
1807 
1809 
1809 
1809 
1809 
1809 
1811 
1811 



Samuel Livermore 
Abit'l Foster 
Nicholas Gilman 
JereraiaJi Smith* 
John S. Sherburne 
Paine Wiugate 
Abiei Foster 
Jonathan Freeman 
William Gordon 
Peleg Sprague 
James Sheai'ef 
Samuel Tenney 
George B. Upham 
Joseph Pierce 
Samuel Hunt 
Silas Betton 
David Hough 
Clifton Clagett 
Thomas W Thompson 
Caleb Ellis 
Daniel M. Durell 
Clement Storer 
Jedidiah K. Smith 
Francis Gardner 
Peter Carleton 
William Hale 
Nathaniel A. Haven 
James Wilson 
John C. Chamberlain 
Daniel Blais.dell 
Josiah Bartlett 
George Sullivan 



1 Sir John A. Harper 
l8ll!Samuel Dinsmoor 
1811'Obed Hall 
iSlS^Sarauel Smith| 
ISrSDaniel Webster 
1813 Bradbury Cilley 
1813j William Hale 
1813|Roger Vose 
1813 Jeduthun Wilcox 
1815 Charles H. Atherton 
18l7!john F. Parrott 
18l7,Salma Hale 
1817jCli(ton Clagett 
18l7jArthur Livermore 
1817 Josiah Butler 
18l7|Nathaniel Upham 
1819 Joseph Buflum, jr. 
I8l9 William Pluraer, jr, 
1821 xMatthew Harvey 
182 1 Aaron Matson 
I82I Thomas Whipple 
1823 Arthur Livermore§ 
1823 Ichabod Bartlett 
1823 Titus Broun 
1823 Joseph Healey 
1823 Jonathan Harvey 
1827 David Barker, jr. 
1829 John Brodbead 
1829 Joseph Haramons 
1829 Thomas Chandler 
1^29 Henry Hubbard 
1829 John W. Weeks 



In oHice. 
2 
2 
2 
1 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
2 
2 
2 
4 
4 
6 
6 
2 
6 
4 
4 
8 
2 
6 
4 
4 



* Mr. Smith resigned his seat after attending the May session of 1797 and 
Mr. Sprague was elected tp supply the \'acancy, 

t Mr. Sljeafe was elected in the place of Mr. Sprague, resigned, and took 
his seat in January, 1800. 

t Mr. Smith resigned in 1814, and the vacancy was not filled. 
§ Mr. Livermore was chosen in March, 1830. 



AT'PENDIX. 



419 












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420 



APPENDIX. 




APPENDIX. 



421 





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Rockingham, Peter Gilnian. 
Strafford, Thomas W. Waldron. 
Hillsborough, Samuel Hobart. 
Clieshire, Daniel Jones. , 
Grafton, John Hurd. 


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d •- 



422 APPENDIX. 

OKIGINAL. PAPERS, 

AND COPIES OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. 



[This portion of the Appendix, excepting tlie articles numbered 14,15,25, 
33, 54, 55 and €i'2, is printed from the original manusfript cupy of Dr. Bel- 
knap, from which the first edition of the first volume was printed at Phil- 
adelphia in the year 1764. It was preserved by the late Ebkni:zer Haz- 
Ann, Esquire, wlio superintended that volume while in the press, and was 
transmitted b}' liim to tlie author or his family at Boston. It will be seen 
that sixteen ofthc articles, viz. Nos. 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18, 19,20, 21, 26, 30, 
33, 34, 50, 51 and 53, have never before appeared in the work. Those 
three numbered 14, 15 and 33, have been added by the editor. The others 
were prepared for the history by the author, but they were not published 
for want of room. The Wiieelwright Indian deed ol 1020, as it is indis- 
putably a forgery, is omitted, althougli the number and title of it are given 
to preserve tlie numerical arrangement of the papers. Excepting the 
numbers from No. 2 to No. 11, inclusive, the ancient spelling, being ex- 
ceedingly variable, and in many instances uncouth, has not been followed. 
As some doubts have rested on the genuineness of some of the early pa- 
pers, the former orthography has been retained in the numbers just men- 
tioned. It has also been retained in Nos. 55 and 59 merely as a curiosity.] 



No. 1. Copy of a Deed from four Indian Sagamores to John Wheel- 
wright and others. 17 May ^ 1629. 

No. 2. An original letter from Thomas Eyre, one of the adventurers 
or company of Laconia, to Mr. Gibbins, their factor. 

London, the last of ISIay, 1631. 

Mr. Gibbins,—Yoms of the 8th April, 1630, from Plymouth I 
received and thereby took notice of your entertaining Roger 
Knight ; and here I present his wife 20s. pr. quarter at your de- 
sire and 3/. per quarter to yours. I hope by this they are both 
Avith you according to your desire. I wish all your w ives with you, 
and that so many of you as desire wives had such as they desire ; 
for the adventurers desire not to be troubled with quarterly pay- 
ments. 

Your next to me is dated the 21st of July last at Pascataquacke, 
I take notice of your complaints for want of the trade goods, and 
so much as lieth in me it shall be otherwise, especially if you 
send us returnes, doubt you not but that you shall be supplied from 
time to time unto your owne contents. 

Your 3d Ire to me is dated the l4th of August, by which I per- 
ceive divers of the commodities and provisions which you carried 
with you in the barke Warwicke, were not to your liking for which 
I am sorry. You know the trouble w^e had. I could not looke 
to Mr. Olden's and all besides. I hope by the Pide-Cowe you 



APPENDIX. 423 

find it otherwise. I pray write me how you like the hatchetts 
sent you by that ship and how all goeth. 

I like it well that your governor will have a stocke of boards at 
all times readie. I hope you will find soraelhing to reiade both 
the Pide-Cowe and the Warwicke. I will now put on the send- 
ing of you the moddell of a saw-mill that you may have one going. 

Your wife and children, Roger Knight's wife and one wife more 
we have already sent you, and more you shall have as you write 
for them. 

Another Ire I have from you of the 14th August, in which you 
write for another Mason. Wee have had enough to doe to goe so 
farre forwards as we have, as Capt. Keyes can tell you, yet now we 
begine to take hearte agayne, but the sight of returnes will be that 
which will indeede put life into us. 

Among my New-England records I find your Ire unto Capt. 
Mason of the 14th August last, wherein you give a good account 
of your times spent from the first of June until then, as also of the 
manner of your trade which was to Capt. Mason's liking. We 
hope you will find out some good mines^ which will he welcome newes 
unto us. 

By Mr. Glover we reed. Ires from Capt. Neale, written as we 
think about the end of March last, write me I pray, what winter 
you had, and how you had your healthes and why Capt. Neale 
went not in Septem. last to discover the lakes, as he wrote he 
would, and why you did not write by that conveyance. 

By the barke Warwicke we send you a factor to take charge of 
the trade goods ; also a soldier for discovrie &c. 

Thus I commend you, and your wife, who by this I hope is 
with you to the protection of the almightie. 
Your loving friend, 

THO. EYRE. 
Kept untili the 7th of June. 



No. 3. An original letter from the company to Ambrose Gibbins. 

London, 5th Decemb. 1632. 
Mr. Ambrose Gibbins, — Your sundrie letters we have received. 
Wee doe take notice of your care and paines in our plantation and 
doe wish that others had bine that way the same that you are and 
will wee hope soe continew. The adventures here have bine soe 
discouraged by reason of John Gibbes ill dealing in his fishing 
voiage, as alsoe by the small retuAes sent hither by Capt. Neal, 
Mr. Herbert or any of their factors as that they have noe desire to 
proceed any farther, until Capt. Neale come hither to confer with 
them, that by conferrence with him they may settle things in a 
better order. Wee have written unto Capt. Neale to dismise the 
household, onlie such as will or canne live of themselves may stay 
upon our plantation in such convenient places as Capt. Neale, Mr. 
Godfrie and you shall think fitt j and after conferrence had with 
Capt. Neale they shall have a reasonable quantity of land granted 
unto them by deed. 



424 APPENDIX. 

Wee prait'you to take care of our house at Ncwicliwannick and 
to lookc wdl to our vines, also you may take some of our swine and 
goates, which wee pray you to preserve. Wee have committed 
the chcife care of our house at Pascattaway to Mr. Godfrie and 
written unto Mr. Warjierton to take care of our house at Straw- 
berry-bancke. Our desire is that Mr. Godfrie, Mr. Warnertou 
and you should joyne loveinglie together in all things for our good, 
and to advise us what our best course will be to doe another yeare. 
You desire to settle yourself upon Sanders Point. The adven- 
turers are willing to pleasure you not only in this, in regard of the 
good report they have heard of you from tyme to tyme, but alsoe 
after they have conferred with Capt. Neale, they determyne some 
further good towards you for your further incouridgment. 

Wee desire to have our fishermen increased, whereof we have 
written unto Mr. Godfrye. Wee thank you for assisting John 
Raymond, wee pray you still to be helpful to him that so he may 
dispatch and come to us with such returne as he hath, and if he 
hath any of his trade goods remayning unsold wee have willed 
him to leave them with you and wee doe hereby pray you to re- 
ceive them into your custody and to put them off with what cou- 
veuiency you canne, and to send us the retourues by the first shipp 
that comes. Thus we commend you and your wife to the protec- 
tion of the almightye. 

Your loving friends, 
John Mason, Tho. Warnerton, 

Henry Gardiner, Tho. Eyre, for my 
Geo. Griffith, children. 



No. 4. Copy of a letter from Ambrose Gibbi7is to the company. 

After my umble duty remembred unto your worships, I pray for 
your good health and prosperity. These are certifying your wor- 
ship for the goods I have received from you. I have delivered 
unto Mr. John Raymon 76lb and 4 ounses of beaver, 10 otters, 6 
musquashes and on martin more, that Captain Neale had 3581b 
and ii ounses of beaver and otter, 17 martins, on black fox skin, 
on other fox skin, 3 racoon skins, 14 musquashes two of them 
with stones. Mr Raymon's present departing and the intermixing 
of all the trade goods in my care until Mr. Vaughan com I cannot 
give you any satisfaction— for the account of trade. I did advise 
Mr. Raymon to returne with all speede unto you. Your letters I 
received the 7th of June. At larg I will write if God wil by the 
next. Thus taking my leave I comit your worship to Almighty 
God. Your worship's at command, 

AMBROSE GIBBINS. 
From Newichwanicke, 

this 24th of June, 1633. 



APPENDIX. 425 

No. 5. Copy of another from Gibbins to the compaiu^ 

Newichwanicke, July 13, 1633. 

Right honourable, right worshippful and the rest, my humble 
servis rembred. Your letter^ dated the 6th of December and Mr. 
Ares letter third of April I received the seventh of .Tune. The 
detaining of the former letter hath put you to a great charge in the 
plantation. For my care and paiues I have not thought it much 
although I have had very little encouradgement from you and here. 
I do not doubt of your good will unto mce. For your fishing, you 
complain of Mr. Gibbes : A Londoner is not for fishing, neither 
is there any amity betwixt the West countrimen and them. Bristo 
or Barnstable is very convenient for your fishing shipes. It is not 
enough to fit our shipes to fish but they must be sure (God will) to 
be at their fishing place the beginning of February and not to 
come to the land when other men have half their viage. 

JNIr. Warnerton hath the charge of the house at Pascatawa and 
hath with him William Cooper, Rafe Gee,* Roger Knight, and his 
wife, William Dermit and on boy. For your house at Newich- 
wannicke, I seeing the necessity will doe the best I can there and 
elsewhere for you until I hear from you againe. Advise I have 
?ent but not knowing your intentes I cannot wel enlarge but I re- 
fer you to Mr. Herbert and Mr. Vaughan. For my settlement at 
Sanders-Point and the further good you intend me I humbly thank 
you I shall do the best I can to be grateful. I have taken into 
my handes all the trade goods that remains of John Raymon's and 
Mr. Vaughan's and will with what convenience I may put them 
of. You complain of your returnes ; you take the coorse to have lit- 
tle ; a plantation must be furnished ivith cattle and good hir^d hands^ 
and necessaries for them and not thinke the great lookes of men and 
many tcords loill he a meanes to raise a plantation. Those that have 
been here this three year some of them have neither meat, money 
nor clothes, a great disparagement. I shall not need to speak of 
this, you shall hear of it by others. For myself, ray wife and child 
and four men we have but half a barrel of corne ; beefe and porke 
I have not had but on peese this three months, nor beare this four 
months ; for I have for two and twenty months had but two bar^ 
rels of beare and two barrels and four booshel of malt, our number 
commonly hath bin ten. I nor the servantes have neither money 
nor clothes, I have been as sparing as I could, but it will not doe. 
These four men with me is Charles Knell, Thomas Clarke, Steven 
Kidder, and Thomas Crockitt, three of them is to have for their 
wages until the first of March four pounds per peese and the oth- 
er for the year six pounds which in your behalf I have promised 
to satisfy in money or beaver at ten shillings per pound. If there 
were necessarys for them for clothing there would not bee much 
for them to receive. You may perhaps think that fewer men 
w^ould serve me but I have sometimes on C \^one hundred] or more 
Indians and far from neybors : These that I have I can set to pale 

* [Probably the same as Ralph Goe, mentioned in Adams' Annals, p. 18, aa 
of Pascataqua in 1631.] 

56 



426 APPENDIX. 

in ground for come or garden. I have digged a wel within the 
palizado, ^vherl; is good water, I have that to close with timber. 
More men I could have and more employ, but I rest thus until I 
hear from you. The. vines that loere planted will come to little^ they 
prosper not in the ground they icerc set, them that groo natural are 
veri good of divers sorts. I have sent you a note of the beaver 
taken by me at Newichwaniclc, and how it hath gon from me, 
George Vaughan hath a note of all the trade goodes in my custody 
of the old store John Ramon's and George Vanghan's accomtes, but 
the beaver beingc disposed of before I could make the divident I 
cannot see but it must be all onpackt and be divided by you. The 
o-overnor departed from the plantation the lifteenth of July in the 
morning. So for this time I end, committing you to the protectiou 
of the Almighty and ever rest your loving servant, 

AMBROSE GIBBINS. 



No. C. Copy of a letter from Walter Neal and Thomas Wigghij 
to the Company, relating to a division of the lands of Pascataqua, 
1633. 

[Tlie following is the letter supposed to be spurious. See note on it, pages 
V2 and 13 of this volume.] 

Mnch honoured, — In obediance to your commands have survaied 
the river from the mouth of the harbor to Squamscutt falls, and li- 
quise from the harbor's mouth by the sea side to the Massachusetts 
bounds, and find that the bounds of your pattents will not aford 
more than for two towns in the river of Piscataway and the re- 
mainder will make another good towne having much salt marsh 
in it. And because you would have foure townes named as you 
desired wee have treated with a gentleman who has purchased a 
trackt of land of the Indyans at Squamscutt falls, and your land 
running up to the said falls on one side of the river from the falls 
about a mile doAvnw^ard, said gentlemen having a mind to said 
land on your side to a certain crike and one mile backward from 
the river which we agreed on and the crike is called Weelewright's, 
the gentleman's name being Weelewright and he was to name said 
plantation (when settled) Exeter. And the other two towns in 
the river, the one North-ham and Portsmouth the other. Bounded 
as followeth, viz. Portsmouth runes from the harbor's mouth by 
the sea aide to the entrance of a little river between two bed lands 
which we have given the names of Little Bore's-hed, and the 
Grate Bore's-hed, and from the mouth of that little river to go on 
a strait line to the aforesaid creeke which we have named Weele- 
right's creeke and from thens down the river to the harbor's mouth 
where it began. And North-ham is the bounds of all the land of 
Hilton's Point side. And tlie other land from the little river be- 
tween the two Boores-Heds to run by the sea till it meets with the 
line between the Massachusetts and you, and so to run from the 
sea by said Massathusetts line into the woods eight miles and 
from thence atwart the woods to meet with Portsmouth line neere 



Ain^ENDIX. 427 

VVheleriglit's creek and that tracte of laud to be called Jlamptoiu 
So that their is foure towns named as you desired but Exeter is 
not within the bounds of your pattents. But the grctc dificulty is 
the agreement about the dividing line between the pattent of the 
twenty thousand acres belonging to the company of Laconyah and 
the pattent of Bluddy poyut the river running so intrycate, and 
Bluddy poynt patent bounds from thence to Squamscutt falls to run 
three miles into the woods from the water side. But for your 
better understanding thereof wee have sent you a draft of it ac- 
cording to our best skill of what we know of it at present, and 
have drawn a dividing line between the two pattents, so that 
Portsmouth is part of both pattents and Hampton we apprehend 
will be holly in the twenty thousand acres pattent, and North-ham 
is the bounds of Hilton's point pattent. If what we have don 
be to your likinge wee shall think our time well spent and what 
further commands you w ill please to lay on us Ave shall readily 
obeye to the utmost of our power. Wee humbly take leve and 
subscribe ourselves, Your devoted and most humble servants, 

North-ham on Piscataway river, in ) WALTER NELE, 
New-England, 13 Augst 1633. 5 THOMAS WIGGIN. 
Superscribed, To John Mason Esq. governor of Portsmouth to be 
communicated to the pattentes of Lacouiah and Hilton's point, 
humbly present in London. 

Wee under written being of the government of the province of 
Maine doe affirm that the above letter written and sent by Walter 
Nele and Thomas Wiggln and directed to John Mason Esq. gov- 
ernor of Portsmouth to be communicated to the pattentes of La- 
coniah and Hilton's point, is a trew cojua compared with the orig- 
inall. And further wee doe affirm that there was foure grete guncs 
brought to Piscataqua which w-are given by a marchant of London 
for the defence of the river, and at the same time the Eajle of 
Warwicke, Sr Ferdenando Gorges, Capt. John Mason and the rest 
of the pattentees sent an order to Capt. Walter Nele and Captn. 
Thomas Wiggin ther agents and governor at Piscataway to make 
choise of the most convenient place in the said river to make a 
fortefecatyon for the defence thereof, and to mount those foure 
gunes giveen to the place, which accordingly was done by Capt. 
Walter Nele and Capt. Thomas Wiggin and the pattentes servants, 
and a draft was sent of the place that they had made choice of to 
the said Earle and company, and the draft did containe all the 
necke of land in the north este side of the grete island that makes 
the grete harbor, and they gave it the name of Fort-poyut, and al- 
loted it so far backe into the island about a bow-shoat to a grete 
high rocke whereon was intended in time to set the principall forte. 

That the above is all truth wee affirme, and by the desire of 
Capt. Walter Nele and Capt. Thos. Wiggen wee have ordered 
this wrighting to ly in our tiles of records of their doings therein. 
In witness whereof wee have hereunto sett our hands and seles 
at Gorgeana, in the province of Maine, in New-England, 20th 
August 1633. 

RICH. VINES, (Seal.) 

HENRY JOCELYN, (Seal.) 



428 APPENDIX. 

No. 7. An original letter from Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. 
John Mason to Messrs. Wannerton and Gibbins. 

Mr. Vr'annerton and Mr. Gibbins^ — These are lo let you know 
that wee with the consent of the rest of our partners have made a 
division of all our land lying on the north east side of the harbor, 
and river of Pascataway ; of the quantities of which lands and 
bounds agreed upon for every man's part we send you a coppie of 
the draft, desiring your furtherance with the advice of Capt. Nor- 
ton and Mr Godfrey to set out the lynes of division betwixt our 
lands and the lands of our partners next adjoining, because we 
have not onlie each of us shipped people present taplant upon our 
owne landeo at our own charge, but have given direction to invite 
and aulhoritie to receive such others as may be had to be tenants^ 
to plant and live there for the more speedie peopling of the coun- 
trie. And whereas there is belonging unto me Sri Ferdnando 
Gorges, and unto Capt. Mason for himself and for Mr. John Cot- 
ton and his deceased brother Mr. William Cotton, both whose in- 
terests Capt. Mason hath bought, the one halfe of all matters men- 
tioned in the inventorie of houshold stufi'e and implements left in 
trust with you by Capt. Neale, whereunto you have subscribed 
your names and whereof a coppie is herewith sent, we desire you 
to cause an equal division as neere as possible may to be made of 
all the saied matters menconed in the inventorie inkinde, or if 
some of them cannot be so divided then the on halfe to be made 
equall to the other in valew of all the saied matters, except the 
cattell and suites of apparell and such other things as belong pcr- 
ticularly to Capt. Mason, and to deliver the said one halfe of all 
the saied matters soe to be divided, unto Mr Henry Jocelyn for 
the use of our plantations, taking an inventory thereof under his 
hand of all you shall soe deliver hime, and making certificate to 
us thereof. And for your soe doeing this shall be you suffitient 
warrant and discharge. And so wee rest, 

Your verie lovinge friends, 
Portsmouth, Maye 6, FERDIN. GORGE, 

1634. JOHN MASON, 



No. 8. An original letter from Capt. John Mason to Ambrose 
Gibbins. 

Mr. Gibbins, — These people and provisions which I have now 
sent with Mr. Jocelyne are to sett upp two mills upon my own di- 
vision of lands lately agreed upon betwixt our adventurers ; but I 
ihinke not any of them will adventure this yeare to the plantation 
besides Sr Ferdinando Gorges and myself, for which I am sorrye 
in that so good a business (albeit hitherto it hath bene unprofita- 
ble) should be subject to fall to the ground. Therefore I have 
strayned myself to doe this at this present, and could have wished 
that the rest would have joyned to have sent you some provisions 
for trade and support of the place, but that failicing I have direct- 
ed to you as a token from mySelfe one hogshead of mault to make 



APPENDIX. 42^ 

you some beare. The servants with you and such others as re- 
inaine upon the companies chardge are to be discharged and pay- 
ed their wages out of the stocke of beaver in your hands at the 
rate of r2s. the pound, whereof I thinke the company will write 
you more at large. And wee have agreed to ^evide all our mova- 
. bles mentioned in the inventory that Capt. Neale brought home, 
which were left in trust with you and Mr Wannerton. I bought 
Mr. Cotton's and his brother's parte of all their adventures ; so 
that the halfe of all belongs to Sr Ferdinando Gorges and mysclfe, 
and of that halfe three quarters will be due to me and one quarter 
to Sr Ferdinando. These things being equally divided they are 
to be delivered to Mr. Jocelyne, my three partes of the halfe, and 
the other fourth to w^hom Sr Ferdinando shall appointe. And you 
must afford my people some house roome in Newichewannocke 
house, and the cowes and goates which are all mine, and 14 swine 
with their increase, some ground to be upon till we have some 
place provided upon new divided land, or that you receive my 
further order. A copie of the division of the lands is herewith 
sent unto you. 

The stockinges and the mault and the suites of cloathes and 
suggar and raysinges and wine that was delivered by Mr. Bright 
and Mr. Lewes I have not received any satisfaction for, Avherein I 
must crave your helpe and such satisfaction as may be sent by this 
shipp. 

The christall stoanes you sent are of Utile or no valew unless they 
were so great as to make drinking ciippes or some other workes, as pil- 
lers for fair c lookeinge glasses or for garnishinge of rich cabinets. 
Good iron or lead oare I shoidd like better of if it could be found. 

I have disbursed a great deal of money in your plantation and 
never received one penny, but hope if there ivere once a discoverie 
of the lakes that I should in some reasonable time be reimbursed again. 
I pray you helpe the rar. what you can to some of the best iron 
stoane for ballast, and in case he want other ladeinge to fill the 
shipp upp with stockes of cypress wood and cedar. Let me hear 
from you of all matters necessary, and wherein I may doe you 
any pleasure I shall be reddie, and so with my heartie commen- 
dations, I rest your verie loveing friend, 

Portsmouth, May 5th, 1634. JOHN MASON. 

(Received lOth July, 1634.) 



No. 9, Answer to the foregoing. 
Sir, — Your worship have done well in setting forward your 
plantacon, and for your milles they will prove beneficial unto you 
by God's assistance. I would you had taken this coorse sooner, 
for the marchants I shall be very cautyouse how I deale witli any 
of them while I live. But God's will be done. I and the world 
doth judge that I could not in these my days hav e spent my time 
for noethinge. For their sending trade and support I desire it 
not. I have supported but now souke under my burthen, the 
more I thinke on this, the more is my griefe. 



430 APPENDIX. 

I have received the hog;sd. of raault thj^ you sent ine, giveiug 
you humble thanks for the same. The sei\aiits that were with 
me are discharged aud payed their wages for the yeare past and I 
have delivered unto Mr. VVannerton 43lb. of beaver to pay those 
that were witli liiru lor the year past. For the paying of the ser- 
vants there old wages or the dividing of the goods I expect a gen- 
eral letter, if not then to heare further from your worshippe. * 
Your carpenters are with me and I will further them the best 1 
can. Capt. Neale appoynted me two of your goats to keepe, at 
his departinge, I praise God they are 4. Of the goods that Mr. 
Bright left 1 only reed, of Capt. Neale 4 bushells of mault and at 
several times 8 gallons of sacke, and from Mr. Wannerton 7 bush- 
els and 1 peck of mault, 5 lb. and halfe of sugar and ;} pr of chil- 
dren stockings and 97 lb. of bcefe which was of an old cow that 
Mr. Wannerton killed, being doubtful that she would not live over 
the winter. For these I will pay Mr. Jocelyn for you. 

/ perceive you have a great mynd to the lalceSj and I as <jreat a 
will to a^'sist you. If I had 2 horses and 3 men tvith vie I would by 
God''s helpe soon resolve you of the situation of it^ but not to live there 
myselfe. 

The Pide-Cow arrived the Sth Julie, the 13th day she cast an- 
chor some halfe a mile from the fall, the 18th day the shippee 
unladen, the 19th feU down the river, the 22d day the carpenters 
began about the mill, the Sth of August the iron stoane taken in 
the shipe. There is of 3 sorts, on sorte that the myne doth cast 
fourth as the tree doth gum, which is sent iu a rundit. On of the 
other sortes we take to be very rich, there is great store of it. For 
the other I know not ; but may it please you to take notice of the 
waight and measure of every sort, before it goeth into the furnace 
and what the stone of such waight and measure will yeeld in Iron. 
This that 'e take'to be the best stone is one mile to the south- 
ward of the great house* it is some 200 rodd iu length, G foote 
wide, the depth we know not, for want of tooles for that purpose 
we tooke onely the surface of the mine. 

I have paled in a piece of ground and planted it. If it please 
God to send us a drie time, I hope there will be 8 or 10 quart- 
ers of corne. You have heare at the great house 9 cowes, 1 Bull, 
4 Calves of the last yeare, and 9 of this yeare they prove very 
well, farre better than ever was expected, they are as good as your 
ordinary cattle in England and the goates prove some of them ve- 
ry well both for milk and breed. If you did send a shippe for the 
westerne Islands of 6 score tunne or thereabouts for cowes and 
goates it would be profitable for you. A stocke of iron worke to 
be put away with your boardes from the mill will be good, nayles, 
spikes, lockes, hinges, iron workes for boats and pin aces, twine, 
cauvis, needles and cordage, pitch and tarr, graplcs, ankers, and 
necessarys for that purpose. 

Sr I have written unto Mr. John Round to repaire unto your 
worsliip, he is a silver smith by his trade but hath spent much 
time and means about iron, may it please you to send fo;- him, he 

" The groat house stood opposite to tlie house of Mr. Temple Knight. 



APPENDIX. 431 

dwelleth in Mogull street, if you are acquainted with any finer or 
mettle man enquire of him and as you see cause send for him, he 
is well scene in all myneralls if you deale with him he will give 
you a good light for your proceedings. 

The 6th of August, the shippe ready to set sayle for Saco to 
load cloave boardes and pipe staves. A good husband with his 
wife to tend the cattle and to make butter and cheese will be pro- 
fitable ; for maides they are soon gone in this country. For the 
rest I hope Mr. Jocelyn for your own particulars will satisfie you 
for I have not power to examen it. This with my humble ser- 
vice to your worship, I rest your ever lovinge servant, 

AMBROSE GIBBINS. 

Newichwaunock, 

the 6th of August 1634. 

No 10. An original Letter from George Vmighan to Mr. Ambrose 

Gibbins. 

Boston, August 20, 1634. 
Mr. Gibbins, — We only waite for a faire wind. I shall acquaint 
Mr. Mason and the rest of the owners fully of what you and I 
have formerly discourst and if they give me incouradgment hope 
shall see you againe the next yere. Lookeing over my papers 
found the inclosed, it being the division of the Townes and the 
copia of what Capt. Nele and Capt. Wiggins wroate hoomc to the 
Patentees of Laconiah and Hilton's poynt. It may be of som use 
to you hereafter, therefore sent it you, leste Capt. Wiggins should 
make another Bluster. Which with my kind Love to you & your 
spouse and little Beck, I am your assured frend, 

GEORGE VAUGHAN. 

No. 11. Another from the same. 

London, lOth April, 1636. 
Loping frend Gibbens, — Wee put into Ireland goinge home, and 
there was taken sike and lefte behind, and laye so long before I 
got well that it was the latter end of December laste before I got to 
London, and 3Ir. Mason was ded. But I spoke with Sr Ferdinan-r 
do Gorges and the other owners, but they gave me no incouradg-: 
ment for New-England. I acquainted them fully of what you and 
I discoursed, but they were quite could in that matter, Mr. Mason 
being ded and Sr Ferdinando minding only his one divityon. — 
He teles me he is geting a pattente for it from the king from Pis- 
cataqua to Sagadehocke, and that betwene Meremacke and Pis- 
cataqua he left for Mr. Mason, loho if hee had lived ivoidd a tooke a 
pattentfor that also, and so I suppose the affairs of Laconia is ded al- 
so. I intend to goe for the Este Indyes, a frend of mine have made 
mee a very good proffer and I thinke to take up with it. Which 
is what offers at present. Thus with my kind love to you and 
your wife and daughter, I am your loving friend, 

GEORGE VAUGHAN. 

(Tlie ten preceding papers are in the Recorder's office for Rockingham 
county.) 



432 



APPENDIX 



No. 12. Combination for government at Exeter^ with the fomis of 
oaths for rulers and people. 
[Not inserted in the former editions.] 
"Whereas it hath pleased the Lord to move the heart of our dread 
sovereign Charles, by the grace of God, King, &c. to grant license 
and liberty to sundry of his subjects to plant themselves in the 
western parts of America : — We his loyal subjects, brethren of the 
church in Exeter, situate and lying upon the river Pascataqua, with 
other inhabitants there, considering with ourselves the holy will 
of God and our own necessity, that we should not live without 
wholesome laws and civil government among us, of which we are 
altogether destitute, do in the name of Christ and in the sight of 
God combine ourselves together to erect and set up among us such 
government as shall be to our best discerning agreeable to the will 
of God, professing ourselves subjects of our Sovereign Lord King 
Charles, according to the liberties of our English colony of Massa- 
chusetts, and binding of ourselves solemnly by the grace and help 
of Christ, and in his name and fear, to submit ourselves to such 
godly and christian laws as are established in the lealra of England 
to our best knowledge, and to all other such laws which shall upon 
good grounds be made and enacted among us according to God, 
that we may live quietly a peaceably together in all godliness and 
honesty. Mo. 8. D. 4. 1639. 

Darby Field, 

Robert Read, 

Edward Rishworth, 

Francis Matthews, 

Godfrey Dearborne, 

William Wardhall, 

Robert Smith, 

Ralph Hall, 

Robert Seward, 

Richard Bulgar,'' 



John Wheelwright, 
Augustine Storer, 
Thomas Wright, 
William Wentworth 
Henry Elkins, 
George Walton, 
Samuel Walker, 
Thomas Petit, 
Henry Roby, 
William Winborne, 
Thomas Crawley, 
Christopher Helme, 



Richard Morris, 
Nicholas Needham, 
Thomas Wilson,' 
George Rawboue, 
William Cole, 
James Wall, 
Thomas Leavit, 
Edmund Littlefield, 
John Cramrae, 
Philemon Purmot, 

Christopher Lawson, Thomas Wardhall. 

George Barlow, 



The Elder^s or Ruler's Oath. 
You shall swear by the great and dreadful name of the high 
God, maker and governor of heaven and earth, and by the Lord Je- 
sus Christ, the prince of the kings and rulers of the earth, that in 
his name and fear you will rule and govern his people according 
to the righteous will of God, ministering justice and judgment on 
the workers of iniquity, and ministering due encouragement and 
countenance to well doers, protecting of the people so far as in you 
lieth, by the help of God from foreign annoyance and inward dis- 
turbance, that they may live a quiet and peaceable life in all godli- 
ness and honesty. So God be helpful and gracious to you and 
yours in Christ Jesus. 

* Thia name is erroneously Bicllycr in Hazard's Collections and in Coll 
N. H. Hist. Soc. i. 329. 



APPENDIX. 433 

The Oath of the People. 
We do here swear by the great and dreadful name of the high 
God, maker aud governor of heaven and eaith, and by the Lord Je- 
sus Christ, the king and saviour of his people, that in his name and 
fear, we will submit ourselves to be ruled and governed according 
to the will and word of God, and such wholesome laws and ordi- 
nances as shall be desired therefrom by our honored rulers, and 
the lawful assistants, with the consent of the people, and that we 
will be ready to assist them by the help of God, iu the administra- 
tion of justice and preservation of the peace, with our bodies and 
goods and best endeavors according to God. So God piotect aud 
save us and ours in Jesus Christ. 

(Taken from tlie Town Records of Exeter.) 



No. 13. The Combination for Government at Dover. 
Whereas sundry mischiefs and inconveniences have befallen us, 
and more and greater may, in regard of want of civil government, 
his most gracious Majesty having settled no order for us to our 
knowledge — We, whose names are underwritten, being inhabitants 
upon the river Pascataqua, have voluntarily agreed to combine our- 
selves into a body politic, that we may the more comfortably enjoy 
the benefit of his Majesty's laws, together with all such laws as 
shall be concluded by a major part of the freemen of our society, 
in case they be not repugnant to the laws of England and adminis- 
tered in behalf of his Majesty. And this we have mutually prom- 
ised and engaged to do, and so to continue till his excellent Majes- 
ty shall give other orders concerning us. In witness whereof, we 
have hereunto set our hands, October 22, [1640] in the 16th year 
of the reign of our Sovereign Lord Charles, by the grace of God, 
King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, 
&c 

THOMAS LARKHAM, 
RICHARD WALDRON, 
WILLIAM WALDRON,* 
with 38 more.f 
(From Hubbard's History of New-England:) 



No. 14. Petition of the Inhabitants of Portsmouth. 
To the honored General Court, assembled at Boston this present 

month of May, 1653. 

The humble petition of the iu.habitauts of the town at present 
called Strawberry-Bank^ sheweth : 

That whereas your petitioners petitioned to the last General 

* William Waldron was their recorder. He afterward removed to SacB 
and was drowned in Kennebunk river, in September, 1046. [Hubbard.] 
Edward Colcot was sometime governor of this plantation. Ibid. 
t [The names of these 38 cannot be found.] 

57 



434. APPENDIX. 

Court to grant unto the said inhabitants a competent portion of 
land to naake us a township, whereby we may be enabled to sub- 
sist and be useful to the church and commonwealth, our desire is, 
that tills honored court will be pleased to shew their favor and 
gooj will towards us and willingness to accommodate us to the 
uttermost. And for that purpose, hath desired the honored Captain 
Wiggin to bring his patent to this present court. 

Now may it please this honored court to take our case into con- 
sideration and consider of our extreme necessities: First, in re- 
spect of the number of families which are between 50 and GO, of 
which some are constrained to move for want of land to accom- 
modate them with their stock : Secondly, the quality of the land 
we live on is so bad, it's incredible to believe, except those which 
have seen it : Thirdly, the place being settled a plantation the 
first of any in these parts, and our willingness in submitting to 
your government : Fourthly, that all the neighboring plantations 
about us which were settled since we, have their townships settled 
and bounded ; only we as yet have none : Fifthly, that whereas there 
is much benetrt by saw jr.ills in other towns in this river and adja- 
cent towns, there is none in this town, but only one which was 
never perfected, nor like to be. 

We humbly entreat this honored court to take into their view 
this neck of land which we live upon, which nature itself hath 
bounded with the Maine sea and river, as may be seen by the draft 
of the river, which was presented to the last General Court and 
now presented again by our deputy, which neck of land Is far less 
than any neighboring town about us. 

The desire of your humble petitioners is, that this honored court 
would grant us the neck of land, beginning in the great bay at a 
place called Cotterill's Delight, and running to the sea according 
to our former petition presented to the last General Court. 

And whereas the name of this plantation at present being 
Strabery banke, accidentally so called by reason of a bank 
where strawberries loas found in this place. Now your petition- 
ers humbly desire to have it called Portsmouth^ being a name most 
suitable for this place, it being the river mouth and good harbor as 
any in this land — And your petitioners shall humblv pray. 

BRIAN PENDLETON, 
RENALD FERNALD, 
RICHARD CUTT, 
SAMUEL HAINES, 
JOHN SHERBURNE. 

In behalf ol the rest. 
On this petition, it was first proposed to postpone, " because of 
Mr. Mason's claim to the land j" afterwards granted 28 May, 
1653, and allowed to be called Portsmouth, " and the line of 
the township of Portsmouth to reach from the sea, by Hampton 
line to Winnicovvett river leaving the proprietors to their just 

rights." 

(Frora the MasBachuselts Colony Files.) 



APPENDIX. 435 

No. 15. Declaration of John Allen, Nicholas Shapleigh and Thom- 
as Lake respecting the Dover and Swampscot Patents. 

The General Court ordering that the petitioners, John Allen, 
Nicholas Shapleigh and Thomas Lake, might make a brief decla- 
ration of their right in the two patents, Swampscot and Dover, 
(November, 1654.) 

VVe humbly present to this honored court as foUoweth : 

1. That Mr. Edward Hilton was possessed of this land about 
the year 1628, which is about 26 years ago. 

2. Mr. Hilton sold the said land to some merchants of Bristol, 
who had it in possession for about 2 years. 

3. The Lord Say, the Lord Brook, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Sir 
Arthur Haslerigg,^Mr. Bosville, Mr. Wyllys, Mr. Whiting, Mr. 
Hewett and others bought the said land ol Bristol merchants and 
they have paid £2150. They being writ unto by the governor 
and magistrates of the Massachusetts, who encouraged tlumi to 
purchase the said lands of the Bristol men, in respect they feared 
some ill neighborhood from them, as some in this honored court 
may please to lemember. 

4. The lords and gentlemen engaged the said land (so purchas- 
ed) aboiit 9 years, and placed more inhabitants at Dover, some of 
which came over at their cost and charges, and had their several 
letters set forth unto them. 

5. The 14th of ye 4 mo. 1641, Mr. Wyllys, Mr. Saltonstall, Mr. 
Holyoke, and Mr. ^Makepeace, for themselves and partners, put the 
said patent under the government of the Massachusetts, reserving 
1-3 of Dover patent, and the whole of the south part of the river, 
to the lords and gentlemen, and the said court confirmed the 
lands on them, their heiis and assigns forever, as by the said con- 
tract fully appears, the l4th 4th mo. 1641, and the 2-3 of Dover 
patent should remain to the inhabitants of Dover. 

6. The 7 mo. 1642, Mr. Samuel Dudley and others were ap- 
pointed by the court to lay out the limits of Dover according to the 
agreement with Mr. Whiting and company, and that nothing be 
done to the prejudice of Mr. Whiting and company appears per 
the court record 7 mo. 1642. 

7. The 7 rao. 1643, the marsh and meadows in the great bay 
and 400 acres of upland was granted to Dover, reserving the right 
to the proprietors. 

Now we humbly pray this honored court to take into considera- 
tion that, this conditional grant to Dover was 2 years and 3 months 
after your contract with Mr. Whiting and company, and 15 years 
after the owners had purchased and possessed it, during which 
time, the whole patent was twice sold and several parts also, and 
also it was enjoyed by the owners 13 years before the honored 
court challenged any interest in the said land by the extent of your 
patent. And that this honored court will be pleased to grant a di- 
vision of the said lands according as you have formerly ordered. 

[Copied from the Massachusetts files and communicated to the editor bj 
Mr. Joshua Coffin] 



436 APPENDIX. 

No. 16. Copy of a report uj a Coinmiltee of Refarence on the peti- 
lioa of Robert Mason., Edward Godfrey, and others to the king, 
(ill 1661.) 

To the King's most excellent Majesty, 

According to your majesty's reference upon the petition of Rob- 
ert IMason, Edward Godfrey, and others, hereunto annexed, bear- 
ing date at Whitehall, the seventeenth of November, 1660, we 
have heard the claims and complaints of the petitioners, and also 
summoned by process publicly executed at the exchange on the 
21st dav of January last against all persons interested in that bu- 
siness, but Dune appeared but Capt. John Leverett, who acknowl- 
edged that formerly ha was commissionated as an agent of the 
corporation of Boston in New-Eugianu, but that now he had no 
authority to appear or act on their behalf. 

Upon producing of divers letters patents and examination of 
witnesses, we find. That Capt. John Mason, grandfather to Robert 
Mason, one of the petitioners, and Edward Godfrey, another of 
tlie petitioners, by virtue of several letters j)atents under the great 
seal of England granted unto them and others by your majesty's 
late royal i"ather,by themselves and their assigns have been in ac- 
tual and quiet possession of several tracts, parcels and divisions of 
laud in New-England, as in and by the said letters patents is par- 
ticuhirly expressed, and that the said Capt. John Masou and the 
said Edward Godfrey did expend and lay out considerable sums of 
money in settling plantations and colonies there ; That the said 
Edward Godfrey has lived there for live and twenty years, having 
underiione and discharged the office of governor of the province 
of Maine with much reputation of integrity and justice, endeavor- 
ing the regulation and government of those parts, where he lives 
according to the knovrn and settled laws of this kingdom ; That 
notwithstanding, the said Edward Godfrey has not only been turn- 
ed out of his said place of governor, but has been utterly outed 
and dispossessed of his lands and estate in that country, which the 
inhabitants of the Massachusetts have forcibly seized and still do 
detain the same from him ; That it appears as well by testimony 
of witnesses as by a copy of the letters patents that they were not 
to act any thing repugnant to the laws of England, nor to extend 
their bounds and limits of the said corporation farther than three 
miles northv. ard of Merrimack river, and as a memorial and evi- 
dence thereof, the governor of the Massachusetts did set up a house 
about thirty years since, which is called the bound house, and is 
known by that name to this day, and with this division and as- 
signment or lot of land the inhabitants and patentees of the said 
corporation of the Massachusetts rested content for the space of 
sixteen years together, until about the year 1652, they did enlarge 
and stretch their line about threescore miles beyond their known 
and settled bounds aforesaid ; and havo thereby not only invaded 
and encroached upon the plantations and inheritances of the peti- 
tioners and other your majesty's subjects, but by menaces and arm- 
ed forces compelled them to submit to their usurped and arbi- 
rary government, which they have declared to be independent of 



APPENDIX. 437 

this your majesty's crown of Englaud, and not subordinate there- 
unto. 

It appears further by the witnesses, that the colony of Massachu- 
setts has for these many years past endeavored to model and con- 
trive themselves into a free state or commonwealth without any 
relation to the crovv'u of England, assuming on themselves the 
name, and style of a commonwealth, issuing of writs in their own 
name, imposing of oaths to be true unio theraselvea contrary to 
that of allegiance, coining of money with their own stamps and 
signatures, exercising an arbitrary power over the estates and per- 
sons of all such as submit not unto their government, allowing 
them no appeals to England, and some have been so bold as 
publicly to alfirm, that if his majesty should send them a governor, 
that the several towns and churches throughout the whole country 
under their government did resolve to oppose him, and others 
have said that before they of New-England would or should sub- 
mit to any appeal to England, they would sell that country or 
plantation to the king of Spain.* 

That by reason of the premises the said Robert Mason and Eld- 
ward Godfrey liave been damnified in their plantations and estates 
to the value of five thousand pounds, according to the judgment 
and estimation of several witnesses, examined in that behalf. But 
by what pretciice of right or authority the Massachusetts have 
taken upon them to proceed and act in such manner doth jiot ap- 
pear to us. 

All which we most humbly represent to your majesty in duty 
and obedience to your commands, not presuming to oli'er any opin- 
ion in a business of so high importance, wherein the public inter- 
est and government of your majesty appears so much intermixt and 
concerned with the private interest of the petitioners. 

RoBT. Mason, G. Sweit, 
Ja. Bunce, Richard Foxe, 

Th. Exton, Jo. Mtlles, 

Trio. PovEY. 

( [Without date] in tlie recorder's otiice for Rocliinghain county.) 



No. 17. Copy of a Commission granted by the Massachusetts Gen- 
eral Court in 1665, for sellUi.g the eastern paiis^ lohen disturbed 
by the King^s Commissioners. 

[Not inserted in the foruier editions.] 

The General Court of the Massachusetts Jurisdiction in New- 
England, — 

To Thomas Dauforth, Eleazar Lusher 

and John Leverett, Esquires, — 
You or any two of you are hereby fully authorized and impowered 
to repair in person to the counties of Norfolk, Pascataqua and Isle of 
Shoals and Fork, and to call before you any or every person or per- 
sons that have or shall act in the disturbance or reviling of the 

• Vide Hntcliinsoii's collection pa-pera. piige 339. 



438 APPENDIX. 

government there settled according to his nnajesty's royal charter 
to this colony under the broad seal of England and to proceed against 
ihem according to their demerits and the laws here established, 
and to do any act for the settling the peace of the said places by 
declaration or otherwise according to your good and sound discre- 
tion, appointing of constables and associates for the courts, and 
keeping of the same, according to the articles of agreement made 
with said people of said counties respectively. And for the better 
enabling you herein, all officers military and civil and all others 
the inhabitants of this jurisdiction are required to be aiding and 
assistiiig to you for the ends aforesaid, as you shall see meet to re- 
quire ; and in case you shall find it more expedient you may send 
for any delinquents as abovesaid, by warrant, directed to any of the 
officers of this jurisdiction, or such other as you shall appoint for 
the apprehending of their persons and causing them to appear be- 
fore you in such places as you shall appoint, where after examina- 
tion you shall further proceed as the matter shall require, and what 
you shall do herein to make return to the next General Court, &,c. 



No. 18. Copy of an address of the toion of Dover to the Gener- 
al Court of Massachusetts. 
[Not inserted in the former editions.] 
To the honored General Court of the Massachusetts in Boston, 
these presents shew this 9th day ol October, 1665, 
May it please the honored Court, — 

Whereas we the inhabitants of Dover have received credible 
information that the inhabitants of the towns bordcsiug upon the 
river of Pajcataqua have petitioned his majesty, our dread sove- 
reign with respect to wrongs and usurpations they sustain in the 
present government, under which they reside, for an alienation to 
be made among them in the government as his majesty shall please 
to order the same. We thought it necessary, being orderly assem- 
bled in a town meeting, to clear ourselves for our ov/n part by these 
presents, from having any hand in any such petition or remon- 
strance ; and in case any such act hath passed, we look at it as an 
unworthy misrepresentation of us the inhabitants of Dover to his 
majesty, as being done ^vithout any either consent or meeting or 
cognizance of the town or the major part thereof. Furthermore, 
as it is our boundeu duty, so upon this occasion we, profess the same 
that God assisting, we shall continue in our faith and allegiance to 
his majesty by adhering to the present government, established by 
his royal charter in the colony of the Massachusetts, being well 
contented with the privileges thereof, and willing to perform what 
is required of us therein according to the articles of agreement. 

We beseech the Lord for his presence in the midst of you, and 
his blessing upon all your public and weighty occasions, and hum- 
bly take leave. 

It was voted in a public town meeting, October 10, 1665, that 
the contents thereof be presented to the General Court as the 



APPENDIX. 439 

town's act, and that it be presented to all the rest of our neiii;hbor.s 

to subscribe their hands as they are willing. This is a true copy 

taken from the original, per me. 

WM. POMFRKT, Town Clerk. 
Rich't) Walduon, ") 
Wm. Wentw'orth, I „ , 

[Subscribed also John Roberts, [ ^'^*-'^^^^^- 

by 25 others.] John Davis, j 



No. 19. Copy of a similar address from Portsmouth. 

[Not inserted in the former editions.] 

To the honored General Court of the Massachusetts. 
May it please you, — 

That whereas there was a bruit or fame of a petition drawn up 
by us the inhabitants of Portsmouth and sent to his majesty ; the 
contents of which is to charge the government of the Massachu- 
setts with usurpation upon us, and to supplicate an alteration of 
governors and government that his majesty hath at present estab- 
lished among us, — We, the selectmen for the prudential affairs of 
the said town, and sundry other inhabitants, do certify the honored 
court that we are innocent and clear of any such act, and do dis- 
claim the same as any of our town act, and do account ourselves 
abused by any that have fathered such a thing upon us. 

In testimony whereof, we subscribe our names the 9th day of 

October, 1665. 

Richard Cutt, "l 

John Cutt, 1 o ; * 

TV 5 T-i f- Selectmen. 

Nath'l Fryer, | 

[Subscribed by 16 others.] Euas Stileman, j 



No. 20. Copy of a certificate of the same mutter from Rev. Samuel 

Dudley, minister of Exeter. 

[This certificate is inserted as a note to page 61 of this volume.] 



No. 21. Copy of an address of the town of Portsmouth relating to 

the College. 
[This address was not inserted in the former editions.] 
To the much honored the General Court of the Massachusetts 
Colony assembled at Boston the 20th of May, 1669. 
The humble address of the inhabitants of the town of Portsmouth, 
humbly sheweth, — 

That seeing by your means under God, we enjoy much peace 
and quietness, and very worthy deeds are done to us by the favora- 
ble aspect of the government of this colony upon us, we accept it 
always and in all places with thankfulness. And though we have 
articled with yourselves for exemption from public charges, yet we 



440 - APPENDIX. 

never articled with God and our own consciences for exemption 
from gratitude, whicli to demonstrate while we were studying the 
loud groans of the sinking college in its present low estate came 
to our eais, the relieving of which we account a good work for the 
house of our God, and needful for the perpetuating of knowledge 
both religious and civil among us and our posterity after us, and 
therefore grateful to yourselves whose care and study is to seek 
the welfare of our Israel. 

The premises considered, we have made a collection in our town of 
sixty pounds per annum, (and hope to make it more) which said sum 
is to be paid annually for these seven years ensuing, to be improved 
at the discretion of the honored overseers of the college for the be- 
hoof of the same, and the advancement of good literature there ; 
hoping withal that the example of ourselves (which have been 
accounted no people) will provoke the rest of the country to jeal- 
ousy ; we mean an holy emulation to appear in so good a .vork, and 
that this honored court will in their wisdom see meet vigorously to act 
for the diverting the sad omen to poor New-England. If a college 
be<J-un and comfortably upheld while we were little should sink now 
we are grown great, especially after so large and profitable an har- 
vest that this country and other places have reaped from the same. 
Your acceptance of our good meaning herein will further oblige 
us to endeavor the approving ourselves to be your thankful and 
hua^ble servants. 

John Cutt, ^ In the name and behalf of the rest 

Rich'd Cutt, > of the subscribers in the town 

Joshua Moody, ) of Portsmouth. 

The address from the inhabitants of the town of Portsmouth 

was presented by Mr. Richard Cult and Mr. Joshua Moodey, 20th 

May, 1669, and gratefully accepted ; and the Governor, in the 

naine of the whole court, met together, returned them the thanks 

of this court for their pious and liberal gift to the college herein 

mentioned. 

Attest,— EDWARD RAWSON, Secretary, 

(The four preceding papers are taken from the Mass. Records.) 



No. 22. Copy of Robert Mason''s Petition to the King. 

To the King's most excellent majesty — The humble petition of 
Robert Mason, proprietor of the province of New-Hampshire, in 
New-England, sheweth, 

That your majesty's royal grandfather king James, of ever bless- 
ed memory, did by his highness' letters patents under the great 
seal of England, bearing date at Westminister, the third day of 
November, in the eighteenth year of his reign, give, grant and 
confirm unto several of the principal nobility and gentry of this 
kingdom by the name of the council of New-England, their 
successors and assigns forever, all the land in America lying be- 
tween the degrees of 40 and 48 north latitude, by the name of 
New-England, to be held in fee, with many royal privileges and 



APPENDIX. 441 

immunities, only paying to his majesty, his heirs and successors, 
one fifth part of all the ore of gold and silver that should at any 
time be found upon the said lands, as by the said letters patents 
doth at large appear. 

That John Mason, Esq., your petitioner's grandfather, by virtue 
of several grants from the said council of New-England, under 
their common seal, bearing date the 9th of March, 1621, the 10th 
of August, 1622, the 7th of November, 1629, and the 22d of April, 
1635, was instated in fee in a great tract of land in New-England, 
by the name of New-Hampshire, lying upon the sea-coast be- 
tween the rivers of Naumkeak and Pascataqua, and running up 
into the land westward threescore miles, with all the islands lying 
within five leagues distance of any part thereof, and also the south 
half of the Isles of Shoals ; and also the said John Mason, to- 
gether with Sir Ferdinando Gorges, knt. was enfeolled by the a- 
ifbresaid council of New-England in other lands by the name of 
Laconia, by their deed bearing date the 27th day of November, 
1629, the said lands lying and bordering upon the great lakes and 
rivers of the Iroquois and other nations adjoining. All which 
said lands to be held as fully, freely, in as large, ample and bene- 
ficial manner and form to all intents and purposes whatsoever as 
the said council of New-England by virtue of his majesty's said 
letters patents might or ought to hold and enjoy the same, as by 
the said several grants appears. 

Whereupon your petitioner's said grandfather did expend up- 
wards of twenty-two thousand pounds in transporting people, 
building houses, forts, and magazines, furnishing them with great 
store of arms of all sorts, with artillery great and small, for de- 
fence and protection of his servants and tenants, with all other 
necessary commodities and materials for establishing a settled 
plantation. 

That in the year 1628, in the fourth year of the reign of your 
majesty's royal father, some persons did surreptitiously and un- 
knawn to the said council, get the seal of the said council affixed 
to a grant of a certain lands, whereof the greatest part were sol- 
emnly past unto your petitioner's grandfather and others long be- 
fore, and soon after did the same persons by their subfile practices 
get a confirmation of the said grant under the great seal of Eng- 
land, as a corporation by the name of THE CORPORATION 
OF THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY IN NEW-ENGLAND, 
your majesty''s royal father being umcitting thereof, and having thus 
by fraud obtained a grant and confirmation, they compelled the 
rightful inhabitants to desert their plantations, and by many out- 
rageous actions they became possessed of that part of the country, 
declaring themselves to be a free people, framing to themselves 
new laws, with new methods in religion absolutely contrary to the 
laws and customs of this your majesty's realm of England, punish- 
ing divers that would not approve thereof, some by whipping, 
others by burning their houses, and some by banishing, and the 
like. 

At last the complaints of the oppressed subjects reaching the 



442 APPENDIX. 

ears of your royal father, his majesty caused the whole matter to 
be examined before his most honorable privy council aud all being 
fully proved, his majesty did comniand the council of New-Eng- 
land to give an account, by what authority, or by whose procure- 
ment those people of the Massachusetts Bay were sent over, his 
majesty conceiving the said council to be guilty thereof. 

But the said council of New-England made it plainly to appear 
to his majesty that they were ignorant of the whole matter aud 
that they had no share in the evils committed and wholly disclaim 
the same, and the said council finding they had not suriicient means 
to give redress and rectify what was brought to ruin, they humbly 
referred it to his majesty to do therein as he pleased, and thereupon 
the said council of Nevi'-Eugland resolved to resign, and did 
actually resign, the great charter of New-England into his 
majesty's royal hands, seeing there was an absolute necessity 
for his majesty to take the management of that country to him- 
self, it being become a business of high consequence and only 
to be remedied by his sovereign power, all which appears by 
the declaration of the council of New-England dated the 25th of 
April, 1635, together with the act of surrender of the great charter 
of New-England dated the 7th day of June, the same year. 

That immediately thereupon, his majesty in trinity term, 1655, 
caused a quo warranto to be brought up by Sir Joim Banks, his 
majesty's then attorney general, against the goveriior, deputy gov- 
ernor, and every of the assistants of the said corporation of Massa- 
chusetts in New-England severally, according to their names men- 
tioned in the said patents of incorporation, being twenty-six per- 
sons, whereof two being dead, of the remaining twenty-four per- 
sons, there did fourteen at several times appear at the king's bench 
bar and there disclaimed the charter, the remaining ten persons 
were outlawed, and thereupon judguicnt given for the king, that 
the liberties and franchises of the said corporation of Massachu- 
setts Bay should be seized iuto the king's hands and the body of 
the governor to be taken into custody for usurping the said liber- 
ties, all which appears by the rolls in the crown office, and office 
of cujtos breviutn for the king's bench of the proceedings iu the 
several terms from the year 1635 to 1637. 

That thereupon his said royal majesty on the 3d day of May, 
1637, did order in council that the attorney general be required 
to call for the said patent and present the same to the board, and 
his majesty by his declaration of the 23d of July, 1637, in the 13th 
year of his reign declared his royal pleasure for establishing a gen- 
eral government in his territory of New-England for the preven- 
tion of the evils that otherwise might ensue for default thereof, 
thereby declaring Sir Ferdinando Gorges to be governor general 
of the whole country and requiring all persons to give their obe- 
dience accordingly. 

That the wars and troubles immediately ensuing in Scotland 
and presently after here in England, did hinder his said majesty 
from settling that country or prosecuting the right which he intend- 
ed his subjects, however the proceediugs of his majesty caused 



APPENDIX. 443 

some restraint to tlie further violences and oppressions of the said 
Massachusetts, and they contained tlieniselves for a time within 
their pretended bounds, but no sooner was that king of blessed 
memory, your royal father, become a sacrifice, but they renewed 
their former violences by oppressing all "'the' other colonies and 
designing by encouragemenl from some in England to erect them- 
selves into a commonwealth, and in order to lay a foundation for 
thispowerand dominion which they now aspired unto, they thought 
it necessary to extend their bounds and spread into a larger terri- 
tory than as yet they had usurped, and that this work might not be 
done without a mask or color of riglit, they do in an assembly held 
at Boston, the 19th of October, 1652, seriously peruse the grant 
(which had been procured as aforesaid) and therein weighing the 
words, and trying what new seu^ they might bear more suitable 
to their increase of power, they thought fit at length to decla''e 
themselves mistaken in what they had done in the year 1631, 
when they erected bound-houses and had for so many years con- 
fined themselves thereunto, whereas now bj' the help of an imag- 
inary line, or rather by a new reason of state, there is a sense im- 
posed by themselves upon their own icords, and they stretch their 
rights to near two hundred miles of land northward and as much 
southward more than they were satisfied withal before, swallow- 
ing up your majesty's petitioner as well as others, whose properties 
were established long before the said people had any being. And 
that they might give execution to this righteous sentence they 
presently invade and bif jorce of arms seize upon the province of 
New-Hampshire, and other lands of right belonging to your peti- 
tioner, besides what the)' did to others, compelling the inhabit- 
ants to swear to be true to them and to cast off their lawful lords, 
and such as refused were either ruined, banished or imprisoned, 
and any appeals to England utterly denied unto them, then they 
proceed to coining of money with their owhi impress, raising the 
coin of England, and acting in all matters in a most absolute and 
arbitrary w^ay. And although your petitioner by his agent Joseph 
Mason did demand redress of the general court of Massachusetts 
setting at Boston in 1652, offering to make out the right and title 
of your petitioner to the province of New-Hampshire and other 
lands against all persons whatsoever, yet no restitution could be 
obtained without a submission to their authority, and to hold the 
lands from them which the petitioner then did refuse and hath al- 
ways refused, choosing rather to wait for more happy times where- 
in to expect relief than by a legal resignation of his rights to those 
who had none at all divest himself of what his ancestors had pur- 
chased at so dear a rate : Your petitioner having as equal a 
right to the government in the said province as he hath to the land 
itself, all which appears by a report made to your majesty the 15th 
of February, 1661, when your petitioner first exposed to your 
majesty the oppressions under which he had so long groaned, in 
the evil times, and which grieves him now much more to bear 
\Thile he has the protection of so just and gracious a sovereign to 
resort to. 



444 APPENDIX. 

Wherefore your petitioner most humbly implores your majesty 
to take notice, that (by a plain discovery of what fraud in the be- 
ginning and the length of troubled times has helped to conceal) 
the Bostoners have no patent of incorporation at all, that yet they 
have under color of right and authority from the crown devoured 
your petitioner aud other proprietors whose titles are by your n»aj- 
esty's learned council allowed as strong as the law can make them. 

That all ways have been tried and methods used to obtain jus- 
tice from the Bostoners, but all have proved ineffectual, that your 
petitioner's losses have been so many and great, and his sufferings 
so continued, that he cannot any longer support the burthen of 
them. And when your majesty will but consider how small the 
respect has been wherewith those people have treated your majes- 
ty since your happy restoration, and what daily breaches are by 
them made upon your majesty's acts of navigation, which turns so 
greatly to the detriment of this kingdom in general, these losses 
and sufferings of a particular subject cannot much be questioned, 
so that your petitioner humbly hopes that your majesty will think 
it high lime to stretch forth your royal hand of justice to assist 
your petitioner, that he may have the quiet possession of his prov- 
ince, and reparation made him for the losses sustained, in such 
ways and methods as the importance of the case requires, and your 
majesty in your royal wisdom shall think most fit. 

And your petitioner shall ever pray. 

ROBT. MASON. 

(From a copy in the possession of the ALasonian proprietors.) 



No. 23. Copy oj the answer of Massachusetts to Mason's and Gor- 
ges^ complaints. 
A brief declaration of the riglit and claim of the governor and com- 
pany of the Massachusetts Ray in New-England, to the lands 
now in their possession, but pretended to by Gorges and Mr. 
Mason, together with an answer to their several pleas and com- 
plaints in their petitions exhibited : Humbly presented and 
<;ubraitted by the said governor and company to the king's most 
excellent majesty, as their defence. 

In the year of our Lord 1628, in the third year of his late maj- 
esty Charles the First, of happy memory, several loyal and pioui^ly 
disposed gentlemen obtained of the great council of New-England, 
a grant of a certain tract ef land lying in New-England, described 
and bounded as therein expressed ; which was in all respects fair- 
ly and openly procured and with so good an intent of propagating 
the gospel among the natives, and to advance the honor and dig- 
nity of his late majesty, of happy memory, that they were bold to 
supplicate his said majesty to superadd his royal confirmation 
thereto, which accordingly in an ample royal charter was passed 
and remains under the broad seal of England, March the 4th, 1629, 
in the fourth year of his majesty's reign, with further additions and 
enlargements well becoming so royal a majesty, and suitable for 



APPENDIX. 445 

the encouragement of so hazardous and chargeable an adventure. 
In pursuance whereof many of the said patentees and other ad- 
venturers transported themselves and estates, and settled in the 
most known and acconunodable parts of those lands contained in 
the said charter, neither time, estate, nor power suflering them spee- 
dily to survey the just extent of their limits. Not many years dif- 
ferent in time, several others also of his majesty's subjects obtained 
other grants, and made several settlements in the more northern 
and eastern parts of the country, with whom for several years we 
had neighborly correspondence, being as they supposed without 
the limits of our patent, amongst whom the present claimers and 
petitioners were. These grants partly by reason of the smallness 
of some of them, and partly by reason of dark involved and dubious 
expression of their limits, brought the inhabitants under many en- 
tanglements and dissatisfactions among themselves, which there 
being no settled authority to be applied to, being deserted and for- 
saken of all such as by virtue of said grants did claim jurisdiction 
over them and had made a successless essay for the settlement of 
government among them proved of some continuance, unto the 
great disquiet and disturbance of those his majesty's subjects that 
were peaceable and well disposed amongst them; to remedy which 
inconvenience they betook themselves to the Avay of combinations 
for government, but by experience found it ineffectual. In this 
time ignorance of the northerly running of Merrimack river, hin- 
dered our actual claim and extention of government, yet at length 
being more fully settled, and having obtained further acquaintance 
and correspondency with the Indians possessing the uppermost 
parts of that river, encouraging an adventure, as also frequent solic- 
itations from the most considerable inhabitants of those eastern 
parts, earnestly desiring us to make proof of, and ascertain our in- 
terest, we employed the most approved artists that could be obtain- 
ed, who upon their solemn oaths made returns, that upon their 
certain observation our northern patent line did extend so far north 
as to take in all those towns and places which we now possess ; 
which when the inhabitants as well as ourselves w^ere satisfied in, 
(urged also with the necessity of government amongst them) they 
peaceably and voluntarily submitted to the government of the Mas- 
sachusetts, (viz.) Dover, Squamscot and Portsmouth, anno 1641, 
Kittery, York and Wells, anno 1652 and 1653, from which times 
until the year 1662, when there was a small interruption by a let- 
ter of Mr. Gorges, and afterwards in the year 1665, (when his 
majesty's commissioners. Colonel Nicolls and others, came over) 
the inhabitants of those parts lived well satisfied and uninterrup- 
ted under the Massachusetts government. But when the said 
commissioners neither regarding the Massachusetts' just right nor 
the claims of Mr. Gorges and Mr. Mason, settled a new form of 
government there, but this hardly outlived their departure, the 
people impatient of innovations, and well experienced and satisfi- 
ed in their former settlement, quickly and quietly returned to order 
again and so continue unto this time. This is in a few words the 
true state of the matter; for the further illustration whereof and 



446 APPENDIX. 

justilication of our proceedings therein, and rindication of ourselves 
from the repn^achfnl imputation of usurping authority over his 
majesty's subjects in the ^'astern parts pretended to, with other 
scandals cast upon us by the petitioners, we humbly present the 
following pleas l\v way of demonstration, and argue that our ex- 
teiision of go\orn'nent to those eastern parts claimed is agreeable 
to our indubitable patent right; our patent according to the ex- 
press term therein contained without any ambiguity or color of 
other interpretation, lies between two east mid west parallel lines 
drawn from the most southerly part of Charles river and the most 
noriherli/ part of Merrimack, with three miles advantage upon each, 
which upon th*^ observation of men of approved and undoubted 
truth upon oath, are found distant one degree and forty-nine min- 
utes north latitude, being to extend in full latitude and breadth 
from sea to sea (ut in termiuis) and therefore cannot be bounded 
by many hundreds or infinite numbers of lines, as the river Merri- 
mack maketh bends or angles in two hundred miles passage from 
Winnipiseogee lake to the mouth thereof, which to imagine, as it 
is irrational, so would it involve us and any borderer into so many 
inextricable disputes as are by no ways to be admitted by a prince 
seeking bis subjects' peace. Besides were such a construction 
allowable, (which with uttermost straining is) yet all favorable in- 
terpretation is to be oflfered the patentees by the gracious expres- 
sion of the charter. Now according to the aforementioned obser- 
vation, (so confirmed) all those eastern plantations challenged by 
our opponents (ut supra) are comprehended within our northerly 
line. We deny not but the artists of theirselves, and if any ques- 
tion thence arise, we fear not to submit to trial to the most exact 
and rigorous test that may be. The invincible strength of this 
our first plea, may further appear by the consideration of the friv- 
olous and insignificant allegations of the petitioners in opposition 
thereunto, viz. 1st. The nonextension of our line or assertion of 
our right to those eastern parts for some years, ignorance, as our 
case was circumstanced, debarring no mail of his just riglit, neither 
can it reasonably be supposed that the exact survey of so large a 
grant, in so hideous a wilderness, possessed by an enemy, would 
be the work of a few years, our own poverty not affording means, 
and our weakness (allowing no deep adventure into the country) 
permitting us not to view the favorable running of the river, which 
none can imagine altered its course by our delay ; we may as well 
be deprived of far more than we possess or ever saw on our west- 
ern parts to the south sea (which none will deny) because we 
have not surveyed it or are soon like to be able, as be taken from 
our northern right so obvious to the meanest artist. 

2dly. The possession-house in Hampton of so little signification 
and so long since disused, that Mr. Mason hath forgot the name 
thereof and calleth it Bound -house, erected to give the world to 
"know that we claimed considerably to the northw^ard of our then 
habitations upon the bay, though we did not know the utmost ex- 
tent of our right, our fathers not being so ignorant of the law of 
the realm to which they did appertain as to suppose the taking 



APPENDIX. 417 

possession of part did debar them of the remainder but the con- 
trary ; and we challenge Mr. Mason or any on liis bLhalf, promis- 
ing our records shall be open to the most scrutinous search to 
prove it, either called or intended according to his abuse thereof. 
3dly. That notorious falsehood of stretching our right to near 
four hundred miies north and south more than iuiuu^rly we were 
satisfied with, our whole breadlii being l)ut one hundred and nine 
miles which is not much more than a quarter part of what he 
would have the world believe our new claim and (as he would 
insinuate) usurped territory doth contain, arising (we would char- 
itably belie\ e) partly from ignorance of the coa^sling of the coun- 
try, Mr. Mason accounting by the sea-side, and we suppose coast- 
ing in the measure of every harbour and cove to make up that cal- 
culation, which lies much of it due east and not to the north, 
but we fear malevolently suggested (as many other things as of 
little credit) to introduce into his majesty's royal breast a belief that 
we are unreasonable in our pretensions, and so unworthy of his maj- 
esty's favor, which we hope such unlawful endeavours will never 
be so prosperous as to obtain. What may be further added to 
this our first plea, may be supplied from the reasons formerly pre- 
sented. We urge secondly, I'he invalidity of those grants pre- 
tended to by the petitioners, which are of two sorts ; 1st. Such 
as bear date after ours, which we see no reason to fear any inter- 
ruption from. Secondly, Such as are pretended to bear date be- 
fore ours, against which we object that they are not authentic, 
wanting a sufiicient number of grantors to make them so, none of 
them as we presume will appear upon trial having above six hands 
and seals annexed to them, the said council of JNew-England con- 
sisting of forty, and his majesty's grant to them expressly requir- 
ing (as we are informed) seven at the least to sign to make any 
valid act ; and indeed JNIr. Mason's own often unwearied renewal 
of his grants in 1621, sixteen hundred twenty-two, sixteen hun- 
dred twenty-nine and 1635, (as he saith) tacitly confesseth the 
same invalidity, in the former putting him to charge for the latter, 
till at last he fell into such a trade of obtaining grants that his last 
and most considerable was six years after the grant of our charter 
from his majesty, and but three days before the said council's 
declaration of their absolute resolution to resign, and but a few 
days before their actual surrender, as he asserts ; which of what 
value and consideration it is from the said council's circumstanced 
under a necessity of resignation of their great charter, procured 
rather by the clamor of such ill aifected persons us the present 
complaint than by any true account of dissettlement or ill man- 
agement here, is not difficult to judge. Hence it appears, first, 
how little reason Mr. Mason hath to brand us with fraud or sur- 
reptitiousness in obtaining our charter; which hath most show of 
fraud and surreptitious procuration, a sufficient number of those 
honorable persons subscribing ours and fewer his pretended anteda- 
ted grants, is easy to determine. In which assertion is to be ob- 
served the high reflection cast upon the members of his late ma- 
jesty and ministers of state, groundlessly rendering the council's 



448 APPEiNDlX. 

seal, yea the great seal of England, exposed to fraud and deceit- 
ful clandestine practices; yea upon his present majesty, insinuat- 
ing himself better acquainted with matters of state than he who 
allows and co'.ifirms our grant as authentic by his gracious letter 
of sixteen hundred sixty-two, which intolerable boldness how 
unbeconiing (not to say more) in a subject, it is not easy for us 
to say. To all wdiich we uiay add Sir Ferdinando Gorges' appli- 
cation to the authority here to interpose in his aliair, which he, 
being oue of the great council, would have been far from ac- 
knowledging, had Mr. Mason's allegations been founded upon 
truth. 

Secondly, That articles of charge depending upon such illegal 
and post-dated grants cannot take place against us were their dis- 
burse as great as it is affirmed, which by eye witnesses upon the 
place and still living are proved comparatively very inconsiderable. 

3dly. We affirm that the whole management of the aliair re- 
specting our government of those eastern parts was in an orderly 
and peaceable way, and not without the leiterated and earnest so- 
licitation of most of the people there inhabiting, sufficiently ap- 
pearing by their several petitions ; and we challenge Mr. Gorges 
and Mr. Mason by any living evidence or record to shew^ any sign 
of a forcible entrance : Some magistrates upon the clearing of our 
right to them and acceptance of the tender of themselves to us, 
being sent thither without any other force than each of them a ser- 
vant to attend them. Indeed some years after Capt. Bonythou for 
mutinous carriage was seized and brought to justice ; concerning 
which and many other cases many inhabitants yet living and eye 
witnesses cau give the most impartial evidence. 

4thly. We offer to consideration that the deserted and ungov- 
erned state of the people of those places had we not had that pa- 
tent right so clearly evinced, might warrant our actions ; especial- 
ly considering the obligation upon us to secure his majesty's hon- 
our and maintain the public peace, so hazarded by the total want 
of government amongst them. Our first exercise of jurisdiction 
being in the year 1641, eight years after Capt. Neal, agent for 
Mr. Mason, had wholly deserted the improvement of land and 
the government of the country, which indeed he never used but 
one year, for in the year 1630 he first came over, and in the year 
1634 he quitted the place ; and in the interim, neglected the same 
in making a voyage for England, the short time of his tarriance 
not admitting of settlement of government or improvement. We 
may hereto subjoin that Mr. Joseph Mason, agent for Mrs. Anne 
Mason, when here and all things were fresh in memory, made no 
demand contrary to what is affirmed, but petitioned our justice 
against his debtors there and elsewhere, and that Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges his grant being so mean and uncertainly bounded that he 
knew not well how to find, much less to improve, to considerable 

advantage, by his letter bearing date doth devolve the 

whole charge and care of his pretended provnice upon the authori- 
ty here estal)lished. Lastly, Tliat the exercise of jurisdiction in 
those eastern parts hath been and is his majesty's honour, the peo- 



APPENDIX. 449 

pie's great benefit, and our charge witlioiit profit, which had it not 
been, the ruin of those parts would have unavoidably ensued in 
the want of all government, and their seizure by the French, who 
ever waited a lit opportunity for the same. They have part of 
them lor thirty-live years and others twenty years (some small 
interruption intervening producing the stronger inclination and re- 
solution in them to be constant to his majesty's authority here, liv- 
ed ujider the government of the Massachusetts a quiet, well ord- 
ered and thriviiig people. And as for any complaint from ill af- 
fected persons, it is well known that the best and wisest govern- 
ment is not without disquiet from some such ; and no wonder if 
silly people are soon affected with such lair glossing promises as 
Mr. Mason hath made and published, as it were determining the 
case before trial by his late letters to the inhabitants in those parts, 
and that our government in those places have been no gain, is so 
unquestionable a truth, that never was any levy laid upon them for 
the supply of the public treasury, though much bath been and is 
further like to be expended for their security, who otherwise will 
inevitably become an easy prey to the heathen, now in hostility 
with us, and at this present time raging in those parts. 

The before written, is a true copy transcribed from the records 
of the general court of the laie colony of the Massachusetts 
Bay, held by the governor and company of the said colony, at 
Boston, the 6th of September, 1676. 

Examd. per ISA. ADDINGTON, Se.-'y. 



No. 24. Copy oj the Report of the Lords Chief Justices^ and the 
King^s confirmation thereof 
At the Court at Whitehall, July 20, 1677. 
(L. S.) Present the King's most excellent majesty. 
Lord Chancellor, Earl of Craven, 

Lord Treasurer, Lord Bishop of London, 

Lord Privy Seal, Lord Maynard, 

Duke of Ormond, Lord Berkley, 

Marquis of Worcester, Mr. Vice Chamberlain, 

Lord Chamberlain, Mr. Secretary Coventry, 

Earl of Northampton, Mr. Secretary Williamson, 

Earl of Peterborough, Mr. Chancellor of the Excbe- 

Earl of Stratford, quer, 

Earl of Sunderland, Master of Ordnance, 

Earl of Bath, Mr. Speaker. 

Whereas the right honorable the lords of the committee for trade 
and plantations, did, in pursuance of an order of the 7th of Febru- 
ary last, make report to the board, of the matters in controversy, 
between the corporation of the Massachusetts Bay, in New-Eng- 
land, and Mr. Mason and Mr. Gorges, touching the right of the 
soil and government, claimed by the said parties in certain lands 
there, by virtue of several grants from his majesty's royal father and 
grandfather, as foHoweth, in these words, 

59 



4Q0 APPENDIX. 

May it please your majesty, — Having received your majesty's 
order in council, of the 7th of February last past, whereby we are 
directed to enter into the examination of the bounds and limits, 
which the corporation of the Massachusetts Bay, in New-England, 
on the one hand, and Mr. Mason and Mr. Gorges on the other, do 
pretend by their several grants and patents to have been assigned 
unto them, as also to examine the patents and charters which are 
insisted on by either side, in order to find out and settle how far 
the rights of soil and government do belong unto any of them. In 
consideration whereof, the lords chief justices of your majesty's 
courls of Icing's bench and common pleas, were appointed to give 
us their assistance, we did, on the 5th of April last, together with 
the said lords chief justices, meet in obedience to your majesty's 
commands, and having heard both parties by their counsel, learned 
in the law, we did recommend unto their lordships to receive a 
state of the claims made by both parties, and to return their opin- 
ions upon the whole matter unto us, which their lordships have 
accordingly performed, in the words following : 

In obedience to your lordships' order, we appointed a day for the 
hearing ef all parties, and considering the matters referred, having 
received from them such papers of their cases as they were pleas- 
ed to deliver ; ?.t which time ail parties appearing, the respondents 
did disclaim title to the lands claimed by the petitioners, and it 
appeared to us that the said lands are in the possession of several 
other persons, not before us, whereupon we thought not fit to ex- 
amine any claims to the said lands, it being (in our opinion) im- 
proper to judge of any title of land, without hearing of the ter ten- 
ants, or some other persons on their behalf; and if there be any 
course of justice upon the place, having jurisdiction, we esteem it 
most proper to direct the parties to have recourse thither, for the 
decision of any question of property, until it shall appear that there 
is just cause of complaint, against the courts of justice there, for 
injustice or grievance. 

We did, in the presence of said parties, examine their several 
claims to the government, and the petitioners having waived the 
pretence of a grant of government from the council of Plymouth, 
wherein ihey were convinced, by their own counsel, that no such 
power or jurisdiction could be transferred or assigned by any color 
of law ; the question was reduced to the province of Maine, where- 
to the petitioner. Gorges, made his title, by a grant from king 
Charles the First, in the 15th year of his reign, made to Sir Fer- 
dinando Gorges, and his heirs, of the province of Maine and the 
government thereof. In answer to this, the respondents alleged, 
that long before, viz. in quarto Caroli primi, the government was 
granted to them, and produced copies of letters patents, wherein 
it is recited, that the council of Plymouth, having granted to cer- 
tain persons a territory thus described, viz. " all that part of New- 
" England in America, which lies and extends between a great 
" river that is commonly called Monomack alias Merrimack, and a 
" certain other river there, called Charles river, being in the bot- 
*' torn of a certain bay there, called the Massachusetts bay, and 



APPENDIX. 451 

" also all and singular the lands and hereditaments whatsoever, 
" lying and beinp; within the space of three English miles on the 
" south part of the said Charles river, or any or every part thereof; 
" and also all and singular the lauds and hereditaments whatsoev- 
'* or, lying and being ^vithin the space of three English miles to 
" the southermost part of the said bay, called Massachusetts bay ; 
" and all tliose lands and hereditaments whatsoever, which [lie] 
" within the space of three English miles to the northward of the 
" said river, called Monomaek alias Merrimack, or the northward 
'■' of any and every part thereof, and all lands and hereditaments 
" whatsoever, lying withiji the limits aforesaid, north and south in 
" latitude and breadth, and in length and longitude of and within 
" all the breadth aforesaid, throughout the main lands there, from 
" the Atlantic and western sea and ocean on the east part, to the 
" south sea on the west." By the said letters patents, the king 
contirmed that grant, made them a corporation, and gave them 
power to make laws for the governing of the lands and the people 
therein. To which it was replied, tijat the patent of 4" Caroli. l"^' 
is invalid. 1. Because there was a precedent grant ISo Jacobi, of 
the same thing, then in being, which patent was surrendered af- 
terwards, and before the date of the other 15o Car. 1™'. 2. The 
grant of the government can extend no farther than the ownership 
of the soil, the boundaries of which, as recited in that patent, whol- 
ly excludes the province of Maine, which lies northward more 
than three miles beyond the river Merrimack. 

We having considered these matters, do humbly conceive as to 
the first matter, that the patent of 4" Caroli 1""' is good, notwith- 
standing the grant made in the IS" Jac : for it appeared to us bj 
the recital in the patent 4" Caroli 1'"' thai the council of PIvmouth 
had granted away all their interest in the lands the year before, 
and it must be presumed they then deserted the government ; 
whereupon it was kwful and necessary for the king to establish 
a suitable frame of government, according to his royal wisdom, 
which was done by that patent, 4" Caroli 1'"' making the adventur- 
ers a corporation upon the place. As to the second matter it 
seems to us to be very clear that the grant of the government 
4" Caroli l"i' extends no farther than the boundaries expressed in 
the patent, and those boundaries cannot be construed to extend 
further northwards along the river Merrimack than three English 
miles, for the north and south bounds of the lands granted so far 
as the river extends, are to follow the course of the ri^ er, which 
make the breadth of the grant, the words describing the length to 
comprehend all the lands from the Atlantic ocean, to the South 
sea, of, and in all the breadth aforesaid, do not w arrant the over 
reaching those bounds by imaginary lines or bounds, other expo- 
sition, would (in our humble opinion) be unreasonable and against 
the interest of the grant. The words ' of, and in all the breadth 
aforesaid,' shew, that the breadth was not intended an imaginary 
line of breadth, laid u])on the broadest part, but the breadth re- 
specting the continuance of the boundaries by the river, as far as 
the rivers go, but when the known boundary oif breadth determines 



452 APPENDIX. 

it must be carried on by ioiaginary lines to the South sea. Aud 
if the province of iMaino, lies more northerly than three English 
miles from the river Merrimack, the patent of 4" Caroli 1"'^ gives 
no rigiit to govern there, and thereupon the patent of the same 
15" Car. 1"" to the petitioner Gorges, will be valid. So that upon 
the whole matter, we are humbly of opinion, as to the power of 
government, that the respondents, the Massachusetts aud their 
successors, by their patent of 4" martis 4" Caroli l""' have such 
right of government as is granted them by the same patent vyithiu 
the boundaries of their land expressed therein, according to such 
description and exposition, as we have thereof made as aforesaid, 
and the petitioner, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, his heirs and assigns, by 
the patent 3d April, have such right of government, as is granted 
them by the same patent, within [the territory) called the province 
of Maine, according to the boundaries of the same expressed in 
the same patent. RI. RAINSFORD, 

FRA. NORTH. 
All which being the opinion of the lords chief justices, and fully 
agreeing with what we have to report unto your majesty upon the 
whole matter referred unto us by the said order, we humbly sub- 
mit the determination thereof unto your majesty. 

Anglesey, Craven, . J. Williamson, 

Ormond, H. London, Tho. Chickley, 

Bath, G. Carteret, Edw. Seymour. 

Which having been read at the board the 18th instant, it was 
then ordered that the said Mr. Mason und Mr. Gorges, as a!so that 
the iigents of the corporation of the Massachusetts Bay, should 
be this day heard upon the said report, if they iiad any objections 
to malce thereunto. In pursuance whereof, all parties attending 
with their counsel, who not alleging any thing so material as to 
prevail with his majesty and the board to difter in judgment from 
the said report ; his majesty was thereupon pleased to approve of 
and confirm the same, and did order that all parties do acquiesce 
therein, and contribute what lies in them to the punctual and due 
performance of the said report, as there shall be occasion. 

JOHN x\ICHOLAS. 

(The above paper, of which the copy is attested bj Edward Rawson, secre- 
tary of Massachusetts, and John Penliallow, clerk of the superior court of 
New-Hanipsliire, is in the files of the snid superior court, and in the Masoa- 
ian proprietary office.) 



No. 25. Copy of that part of President Ciitt^s commission^ in which 
the claim of Robert Mason is recited. 
" And whereas the inhabitants of said province of New-Hamp- 
shire, have many of them been lo;ig in possession of several quan- 
tities of lands, and are said to have made considerable improve- 
ments thereupon, having no other title for the same than what has 
been derived from the government of the Massaclmsetts Bay, 
virtue of their imaginary line ; which title, as it bath by the o- 
pinion of our judges in England been altogether set aside, so the 



APPENDIX. 453 

ageuts from the eaiJ colony have consequently disowned any right, 
either in the soil or government tiiereof, from tiie three mile line 
aforesaid ; and it appearing to us, that the ancestors of Robert 
Mason, Esq. obtained grants from our great council of Plymouth, 
for the tract of land aforesaid, and were at very great expense 
upon the same, until molested and finally driven out, which hath 
occasioned a lasting complaint for justice, by the said Robert Ma- 
son, ever since our restoration. However, to prevent in this case 
any unreasonable demands which might be made by the said Rob- 
ert Mason, for the right he c'.aimeth in the said soil, we have obliged 
the said Robert Mason under his hand and seal, to declare that he 
will demand nothing for the time past, until the 24th of June last 
past, nor molest any in their possession for the time to come, but 
will make out titles to them anr* their heirs forever, provided they 
will pay to him upon a fair agreement in lieu of all other rents, 
sixpence in the pound, according to the just and true yearly value 
of all houses built by them, and of all lands, whether gardens, or- 
chards, arable, or pasture, which have been improved by thera, 
which he will agree shall be bounded out unto every of the parties 
concerned, and that the residue may remain unto himself to be dis- 
posed of, for his best advantage. 

" But if, notwithstanding this overture from the said Robert 
Mason, which seemeth to be fair unto ns, any of the inhabitants 
of the said province of New-Hampshire, shall refiise to agree 
with the agents of said Robert Mason upon the terms aforesaid, 
our will and pleasure is, that the president and council of New- 
Hampshire aforesaid, for the time being shall have power, and are 
hereby iropowered to interpose and reconcile all dift'erency, if they 
can, that shall or may arise between the said Robert Mason and 
the said inhabitants, but if they cannot, then we do hereby com- 
mand and require the said president and council to send into Eng- 
land such cases, fairly and impartially stated, together with their 
own opinions upon such cases, that we, our heirs and successors, 
by and with the advice of our and their privy council, may deter- 
mine therein according to equity." 

(The same mutatis mutandis is inserted in Cranfield's commission.) 



No. 26. The General Laws and Liberties of the Pro^nnce of New- 
Hampshire. 
[Not inserted in the former editions.] 

The general laws and liberties of the province of New-Hamp- 
shire, made by the General Assembly, in Portsmouth, the 16th of 
March, 1679-80, and approved by the President and Council. 

Forasmuch as it hath pleased our sovereign lord, the king, out 
of his princely grace and favor to take us, the inhabitants of New- 
Hampshire, into his immediate government and protection, the 
which, as we are ever bound to acknowledge with great thankful- 
ness, so we have great reason to hope and believe that his majesty 
will still continue to countenance aud encourage us with the enjoy- 



454 APPEiNDIX. 

meut of such liberties, immunities and pp'tics [properties] as be- 
loii;T to free bom i']ii;^'lis(iinen. 

And whereas, his inajesty hath been pleased by his letters pa- 
tents, sent to us to confer such power upon the General Assembly 
as to make such laws and ordinances as may best suit with the 
good government and quiet settlement of his majesty's subjects 
within this province : — 

It is therefore ordered and enacted, by this General Assembly 
and the authority thereof, That no act, imposition, law, or ordin- 
ance be made or imposed upon us, but such as shall be made by the 
said assembly, and approved by the president and council from 
time to time ; and, that justice and right be equally and impartial- 
ly administered unto all, not sold, denied or causelessly deterred 
unto any. 

9 Hen. 3. Ch. 29.— Stat. 2. Edw'd 3. Ch. 8.— Stat. 5. Edw'd 
3— 9.— Stat. 14. Edw'd 28.— Edw'd 3, 3.— Stat. 11. R. 2—10.— 
17 Caro. 1—10. 

CAPITAL LAWS. 

1. It is enacted by tliis assembly and the authority thereof. 
That if any person having had the knowledge of the true God, 
openly and manifestly have or worship any other God but the 
Lord God, he shall be "put to death. Ex. 22. 20. Deut. 13. 6 and 10. 

2. If any person within this province, professing the true God, 
shall wittingly and willingly presume to blaspheme the holy name 
of God, Father, Son or Holy Ghost, with direct, express, presump- 
tuous or high-handed blasj)hemy, either by wilful or (»bstinate, de- 
nying the true God, or his creation or government of the world, or 
shall curse God, Father, Son or Holy Ghost — such person shall be 
put to death. Levit. 24. 15, 16. 

3. Treason against the person of our sovereign, the King, the 
state and commonwealth of England, shall be punished with death. 

4. If any man conspire and attempt any invasion or insurrec- 
tion, or public rebellion against this his majesty's proving,or shall 
endeavor to surprise any town or tou'ns, fort or forts therein, or 
shall treacherously or pertidionsly attempt the alteration or subver- 
sion of the fundamental frame of this government according to his 
majesty's constitution by his letters patents, every such person 
shall be put to death or otherwise grievously punished. 

5. If any person shall commit wilful murder by killing any 
man, woman or child, upon premeditated malice, hatred or cruelty, 
not in a way of necessary and just defence, nor by casualty against 
his will, he shall be put to death. 

6. If any person slayeth another person suddenly iu his anger 
and cruelty of passion, he shall be put to death. 

7. If any person shall slay another through guile either by 
poisoning or other such devilish practice, he shall be put to death. 

8. If any christian, so called, be a witch, that is, hath or cou- 
sulteth with a familiar spirit, he or they shall be put to death. 

9 If any person lie with a beast or brute creature by carnal 
copulation, they shall surely be put to death, and the beast shall 
be slain and buried, and not eaten. 



APPENDIX. 45-> 

10. If any inan licth with mankiiifl as ho lieth with a woman, 
both of the'.ii hath committed abomination, thcv both shall sureiy 
be put to death, unless the one party were forced or be under four- 
teen years of acfe, and all other Sodomitical filtliiuess shall be se- 
verely punished according to the nature of it. 

11. If any person rise up by false witness wittingly and of pur- 
pose; to take away a man's life, he shall be put to death. 

12. If any man stealeth mankind, he shall be put to death or 
otherwise fjrievously punished. 

13. If any child or children, above sixteen years old and of 
competent understanding;, shall curse or smite their natural futlier 
or mother, he or they shall be put to death, unless it can be sufli- 
ciently testiiied, that the parents have been very unchristiauly neg- 
ligent in the education of such cliildren, or so provoked them by 
extreme and cruel correction, that they have been forced thereiui- 
to to preserve themselves (roai death or maiming. 

14. If a man have a rebellious or stubborn son, of sufiicient 
years and understanding, viz. — sixteen years of age or upward, 
which shall not obey the voice of his father or the voice of his 
mothei, that when they have chastened him will not hearken unto 
them, then shall his father and mother, being his natural parents,, 
bring him before the magistrates assembled in court, and testify 
unto them, that their son is rebellious and stubborn, and will not 
obey their voice and chastisement, but lives in sundry notorious 
crimes, such a son shall be put to death or otherwise severely pun- 
ished. 

15. If any man shall ravish a maid or women, by committing 
carnal copulation with her that is above ten years of age, or if she 
were under ten years of age, though her will was gained by him, 
he shall be punished with death or some other grievous punish- 
ment, as the fact may be circumstanced. 

16. Whosoever shall wilfully, or on purpose, burn any house, 
ship or barque, or any other vessel of considerable value, sueh 
person shall be put to death or otherwise grievously punished, as 
the case may be circunastanced. 

(The two preceding papers are in tlie first book of MS. Laws of New- 
Hampshire.) 



No. 27. Address of the General Court of New-Hampshire to the 

King. 
To his most excellent majesty, Charles the 2d, by the grace of 

God, of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, king, defender 

of the faith, &c. : 

The humble address and petition of the President and Council of 
his majesty's province of New-Hampshire, in New-England, 
humbly sheweth, — 

That, it having pleased your most excellent majesty to separate 
us, the inhabitants of this province, from that shadow of your maj- 
esty's authority and government under which we had long found 



466 APPENDIX. 

protection, especially in the late war with the barbarous natives, 
who (this divine proteciiou) proved a heavy scourge to us, and 
had certainly been the ruin of these poor weak plantations, (beinj^; 
few in iuind)er, and otherwise under great disadvantaj;es,) if our 
brethren and neif)hbors had not, out of pity and compassion, stretch- 
ed forth their helping hand, and with their blood and treasure de- 
fended us, our lives and estates ; nevertheless, upon the receipt of 
your majesty's pleasure, deliverec' by Edward Randolph, Esquire, 
upon the first of January last, directing unto and commanding the 
erecting of a new government in and over these four towns, (the 
government of the Massachusetts yielding readier obedience to 
your majesty's commands wiih reference to our relation formerly 
to them,) although deeply seuiiible of the disadvantages likely to 
accrue to vour majesty's provinces and ourselves, more especially 
by the multiplying of small and weak governments, unlit either for 
offence or defence, (the union of these neighbor colonies hav- 
ing been more than a little instrumental in our preservation.) 
We have taken the oaths prescribed us by your aiajesty, and ad- 
ministered to your subjects of these lour towns the oath of alle- 
giance, and convened a general assembly for regulating the com- 
mon affairs of the people and making of such laws as may be of 
more peculiar use to ourselves, having special regard to the acts 
for trade and navigation set forth in the book of rates commonly 
printed and sold, and if some obstruction occasioned by such as make 
greater pretences of your majesty^ favour and authority had not hin- 
dered we might have brought matters to a greater maturity, jet 
hope to perfect something by the lirst opportunity of shipping 
from hence, but feared it might be too long to defer our humble 
acknowledgment of your majesty's grace and favor, in committing 
the power into such hands as it i'.eased your majesty to nominate, 
not imposing strangers upon us, and it much comforts us against 
any pretended claimers to our soil, or any malevolent spirits^ which 
may misrepresent us (as they have done others) unto your majes- 
ty or honorable council, while, beside the known laws of the 
realm, and the undoubted right of English men, we have the fa- 
vor of a gracious prince to fly to. We do therefore most hum- 
bly beg the continuance of your majesty's royai favor and protec- 
tion, without which, we are daily liable to disturbance if not ruin. 
And, as in duty bound, we shall humbly pray, &c. 
March 29, 1680. 



No. 28. Address of the same to the same. 

To the king's most excellent majesty, — 

We, the president and council of your province of New-Harap- 
fihire, having (according to the royal pleasure) given an account 
of our allegiance and observance of your commission, by Mr. 
Jowles, in March last, and therefore shall not give you the trouble 
of repetition. According to your majesty's command, we have 
with our general assembly, been considering of such laws and or- 



APPENDIX. 457 

ders, as do by divine favor, preserve the peace, and are to the sat- 
isfaction of your majesty's good subjects here, in all which, we 
have had a special regard to the statute book your majesty was 
pleased to honor us with, for which, together with the seal of your 
province, we return most bumble and hearty thanks ; but such 
has been the hurry of our necessary occasions, and such is the 
shortness of the summer, (the only season to prepare for a long 
ivinter,) that we have not been capable of sitting so long, as to 
frame and finish aught that we judge worthy to be presented to 
your royal view, but shall, as in duty bound, give as speedy a de- 
spatch to the affair as we may. In the mean time, your subjects 
are at quiet under the shadow of your gracious protectiou, fearing 
no disturbance^ unless by some pretended claimers to our soil, whom 
we trust your majesty's clemency and equity will guard us from 
injury by ; and, considering the purchase of our lands from the hea- 
then, the natural proprietors thereof, and our long quiet possession, 
not interrupted by any legal claim, our defence of it against the bar- 
barous adversary, by our lives and estates, we are encouraged, that we 
shall be maintained i7i our free enjoyment of the same, without being 
tenants to those who can show no such title thereunto. Further, we do 
gratefully acknowledge the mark of your princely favor in sending 
us your royal effigies and imperial arms, and lament, when we 
think that they are, through the loss of the ship, miscarried by 
the way. And, seeing your majesty is graciously pleased to li- 
cense us to crave what may conduce to the better promoting of our 
weal and your majesty's authority, we would humbly suggest, 
whether the allowance of appeals, mentioned in the commission, may 
not prove a great occasion, by means of malig-iiunt spirits, for the ob- 
structing of justice among us. There are also sundry other things 
that a little time and experience may more evidently discover a great 
convenience in, which, upon the continuance of the same liberty 
from your majesty, we shall ^'itli like humility present. Thus 
craving a favorable construction of what is above suggested, and 
praying for your majesty's long and prosperous reign, begging also 
the continuance of your majesty's favor, out of which, if any of 
our adversaries, under a pretence of loyalty or zeal for your majes- 
ty's interest, should endeavor to eject us, we hope, upon liberty 
granted us, to speak for ourselves, we shall abundantly demon- 
strate that we do truly and sincerely subscribe, 

Your majesty's most loyal and dutiful subjects. 
JOHN CUTt, President, 

with the consent of the council, 
Portsmouth, in the Province of 
New-Hampshire, June 11, 1680. 



No. 29. Copy of the Mandamus by lohich Robert Mason, Esq., was 

admitted to a seat in the council, December 30, 1680. 
Trusty and well beloved, we greet you well. 

Whereas, we have thought it fit to take into our special care and 
protection our province of New-Hampshire, and provide for its 
60 



458 APPENDIX. 

prosperity and good government, and the settlement of the estates 
and possessions of our good subjects there : And lh?it for ihe avoid- 
ing any suits or couteviiovs in matters of title, and the determining 
any demands, which might be made by our well beloved subject, 
Robert Mason, Esq., as proprietor under us, of that province, by 
virtue of a grant deri\ed from our royal grandfather, king James, 
under the great seal of England :* We have so composed all mat- 
ters with him, that for the time past, until the 24th day of June, 
1679, he shall not claim or demand any rent, dues, or arrears, 
whatsoever ; And for the future, he, his heirs or assigns, shall re- 
ceive only six pence in t}ie pound yeorly of every tenant, by way 
of quit rent, according to the true and just yearly value of what is 
improved by any of the inhabitants ; as is more fully expressed in 
our commission under our great seal, bearing date, the-LSth day of 
September, in the 31st year of our reign. And v.hereas, the said 
Robert Mason hath humbly siguilied to us, that he is preparing to 
transport himself, for the taking care of his affairs and interest in 
the said province, and for the giving a secure and legal confirma- 
tion of the estates of such persons as are now in possession, but 
without any right or legal title to the same. And he being a person 
whom we have esteemed useful to our service, as he is chiefly 
concerned in the w elfare of that our province ; we have further 
thought fit to constitute and appoint him to be one of our council 
therein, and we do hereby order and require you, our president 
and council, that immediately after his arrival, you do admit him 
one of our council of our province of New-Hampshire, he first 
taking the oaths mentioned in our said commission. And we do 
further require you and him, that you do betake yourselves to such 
discreet and equitable ways and methods in your proceedings, 
agreements and settlements for the future, that there may be no 
occasion of complaint to our royal person and authority here. We 
being resolved to discountenance all such as shall wilfully or un- 
necessarily avoid or delay your submitting to those determinations 
which may be reasonably decreed according to justice and good 
onscience. Which yon are to signify to all our good subjects 
within our said province, that they may govern themselves accord- 
ingly. And so we bid you heartily farewell. Given at our court, 
at New-Market, the first day of October, 1680, in the two and 
thirtieth year of our reign. By his majesty's command, 

SUNDERLAND. 
To our trusty and well beloved, the president and council ) 
of our province of New-Hampshire, in New-England. J 



No. 30. The order of the Council and General Assembly, for a Fast, 
made in March, 16S1, and published under the seal of the Prov- 
ince. 

[Not inserted in the former editions.] 

Upon serious consideration of the manifold sinful provocations 
wnoDg us, as of the sundry tokens of divine displeasure evident to 

• This must mean the charter to the council of Plymouth. 



APPENDIX. 459 

US, both in the present dangerous sickness of the honorable presi- 
dent of the council for New-Hampshire, in the coiilinuanoe of 
whose life is wrapt up much blessing, whose deatii may occasion 
much trouble; as also in respect of that awful portentous blazing 
star, usually foreboding sore calamity to the beholders thereof; 
and in regard of the great need that we have o( viore than ordinary 
presence of Almighty God with us, in our necessary applications to 
his royal majesty, our sovereign lord the king ; as also having a 
real sympathy with tlie great ihoughts of heart in our brethren and 
neighbors, as they are circumstanced ; ever seriously and loyally 
imploring the divine favor for the continuance of his majesty's life 
and prosperous reign, as the protection of God's cause and church 
against the popish party throughout the world; humbly craving 
covenant mercy to be continued to us, and ours after us in their 
generations, as also God's crowning the several seasons of the year 
with suitable goodness : The council and general assembly for 
the province of New-Hampshire, have appointed the next Thurs- 
day, being the 17th day of this instant March, a day of public fast- 
ing and prayer, to be solemnly kept by all the inhabitants thereof, 
hereby strictly inhibiting all servile labor thereon. Commending 
the same to all elders, churches, ministers, and people, that they 
fervently wrestle with the Lord, that he may turn from the fierce- 
ness of his anger, and cause his face to shine upon us in all our 
concerns. > 

(The four preceding papers are in the Council Minutes, first book.) 

[The Council Minutes from 1680 to 1698, are not to be found in the Sec- 
retary's office.] 



No. 31. Atiswer to the claim made by Mr. Mason to the house and 
. lands of New- Hampshire. 
(In Mr. Weare's hand writing, but without date or signature.) 
It does not legally appear, that Mr. Mason can lay any just 
claim to any of the lauds in New-Hampshire, for what right he 
pretends, is either derived from Capt. John Mason, (whom he 
says was his grandfather) or from his majesty's commission : but 
presume from neither ef these has he any right. Not from Capt. 
John Mason; for 1. It does not legally appear that ever he had 
any right to the province of New-Hampshire. It is true there is 
a copy of a patent or deed from the council of Plymouth, which 
he brings over without attestation of public notary, or any other 
authority. Besides, in said copy there is not the least intimation 
of any hand or seal to the original, and there is two men that 
swear this is a true copy of the original, which plainly demon- 
strates that the original is but a blank ; the truth whereof we are 
the more confirmed in, because it is not rational to imagine, that 
Mr. Mason would come from England to prosecute a right, and 
not bring with him what he had to make good his claim, but hav- 
ing nothing but blank copies, he could bring no better than he 
had, which cannot be looked upon as authentic, in any court. 



460 APPENDIX. 

2. If it should be supposed that ever Capt. John Mason had a 
right by patent, yet it does not appear liow Robert Tufton Mason 
(as the plaintiff calls himself) derives a title frora hira, either as 
his heir, executor, or administrator, or by deed of gift ; all that 
we can hear in court is, that the plaintiff" calls himself Capt. Ma- 
son's heir. 

3. If the plaintiff, or his ancestors, ever had a title to the lands 
he claims, by patent from the council of Plymouth, yet they have 
lost it by non-use, for they never attended the ends of granting pa- 
tents, by king James, of blessed memory, in his highness' patent to 
the great council of Plymouth, which was the peopling of the 
land, enlarging the king's dominions, propagating the gospel, con- 
version of the heathen — the native proprietors, &c. Now, the 
plaiiitilf, nor ancestors, never planted this province, nor expended 
any thing upon it, to the upholding of it, in peace nor war, but the 
present inhabitants did, either by themselves or predecessors, pur- 
chase their possessions from the natives, and by their permission 
did sit down upon the land, and manured, to the vast expence of 
above 50 years time, in hard labor, and expending upon it their 
Avhole estate. And iu the late Indian war, did defend it against 
the enemy, to the loss of many of their lives, and considerable 
part of their estates, without any assistance frora Mr. Mason, who 
now claims not only what poor people have purchased and labor- 
ed hard upon, but also conquered or relieved from cruel attempts 
of the barbarous heathen, and we conceive we were under no ob- 
ligation to run such adventures to make ourselves slaves to Mr. 
Mason. 

4. It does not appear that there was a quorum of the great coun- 
cil of Plymouth, to the making of Capt. Mason's deed, according 
to the patent granted to the great council of Plymouth, which ren- 
ders his claim unvalid, if ever any thing iu that kind was done, 
which we question. 

From what is said, we humbly conceive Mr. Mason has no right 
from Capt. John Mason. 

And that his majesty's commission does neither give nor confirm 
any title to the lands claimed, we prove ; 

(1 ) We humbly conceive that his royal majesty, who is so pru- 
dent a prince, and so solicitous for the peace of his subjects, would 
not have left that matter doubtful, to his subjects of this province, 
but rather have told us, that he had given all the lands to Mr. Ma- 
son, but there is nothing of gift, to him, in the commission, and if 
his majesty had, (which we cannot believe he would) we should 
crave the benefit of the statue in the 17" of Charles the first, 
which says. No king and council can alienate lands but by due 
course of law. But we were never yet heard, and when it comes 
to legal trial, we presume the law of possessions will confirm our 
lands to us, seeing we have had peaceable possession 50 years. 

(2) If his majesty had given the lands iu the province to Mr. 
Mason, what can be understood by that clause in the commission, 
' That in case the inhabitants shall refuse to agree with Mr. Ma- 
son, then the governor shall interpose and reconcile all differences. 



APPENDIX. 461 

if he can, but if he cannot, then to send the case, fairly stated to 
Enj:;'land, that his majesty and privy counsel, miglit deteimine ac- 
cordinjr to right ;' which we humbly conceive puts a bar to any 
legal proceedings, \intil his majesty's mind be further known there- 
in. The inhabitants have offered their reasons to the governor 
according to commission, which he will not admit of, only did take 
of one, viz. Capt. Stilemap, and promised to send them to Eng- 
land, but we can hear of no answer, and much fear his neglect. 

(3) His majesty in his commission, says, ' To prevent unrea- 
sonable demands, that may be made by Mr. Mason, for the right 
he claims,' which claim may prove good or bad, when it comes 
to trial. We understand, to claim and to have, are different things. 

(4) His majesty intimates in his royal commission, by what ti- 
tle Mr. Mason does claim, viz. by a grant to his ancestors, ' who 
improved and possessed the province with great expence, until 
molested and finally driven out ;' but this province cannot be con- 
cluded to be the place he claims, until he make these circumstan- 
ces appear, which we are sure he never can do. 

Now, Mr. Mason, not producing any original deed for any of 
the lands of this province, nor authentic copies, the inhabitants 
cannot make any compliance with him, both, because we see no 
right he ever had, or believing if ever any was, he hath mort- 
gaged it already in England, and so alienated what right he had. 

Although upon the former grounds, we have good plea a- 
gainst Mr. Mason's claim, yet we did not see cause to join issue, 
not only because judges and jurors were not qualified according to 
law, all of them being picked for espousing Mr. Mason's interest, 
by the governor's order, who has a mortgage for 21 years from 
Mr. Mason, for all the lands in the province ; but also because 
we were willing to attend the methods, prescribed by his majesty,^ 
in his royal commission. 



No. 32. The Answer of Elias Stileman to Mason'^s Claim. 

The answer of Elias Stileman, to the summons from the Hon. 
Edward Cranfield, Esquire, governor of his majesty's province 
of New-Hampshire, in N. E. in pursuance of the method which 
his majesty hath been gratiously pleased to prescribe in his 
commission. 

Portsmouth, the 15th of November, 1682. 
May it please your Honor, — In obedience to your command, 
that I should render a reason why I refuse to pay quit-rent unto 
Robert Mason, Esq., (as he titles himself) for my house and lands, 
and take deeds from him for the confirming of the same, I answer 
as followeth : 

Istly. Because my said land I bought and paid for. The title 
unto which is successively derived unto me from those that have 
possessed it, without any claim for at least these 50 years, upon 
which I have built at my own charge without any interruption, 
and am in the possession thereof, as my own. As to what is said 



462 APPENDIX. 

in the commission, concerning Mr. Mason's proprietors, with all 
due submission to his inajesty, I conceive it implies rather his claim 
than a positive determination of his title. 

2dl}^ I humbly conceive, that, being in possession of what I 
have bought and built upon, it rests upon the claimer to make out 
hi; title, (if he have any by law) begging the favor of an English 
subject therein, that it may be i'lvat tried upon the place, accord- 
ing to the stat Jie law, and the opinion of his majesty's judges in 
England, and this before I am liable to pay quit-rent, and take 
deeds of confirmation from him. 

3dly. Should Mr. Mason obtain his demands, myself and the 
rest of the inhabitants would be undone forever, for then all his, 
granted to him, which he calls commons, being out of fence, 
which yet hath been bounded out by the several towns, and possessed 
by them for these 50 years, and improved for the maintenance of 
their cattle both winter and summer, and for timber and fire wood, 
without which there is no living for us, it being impossible for ns 
to subsist upon that, which, in the commission is called gardens, 
orchards, if he may have the disposal of the rest. 

4thly. The said Mason speaks of many thousands of pounds 
expended upon the place, which with submission cannot be made 
out, and if it could, what then have Ihe poor planters expended in 
so many years labour since their first sitting down upon it, when 
they found it an howling wilderness and vacuum domicilium, be- 
sides a great expence of biood and estate, to defend it in the late In- 
dian war, nor can they to this day, make both ends meet, by all 
their labour and frugality, and therefore must needs sink under 
the exaction of such a proprietor. 

5thly. The land which Mr. Mason claims as proprietor, is the 
land on which such vast expense hath been laid out by his grand- 
father Capt. John Mason, for the peopling of it, and the land 
from whence his said grandfather's servants were violently driven 
out, or expelled by the inhabitants of the Massachusetts, but upon 
this land there was no such expence laid out by his grandfather. 
Captain John Mason, for the end aforesaid, nor is this the land 
from Vv'hence any servants of his said grandfather were so expelled, 
and therefore, we, that are possessed of this land, are not con- 
cerned in his claim, he hath mistaken his province, and may en- 
deavour to find it some other where, for here is no such place. 

etlily. If Mr. Mason had a patent here, why did he not take 
possession in the day thereof ? If he were in possession, why 
did he not keep it still ? None ever drove him out as he informs ; 
had he been once settled, he might to this day have kept it, as the 
rest of the inhabitants have done, without the least molestation, 
but I am humbly of opinion, that if he, the said Mason, or any of 
his heirs came hither, they only came as many ships did to New- 
foundland and to this country, to make a fishing voyage or beaver 
trade, and that being at an end, departed, and left their room to 
the next taker. 

This is the sum of what I have at present to answer, humbly 
requesting of your honor, the stating of the case, with your opin- 



APPENDIX. 463 

ion thereupon, to his majesty as the commission direfts; and when 
his majesty shall, in his wisdom and justice, set- mi-et to order an 
hearing of the matter in his r.ourts of judicature, upon the place, 
before a jury of uninterested and indilierent persons, which may 
be had out of the neighborino; province, (and possibly Mr. Masou 
may think not attainable in this province, w herei!i all persons are 
concerned,) as he hath been pleased to do by that part of Mr. 
Mason's claim, which lies under his majesty's government of Mas- 
sachusetts, I hope to be able upon these and other grounds so far 
to make out my title as to be held unblamable, before God and 
man, for not complying with his dernands. Or, if I should see 
cause to appeal to his majesty and honorable council, that I shall 
be put beyond all need of paying quit rent to the pretended pro- 
prietor. 

Thus begging your honor's favor, I subscribe, 
Sir, your humble servant, 

E. S. 
(The two preceding papers are in the hands of the Hon. President Weare.) 



No. 33. Edmund JRaridolph^s Letter to the Lords of Trade and Plan- 

tationsj giving an account of the Rebellion in New-Hampshire^ 

1683. 

To the right honorable the lords of his majesty's hiost honorable 

privy council, appointed a committee for trade and plantations : 

A short narrative of the late transactions and rebellion in the 

province of New-Hampshire, in N. E., humbly presented by Ed- 

^vard Randolph, collector of his majesty's customs there : 

His majesty having thought lit to establish his royal authority 
more immediately in New-England, was pleased, by his commis- 
sion under the great seal, to appoint Edward Cranfield, Esq., to be 
governor of that province, who arrived in New-England upon one 
of his majesty's frigates, about the beginning of October, 1682 — 
The countenance, with his indulgence to the people, obtained his 
easy admission into the government, in which he was very obli- 
ging to all, but especially to the late ruling paity ; but, wiihal, 
made it his business to put the fort, which commandeth the mouth 
of the harbor, and militia, into safe hands, and put good men into 
places of civil administration ; and likewise, provided as well as 
he could, during the short time the frigate lay there, for the future 
quiet and settlement of that government. Upon the 14th of Nov- 
ember following, a general assembly of the province was called, 
wherein, after several warm debates, some laws were made and 
passed by the governor, and adjourned that assembly till the 9th 
of January following, being at that time unwilling to break with 
•them, in hopes they would better understand, for the future. 

Some time in D-ecember following, the governor, with Major 
Waldron, late president of the province, Mr. Moodey, minister, 
and other chief men amongst them, go to Boston, where he is civ^ 
illy entertained. But bis main design in that journey was, to feel 



4G4 APPENDIX. 

the temper of that c;overnment, and the rather, bef*ause he found 
they had sucli an influence upon the people of this province, that 
they advised and adhered to them, in the conduct of all their p'lb- 
lic and private affairs, whicli in a little time began to discover it- 
self, for no sooner had Governor Crantield openly discoursed with 
me, in Boston, about my prosecuting a seizure made by me, at 
Portsmouth, in October last, of a Scotch vessel, belonging to one 
Jeffreys, a Scotchman, a clmrch member and inhabitant of that 
province, but it discomposed the whole party, and it was contrived 
in their return home, that I might have no better success in his 
majesty's immediate government, than in my former trials at Bos- 
ton, to which end Mr. Hammond, candidate for a magistrate the 
ensuing year in that colony, and brother-in-law to Mr. Moodey, 
comes in the extremity of bad weather, upon the 19th December, 
to Portsmouth, (although two or three days before he had declared 
he would not go thither till spring.) Governor Cranfield being 
returned from Boston, appoints a special court for a trial of the 
Scotch vessel, and I went to Portsmouth to attend it ; but the 
party, believing the governor to be wholly their own, and one of 
the chief of them openly saying, whatever came out of the ketch 
should never come into my hands, so continued the matter, that 
she was carried by the fort out of the river at Pascataqua in the 
day time ; although Major Stileman, one of the committee, was 
commander of the fort, had express orders from the governor to 
stop her; v.'hereupou the governor put' him out of all office, and 
made Captain Barefoote, one of the present council, captain of the 
fort, and of the foot company, belonging to the great Island : upon 
which, the fort is built. Now the better to color this matter, it 
was presently given out, and by many believed, that the master 
and sailors aboard, without consent or knowledge of the owner, 
had run away with the ketch, as Jeffreys upon his oath voluntari- 
ly did avouch, taken before the governor. The party hoping by 
this means, to persuade the governor to take no further notice of 
it, the rather because the frigate was then gone out of the river. 
But I had certain advice that one of Jeffreys' servants was pri- 
vately sent out of the way, harbored in a very obscure place in 
the province of Maine ; upon which, Mr. Martin, by his letter, 
desired the ju'Jtices of the peace there, to send their constables 
with a warrant, to bring Jeffreys' servant before the governor to 
be examined, what they knew concerning [ ] away the 

Scotch ketch, they conferred and deposed that Mr. Jeffreys, the 
owner, employed them, and being upon the place, stood by, gave 
orders and directions, when and how the ketch should be carried 
away, so that the governor, by this means, finding it out to be a 
mere continuance, advised me to continue my prosecution on his 
majesty's behalf, against the ketch, and all persons concerned in 
her escape. The party now find no way to avoid the trial, how- 
ever, it is so ordered that the jury, on which were four leading 
men, church members, are prevailed upon, that against clear proof 
of the breach of the acts of trade, they find against his majesty's 
intended to admit them upon the statute made in the 23 of Henry 



APPENDIX. 4(3o 

VIII , for preventing perjuries and false verdicts, uhich so startled 
them all, that some of the council intercede on their behalf, and 
prayed iiberty to amend their verdicts, which beinp; by the ctnirt 
agreed to, they found for his majesty, and the ketch was condem- 
ned. January the 9th. — The assembly being adjourned to that 
day, meet; the governor recommended to them several good bills, 
that had passed the council, but instead of their concurrence, they 
either rejected or put them into such a disguise, as rendered them 
altogether useless, and afterwards would uot take notice of any 
bills, which did not arise from themselves. 1 hey likewise pe- 
remptorily insisted to have the nomination of judges and the ap- 
pointing courts of judicature, powers solely invested in the gov- 
ernor by commission from his majesty ; and lastly, they had pre- 
pared bills repugnant to the laws of England ; upon which the 
governor, finding them to act without any regard to his majesty's 
service, or beneiit of tlie province, after he had passed some bills, 
not knowing where these matters would end, dissolved the as- 
sembly. In a short time after, one Edward Gove, who served for 
the town of Hampton, a leading man, and a great stickler in the 
late proceedings of the assembly, made it his business to stir the 
people up to rebellion, by giving out that the governor, as vice ad- 
miral, acted by his royai highness' commission, who was a papist, 
and would bring popery in amongst them, that the governor was a 
pretended governor and his commission was signed in Scotland. 
He endeavored with a great deal of pains, to make a party, and 
solicited many of the considerable persons in each town to join 
with him, to recover their liberties, infringed by his majesty's pla- 
cing a governor over them, further adding that his sword was 
drawn, and he W'Ould not lay it down till he knew who should 
hold the government. This he discoursed at Portsmouth, to Mr. 
Martyn, treasurer, and soon after to Capt. Hull, at Dover, which 
they discovered to the governor, who immediately despatched *way 
messengers v/ith warrants to the constables of Hampton and Exe- 
ter, to apprehend Gove — and fearing he might get a party too 
strong for the civil power, (as indeed it proved, for Justice VVeare 
and a marshal vcere repulsed) the governor (although much dis- 
suaded) forthwith ordered the militia of the whole province to be 
in arms, and understanding by the marshal that Gove could not be 
apprehended at Hampton, by himself, and a constable, but was 
gone to his party at Exeter, from whence he suddenly returned 
with 12 men, belonging to that town, mounted and armed with 
swords, pistols and guns, a trumpet sounding, and Gove with his 
sword drawn, riding in Hampton at the head of them was taking 
horse, and with apart of the troop intended to take Gove and his 
company, but the governor was prevented by a messenger from 
Hampton, who brought word that they were met withal and ta- 
ken by the m.ilitia of that town, and secured with a guard ; the 
trumpeter forcing his way, escaped, after whom a hue and cry was 
sent to all parts, but as yet he is not taken. This rising was un- 
expectedly to the party made up on the 21st day of January last. 
It is generally believed, many considerable persons, at whose 
61 



460 APPENDIX. 

houses Gove theu either sent or called, to come out and staud up 
for their liberties, would have joined with him, had he not discov- 
ered his designs, or appeared in arms at that time. For upon the 
30th day of January, being appointed by the governor a day of 
public humiliation, they designed to cut olf the governor, M;-. Ma- 
son, and some others whom they aflected not. The governor sent 
a strong party of horse to guard the prisoner, then iu irons, from 
Hampton to Portsmouth. They were brought and examined be- 
fore the governor and council, where Gove behaved himself very 
insolently ; they were all committed to custody, and Capt. Bare- 
foote, having the trained band of Great Island then in arms, was 
ordered to take care of the prisoners and keep a strict watch upon 
them, in regard the prison was out of repair. All this while the 
governor was at great charge and expense in suppressing this re- 
bellion, and keeping up guards, to secure the peace of the province. 
We therefore, judged it necessary to bring them to a speedy trial, 
and to tliat end directs a commission of oyer and terminer to 
Richard Vv^ildron, Thomas Daniel and William Vaughan, Esq'rs, 
for their trial, to be had upon the first day of February next, at 
W'hich time Gove and the other prisoners were brought to the 
court, then holden at Portsmouth, in the said province, the grand 
jury found the bill, the next day they were all arraigned and in- 
dicted upon the 13th of the king, for levying war against his maj- 
esty. Gove pleaded to the indictment, not guilty ; then Mr. Mar- 
tyn, treasurer of the province, and Capt. Hull, both of Portsmouth, 
with two justices of the peace and a lieutenant of the foot compa- 
ny at Hampton, who was at the taking of them, were all sworn in 
court ; then Gove owned the matter of fact, and to justify his ta- 
king up of arms, pleaded against the governor's power, that he 
was only a pretended governor, by reason his commission, as he 
said, was sealed iu Scotland, likewise that the governor had by 
his pfoclamation, appointed the 30lh January to be annually ob- 
served and kept a day of humiliation, and obliged the ministers to 
preach that day ; that the governor had at his house discoursed to 
Gove and shewed him out of the 10 chapter of St. Mark, the ne- 
cessity of children's baptism ; this he urged to be a great imposing 
upon the ministry. The other prisoners pleaded not guilty ; but 
had little to say in defence for themselves, further than they were 
drawn in by Gove. The jury, after long consideration, found 
Gove guilty of high treason upon the indictment, and all the rest 
in arms ; upon which the court proceeded to give judgment, and 
passed the sentence of condemnation upon Gove, but in regard the 
other prisoners were specially found, the governor ordered the 
court to respite their judgment till his majesty's pleasure should 
be known therein ; most of them being young men and altogether 
unaccpiainted with the laws of England. Herewith I humbly pre- 
sent your lordships a particular account of their trial, signed by 
Richard VValdron, Esq. judge o^that court and passed under the 
seal ot the province. 

(The foregoiniT, copied from the Massachusetts colony files, was commu- 
nicated to the editor by Mr. Joshua Cofiin, S. H. S. Mass.) 



APPENDIX. 467 

No. 34. Copy of a letter from Edward Gove, of Hampton, to the 
Court of Sessions, January, 1683. 

[This letter may be found in a Note, pages 09 and 100, of this volume.] 



No. 35. Copy of CranfieUVs order for the administration of the sa- 
craments, accmdinrj to the mode of the church of England. 
At a council, held at Great Island, December 10, 1683. 
By the governor and council. 
New-Hampshire, — 

It is hereby required and commanded, that all and singular, the 
respective ministers within this province, for the time being, do, 
from and after the first day of January next, ensuing, admit all 
persons that are of suitable years, and not vicious and scandalous 
in their lives, unto the blessed sacrament of the Lord's supper, and 
their children unto baptism. And if any persons shall desire to 
receive the sacrament of the Lord's supper, or their children to be 
baptized according to the liturgy of the church of England, that it 
be done accordin-gly, in pursuance of the laws of the realm of 
England, and his majesty's command to the Massachusetts gov- 
ernment. And if any minister shall refuse so to do, being thereunto 
duly required, he shall incur the penalty of the statutes, in that 
case made and provided, and the inhabitants are freed from paying 
any duties to the said minister. 

The aforesaid order was publislied, 

R. CHAMBERLAIN, Clerk Council. 
(This paper is in the council minutes,' second book.) 



No. 36. Copy of the information against Rev. Joshua Moodey, 1683. 

New-Hampshire, in New-England. 
To Waller Barefoote, Esq., judge of the court of pleas of the 
crovv'n, &c., now sitting at Great Island ; and to Nathaniel Fryer 
and Henry Green, Esquires, assistants. 

The information of Joseph Rayn, his majesty's attorney gen- 
eral for the said province of New-Hampshire, against .loshua 
Moodey, of Portsmouth, in the said province, clerk, in his said 
majesty's behalf. 

The said Joseph Rayn informeth, that the abovesaid Joshua 
Moodey, being the present minister of the town of Portsmouth, 
aforesaid, within the dominions of our sovereign lord, Charles the 
second, king of England, is by the duty of his place, and the laws 
and statutes of the realm of England, (viz., the statutes made in 
the fifth and sixth of king Edward the sixth, and the statute of the 
first year of the reign of the late queen Elizabeth, which is con- 
firmed by the statute made in the thirteenth and fourteenth year 
of the reign of our sovereign lord, king Charles the second,) re- 
quired and commanded to administer the sacrament of the Lord's 
supper, in such manner and form as is set forth in the book of 



468 APPENDIX. 

common prayer and administration of the sacraments, and other 
rites and ceremonies of the cliurch of England, and shall use no 
other manner or form than is mentioned and set forth iu the said 
book. Nevertheless, the said Joshua Moodey, in contempt of the 
said laws and statutes, hath wilfully and obstinately refused to ad- 
mii'.ister the sacrament of the Lord's supper, according to the man- 
ner and form set forth in the said book of common prayer, unto 
the honorable Edward Cranfield, Esq., governor of his majesty's 
said province of New-Hampshire, Robert Mason, Esq., proprietor, 
and John Hinks, Esq., of the said province; and doth obstinately 
and wilfully use some other form than is by the said statutes or- 
dained, contrary to the form thereqf : Therefore, the said Joseph 
Rayu, in behalf of our sovereign lord, the king, doth pray, That 
the said Joshua Moodey, being thereof convicted according to 
law, may sutler such penalties, as by the said statute are made and 
provided in that case. 



No. 37. Copy of a second information against the same. 
New-Hampshire, in New-England. 
To the honorable Walter Barefoote, Esq., judge of the court of 
picas of the crown, and other civil pleas, held at Great Island, 
and now sitting, this 6th February, 1683-4, &c. 

The inlorraaiion of Joseph Rayn, his majesty's attorney gen- 
eral for the said province, in his majesty's behalf, against Joshua 
Moodey, of Portsmouth, clerk. 

Whereas, the said Joshua Moodey hath, in open court of the 
quarter sessions of the peace, held at Great Island, aforesaid, upon 
record, confessed and owned before the justices, that he hath ad- 
ministered the sacraments contrary to the rites and ceremonies of 
the church of England, and the form prescribed and enjoined by 
the statute made in the first year of the late queen Elizabeth, and 
so stands convicted of the said offence before the justices at the 
said sessions ; Joseph Rayn, his majesty's attorney general for the 
said province, who prosecutes for our sovereign lord, the king, 
doth, (according to the ancient law^ of the statute made in the for- 
ty-second year of the reign of king Edward the 3d, now in force,) 
in his majesty's behalf, exhibit his information to this honorable 
court against the said Joshua Moodey, for that he having for many 
years had the appearance and repululion of a minister of God's 
word in the said province, being within the king's dominions, and" 
having wilfully and obstinately refused to administer the sacra- 
ments according to the rites of the church of England, hath ad- 
ministered the sacraments of baptism and the Lord's supper in oth- 
er manner and form than is appointed and commanded by the stat- 
ute of the first of queen Elizabeth and other statutes, contrary to 
the form thereof, and in contempt of his majesty's laws : and doth 
pray the court's judgment, and that the said Joshua Moodey may 
suiler the penalties by the said statute in this case made and pro- 
vided. 



APPENDIX. 460 

No. 38. Warrant and Mittimus against the Same. 

New-Harapshire in New-England. 
To James Sherlock, gent., prov. nnarshal and sherilF of the said 
province, or his deputy. 
In his majesty's name, you are hereby required forthwith, to 
take and apprehend the body and person of Joshua Moodey, of 
Portsmouth, in the said province, clerk, and carry him to the pris- 
on of Great Island, in the said province ; and the prison-keeper, 
Richard Abbot, is hereby required to receive him, the said Joshua 
Moodey, and keep him in safe custody, in the said prison, he hav- 
ing been convicted of administering the sacraments contrary to the laics 
and statutes of England, and refusing to administer the sacraments 
according to the rites and ceremonies of the church of England, and 
the form enjoined in the said statutes. There to rerr:.ain for the space 
of six months next ensuing, without bail or mainprize. Fail not. 
Dat. the 6th of Feb. 1683-4. 

WALT. BAREFOOT, (Seal.) 
PETER COFFIN, (Seal.) 

HEN. GREEN, (Seal.) 

HEX. ROBY, (Seal.) 

Vera copia. 
Teste, Richard Chamberlais, Giro. P. 

(The thiee preceding papers, are in the Recorder's office.) 



No. 39. Copy of Cranfield^s order, for raising money without an 

assembly. 

New-Hampshire. 
At a council held at Great-Island, Feb. 14, 1683-4. 
By the Governor and Council. 
Whereas we have lately had intelligence by a letter from Capt. 
Hook to Capt. Barefoot one of the council of this his majesty's 
province, that he had advice from the captain of the Fort at Casco 
of a sudden rising and onset intended by the Indians upon the En- 
glish at the eastward : And whereas the assembly have been 
lately tendered a bill for raising a revenue for the fortifying and 
defending ourselves against his majesty's enemies, did absolutely 
refuse and reject the same without giving any reason for so doing, 
or preparing any other for defraying the charge of the public ser- 
vice. We his majesty's governor and council finding the public 
treasury so empty and bare that there is not so much money as to 
pay a single messenger ; and those persons that are the support of 
the province have not estates to support themselves in the war (if 
any should happen) without due payment for their service, in con- 
sideration of the premises, by virtue of his majesty's royal com- 
mission bearing date the ninth of May, 1682, and also of his maj- 
esty's royal instructions to the governor bearing date the 29th of 
April, 1682, have, for the raising a revenue for fortifying and de- 
fraying the necessary charges of the government, that there may 
be a magazine of ammunition and provision, and of money to pay 



the 



470 APPENDIX. 

indigent soldiers, as also for such emergencies as a war will neces- 
sarily produce, thought fit to continue, and do hereby continue all 
such taxes and impositions as have been formerly laid upon the 
inhabitants (excepting only the rate of the penny in the pound 
raised in time of usurpation without a general assembly) com- 
manding and requiring all and singular the constables and collec- 
tors forthwith to perform their duty in levying and collecting the 
same, and paying it into the treasurer. 



No. 40. Copy of a letter from the Council to Governor Dongan. 

Province of New-Hampshire, March 21, 1683-4. 
Sir, 
By several advices we have received of a sudden rising intend 
cd by the Indians in these eastern parts to fall upon the English 
we judged it absolutely necessary without delay to provide for tli 
safety and preservation of his majesty's subjects inhabiting th 
province, and to give relief (if need be) to our neighboring col- 
onies. Wc have therefore upon consideration of the best means 
for the securing of these provinces concluded it very necessary to 
entertain a number of southern Indians for soldiers, who are best 
acquainted with the manner of these Indians' skulking fight ; and 
this being atoork of piety and charity for preventing the effusion of 
christian blood : And knowing that your honor has an influence 
upon the southern Indians our honorable governor was willing 
to take the trouble upon himself of a journey to New-York to 
treat with your honor for sending of such a number of Mahiquas, 
or other Indians, as may be convenient to assist in this service, 
and to make such capitulations and agreement as to his honor 
shall seem reasonable. We doubt not your honor's readiness in 
any thing that may tend to his majesty's service and the safety of 
his subjects, having often heard a noble character of your honor 
from our governor, whom we have intreated to present our letter 
with our most humble service. We have committed all matters 
to his honor's prudence and management and what his honor 
shall judge fit to be done we shall see performed. So praying for 
your honor's health and prosperity, we subscribe ourselves, (being 
his majesty's council of New-Hampshire.) 

May it please your honor, your most humble servants, 



ROBT. MASON, 
WALTER BAREFOOT, 
R. CHAMBERLAIN, 



To the Hon. Col. Tho. Dongan, 
governor of his royal highness 
his colony of New-York, and 

the territories thereto belong- j ROBT. ELLIOT 
ing, humbly present. J JOHN HINKS. 

/The two preceding papers are in the Council's Minutes, second book.) 



APPENDIX. .171 

No. 41. Address and Pelilion of the hhahitants of Exeter, Hamp- 
ton, Portsmouth and Dover, against Cnuijicld. 

To the King's Most Excellent Majesty. 
The humble address and petition of sundry of your majesty's loyaJ 
subjects the freeholdeis and inhabitants of your majesty's pro- 
vince of New-Hampshire in New-Eni^land, 
Most humbly sheweth, [From the '.own of Exeter. 

That your petitioners' predecessors having under the encourage- 
ment of your majesty's royal ancestors by their letters patents to 
the great council of Plymouth, removed themselves and some of us 
into this remote and howling wilderness in pursuance of the glo- 
rious ends proposed, viz. The glory of God, the enlarging his 
majesty's dominions, and spreading the gospel among the heath- 
en : And in order thereunto either found the lands we now pos- 
sess vacuum doviicUluin, or purchased them of tlie heathen the na- 
tive proprietors of the same, or at least by their allowance, ap- 
probation or consent, have sat down in the peaceable possession 
of the same for the space of above fifty years ; hoping that as we 
had attended the ends, so we should have shared in the privileges 
of those royal letters patents above mentioned, and thereupon 
did the more patiently bear and cheerfully grapple with those in- 
numerable evils and difficulties that must necessarily accompany 
the settlers of new plantations, especially in such climates as tiiese 
besides the calamities of the late Indian war to the loss of many 
of our lives, and the great impoverishment of the survivors. We 
were also further encouraged from your majesty's princely care in 
taking us by your late commission under your majesty's immedi- 
ate government, and appointing some among ourselves to govern 
us according to those methods there prescribed, being particularly 
bound to discountenance vice and promote virtue and all good liv- 
ing, and to keep us in a due obedience to your majesty's authority 
and continuance of our just liberties and properties, together with 
liberty of conscience in matters of worship, and all in order to our 
living in all godliness and honesty, fearing God and honoring the 
king, which we profess to be our desire to do. 

But contrariwise partly by the unreasonable demands of our pre- 
tended proprietor, Robert Mason, Esq., and partly from sundry 
other reasons, that are either eflects or concomitants thereof, we 
are in a far worse condition than any other j'our majestv's planta- 
tions, and reduced to such confusions and extremities, that neces- 
sitate our humble application to your majesty, upon whose clemen- 
cy and justice only, under God, we depend for our relief. 

Your poor, distressed and oppressed petitioners, do therefore, 
most humbly supplicate your most gracious majesty, that you will 
vouchsafe to give leave unto one of ourselves, Mr. Nathaniel 
Weare, whom we have sent for that end, to spread before your 
sacred majesty, and your most honorable privy council, our de- 
plorable estate, the beholding of which we doubt not, will move 
compassion towards us, and your majesty's propensity to justice, 
will incline to the using such means as to your wisdom shall seem 
best, that the oppressed may be relieved, wronged ones righted, 



472 



APPENDIX. 



and we, your majesty's almost midojie subjects, now prostrate at 
vour feet, may upon the tasting of your equity and goodness, be 
raised, and further engaged, in all humility and thankfulness, as in 
duty bound evermore heartily to pray, &.c. 

[Tlie following names having been derived from copies, not originals, there 
occurred a number of mistakes in tiie former editions, wliich I have endeav- 
ored to correct.] 



Andrew Wiggin, 
Thomas Wiggin, senior, 
Thomas Wiggin, junior, 
Robert Smart, senior, 
John Young, 
John Foulsham, 
Edward Smith, 
Peter Fo\dsliam, 
Theophilus Durdly,! 
Richard Morgan, 
Samuel Leavitt, 
John Cotton, junior, 
John Oilman, senior, 
Edward Gilman, ^ 
Moses Leavitt, 
Jonathan Robinson, 
Thomas Rawlins, 



David Robinson, 
Kinsley Hall, 
Bily Dudley, 
J.'.mes Sinkler, 
Christian DolhoiT, 
Philip Charte, 
Jeremiah Low, 
Ralph Hall, 
Samuel Hall, 
John Sinkler, 
John Wadleigh, 
Samuel Foulsham,2 
Eleazar Elkins, 
Ephraim Foulsham, 
Humphrey Wilson, 
Nathaniel Foulsham, 



Jonathan Thing. 

The like petition from the town of Hampton, iu said proviace, 
signed by, 

John Tucke, 
John Smith, 
Thomas Page, 



Nathaniel Bachiler,3 
John Marston, 
James Philbrick, 
Jacob Bro.vne, 
Thomas Browne, 
Henry Lamper, 
Jonathan Wedgwood, 
Henry Moulton, 
John Moulton, 
Joseph Snjith, 
David Wedgwood, 
James Cheuse, 
James Perkins, 
Morris Hobbs, senior, 
Joseph Moulton, 
Benjamin Moulton, 
Thomas Leavitt, 
Thomas Dearborns, 
John Leavitt, 
Henry Dearborne, 
Aratus Leavitt, 
Christopher Hussey, 



Philip Tovvle, 
Josiah Sanbourne, 
William Sanbourne, senior, 
Ruth Johnson, widow, 
Richard Sanbourne, 
Thomas Walker, 
Isaac Godfrey, 
Humphrey Perkins, 
David Lamprey, 
Benjamin Lauyre,4 
William Fuller, 
John Sanbourne, 
Hesron Leavitt, 
Samuel Sherborne, 
Francis Page, 
Peter Weare, 
Benjamin Browne, 
Thomas Philbrick, 
Timothy Blake, 



[ (1) Probably Tlieophilus Dudley, son of Rev. Samuel Dudley. 

(2) This name is now written Folsom. 

(3) Son of Rev. Stephen Bachiler, and died 2 Januwy, 1710, aged 80. 

(4) Perhaps Benjamin Lavers.] 



APPKNDIX. 



473 



Jacob Perkins, 
Jonathan Philbrick, 
Ebenezer Perkins, 
Caleb Perkins, 
Joseph Perkins, 
Joseph Dow, 
John Clifford, senior, 
Samuel Philbrick, 
Joseph Shaw, 
John Clifford, 
Benjamin Shaw, 
Samuel Cogg, 

The like petition from 
George Hunt, 
Peter Ball, 

John Sherburne, senior, 
Samuel Wentvvorth, 
Splan Lovell, 
Richard Webber, 
Richard Waterhouse, 
William Davell, 
John Cotton, 
Colomart Mashawes,! 
John Barsham, 
John Shipway, 
John Johnson, 
John Sherburne, junior, 
Thomas Pickering, 
Thomas Wacombe, 
Obadiah Mors, 
Nicholas Morrell, 
Samuel Keais, 
John Dennett, 
John Tooke, 
Edward Melcher, 
George Lavers, 
Jacob Lavers, 
John Brackett, 
Matthius Haines, 
Samuel Haines, 
Samuel Haines, junior, 
William Fifield, senior, 
Walter Neal, 



Timothy Hilliard, 
Anthony Stanyan, 
John Stanyan, 
Joseph Saubourne, 
Isaac Perkins, 
Moses Swett, 
Joseph Swett, 
Joseph Cass, 
Duel Clemens, 
Samuel Cass, 
John Sanbourue, senior. 

Portsmouth, in said province, signed by, 
John Light, 
William Pitman, 
James Jones, 
William Cotton, 
James Levitt, 
Jethro Furber, 
Edward Ball, 
Thomas Cotton, 
Daniel Duggen, 
Francis Jones, 
John Pattridge, 
Robert Purinton, 
Nehemiah Partridge,^ 
Jotham Lewis, 
Anthony Brackett, 
Leonard Weeks, 
Nathaniel Drake, 
John Hunking, 
Richard Jose, 
Jane Jose, 
John Fletcher, 
Richard Martyn, 
Ph. Suret, 
Richard Waldron, 
Ben. Hull,3 
John Cutt, 
William Vaughan, 
George Jaffrey, 
John Pickering, 
John Bruster. 



[(1) Probably Matthews. 

(2) Yartridge in the former editions. 

(3) This name appears to be Reuben in contemporary records] 



62 



474 



APPENDIX. 



The like petition from th 
Job Clements, 
Thomas Roberts, 
Edward Allen, 
William Fmber, senior, 
Henry Senter, 
Rifhard Howes, 
Anthony Nutter, 
John Dam, I 
William Furber, junior, 
Joliu Dam, junior, 
John Nutter, 
Thomas Row, 
Edward Row, 
John Meadow,2 
Philip Chesley, 
Joseph Stevenson, 
Thomas Chesley, 
Joseph Kinnt'der,3 
Stephen Jones, 
Edward Small, 
Nathaniel [Lomax ?]4 
James Huckins, 
Gathaiias Jerlld, 
Ezekiei Wentworth, 
Paul Wentworth, 
Gerard Gyner, 
Jenkins Jones, 
Joseph Canne, 
Richard Waldron, 

(From a copy in the hands of 
(1830) in the hands of J. B. Moor 



e town of Dover, signed by, 
John Winget, 
John Gerrish, 
William Wentworth, 
John Heard, 
John Roberts, 
John Hall, junior, 
Robert Burnham, 
Samuel Burnham, 
Jeremiah Burnham, 
Samnel Hill, 
Ralph Wormley, 
William Horn, 
Peter Mason, 
John Woodman, senior, 
John Woodman, junior, 
Jonathan Woodman, 
John Davis, senior, 
John Davis, junior, 
J' seph Fields, 
John Bickford, 
Thomas Bickford, 
Thomas Edgerly, 
John Hill, 
Charles Adams, 
Samuel Adams, ^ 

William Parkinson, 
Joseph Hill, 
Nathaniel Hill, 
John Roberts. 

the Honorable President Weare, and now 

e, Esq.) 



No. 42. The deposifio'7 of Peter CoJJin relating to CranfichPs can-* 
duct toxvards William Vaughan. 

The deposition of Peter Coffin, Esq., one of his majesty's justices 
of the peace for New-Hampshire, b^^iiig sworn, saith, 
That sometime in the beginning of February, A. D. 1C83-4, I 
the deponent, was present at the house of Mr. John Hincks, in 
company with the Hon. Edward Cranfield, Esq. governor of this 
provinc'?, where I heard the said governor send for Mr. William 
Vaughan, and when the said Vau^ban came, the governor inquir- 
ed of him what affidavits tho<e were he had that day desired to be 
taken. The said Vaughan answered, those that concerned his 
cause against Mr. Mason. The governor asked him who they 

[(1) Now spelled Dnn.i';. 

(2) Probably John Meader, who was of Dover. 

(3) Perhaps Joseph Kennedy. 

(4) A NatJianiel Lomax or tiummus, from Ipswich, was of Dover about 
this time.] 



APPENDIX. 475 

■were, he answered, if he might have summons he would bring 
them before his honor to be sworn; iind then the governor brake 
out into a passion, and told him, the said VaUy^han, that he was a 
mutinous fellow, and asked him what he went lately to Boston for ; 
the said Vaughan answered he went about his business. Then 
the governor said, he w ent to carry a mutinous petition, to be sent 
to England by VVeare, and asked him what vessel VVeare went in ; 
]\lr. Vaughan answered, that he left VVeare in Boston. Then the 
governor said, that by the next ships after Weare was got to Eng- 
land, and had presented his petition, he should have an account 
of the persoiis' names that subscribed it, returned to him, and that 
it would be the best haul he ever had, for it would be worth £ 100 
a man. The governor further said, that the said Vaughan was a 
mutinous fellow, and required of him bonds to the good behaviour; 
Mr. Vaughan answered, he knew none of the king's laws he had 
broken, but if he could be informed of his crime, he was ready to 
give bonds. Aiid that in the whole discourse, Mr. Vaughan de- 
meaned himself with a great deal of moderation and submission. — 
Notwithstanding which, the governor commanded a mittimus to 
be writ, and signed the same with his own hand, whereupon the 
Baid Vaughan was forthwith committed to prison. 

PETER COFFIN. 
Peter Coffin, Esq., the above named deponent, appearing in the 
town of Kittery, in the province of Maine, this 27(h of Janua- 
ry, 1684-5, made oath to the above written, before me, 

CHARLES FROST, Just, of Peace. 



No. 43. The warrant and mittimus whereby miliam Vaughan, Esq. 
was committed to prison. 

New-Hampshire. 
To James Sherlock, gent, sheriff and provost marshal of the said 
province, or his deputy. 
In his majesty's name you are hereby required to take and ap- 
prehend the body of VVilliam Vaughan, o^ Portsmouth, Esq. and 
carry him to the prison of Great Island ; and Richard Abbot, the 
prison keeper thereof, is hereby required to receive the said 
Vaughan into said prison, and there keep him in safe custody, till 
he shall give good security to our sovereign lord the king, his heirs 
and successors, for his, the said Vaughan's, good behaviour towards 
the same, our sovereign lord the king, he having refused to find se- 
curity for his said good behaviour the sixth day of February, 1683. 
Given under my hand and seal the said sixth day of February^ 
1683-4. 

EDWARD CRANFIELD, (L. S.) 

(The two preceding papers are in the Recorder's office.) 



476 APPENDIX. 

No. 44. Ji letter from William Vaughan^ Esg.^ containing a journal 

of transactions during his i/uprisonment, &;c. to Nathaniel Weare, 

Esq., agent in London. 

Portsmouth, 4th Feb. 1683-4. 
Mr. Nathaniel Weare, 

Sir, — These serve to give covert to the enclosed, which were 
unhappily mislaid, and so brought to Portsmouth, instead of being 
carried by you to London, though on the other hand you carried 
many papers fer London, which ought to have been at Portsmouth. 
There were several papers in the bundle which were very imper- 
tinent unto your business, and the transporting of them very pre- 
judicial to soiue here ; your especial care about them is expected, 
yet may be safely returned with you, if not transmitted by you 
before your return. We are now a doing about getting evidences 
sworn, which you shall have a further account by the first, though 
retarded much by having no copies of them as we expected. — 
Since your departure, much ado has been made; many executions 
extended, viz. upon Messrs. Cutts, Daniel, myself, Mr. Fletcher, 
Moodey, Hunking, Ear!, Pickering, Booth, &c. I went to pris- 
on, but was redeemed with money; several doors were broken open 
by JMatthews, the marshal's deputy, chests also and trunks, and 
carried out of the houses till redeemed with money. John Par- 
tridge and William Cotton are in prison, and have been sundry 
days. No pay (as fish, sheep, horses, &,c.) would be taken for 
their executions, so their bodies were levied upon, and there they 
lie. Our minister, for refusing to administer the sacrament to the 
governor, is bound over to the quarter sessions, to sit to-morrow, 
the issue we know not, but six months imprisonment threatened. 
Your wife and family well. Great bluster at Hampton about the 
petition ; some weaklings were wheedled into a confession and 
they discovered the persons that carried the petition, who were 
by justices G. and R. bound over to the quarter sessions ; but last 
Saturday night (on what ground know not) Mr. Green burnt their 
bonds, and only told them they must appear when called for. — 
Charles Hilton is lately dead ; as other news arrives shall hand it 
to you by all occasions, and do you the like by us. 

5th. Quarter sessions are come, and there Capt. Barefoote, Messrs. 
Fryer, Coffin, Greene, Roby, Edgerly, were justices, Raines was 
attorni y. It was brought in as a pleaof the crown. Mr. Moodey 
pleaded his not being ordained, having no maintenance according 
to statute, and therefore not obliged to that work which the stat- 
ute required. Besides, these statutes were not made for these 
places, the known end of their removal hither being that they 
might enjoy liberty in these foreign plantations, which they could 
not have by virtue of the statutes at home, and were allowed to 
have here, especially our commission granting liberty of con- 
science. These things were pleaded, but to no purpose. After a 
short pleading, and that not without many interrupiious and smiles 
by the pragmatic, busy, impertinent attorney, he was committed 
to the marshal, (viz. Long Matthews) and held in custody that 
night, though permitted to lodge at Capt. Stileman's. The jutices 



APPENDIX. 477 

debated a little ; four oif them entered their dissent, viz. Messrs. 
Fryer, Green, Roby, Edgerly, but Capt. Baiefoote and Coffin were 
for his condemnation. Judgment of the case, every man's was 
entered by the secretary over night, but being deferred till next 
morning, information was given to somebody, who came in and 
threatened and hectored after such a rate, that Green and Roby al- 
so consented, as you see by the enclosed, and he was committed to 
prison. Petition was by him made to the court, and afterwards to 
thegovernor, that he might step up at night to bis family and settle 
matters there, and that he might not go into the dismal place the com- 
mon prison. The court could not. the governor would not, of first, 
though in line gave leave to the marshal to drop him at Capt. 
Stileman's, where he is confined to his chamber, though ifot with- 
out leave to go down stairs, or into the backside, and this was 
done 6th instant. At night, I having moved for the taking of evi- 
dences, which was in words owned, went to the secretary for 
summonses, intending to begin with Lieut. Hall and Thomas 
Wiggin, he refused to give summonses, but first (I suppose) must 
inform somebody, I was sent for by the marshal, buffed and hec- 
tored strangely, threatened, &c. in fine, must give bonds to the 
good behaviour. I refused; thereupon he made and signed my 
mittimus to the prison, though by the way, I know not how, was 
also dropped at and confined to Mr. Moodey's chamber, where we 
have been these two nights, very cheerful together. 

Poor Wadleigh, who was left to the governor's mercy, is come 
out upon security for forty pounds money, and your Gove for a 
like sum, only William Partridge is to do it in work, building and 
fencing, &:c. The actions go on, and are turned oil" hand apace, 
twelve at a clap^ after the old manner. Roby, though a justice, is 
still of the jury. A new trick is on foot. Several of us that were 
executed upon, and paid our money the first suit, are sued again 
for illegal withholding possession, though the marshal (who was 
by execution required to give possession, never came to demand 
it;) the issue of which we know not, matters being yet depending. 

9th. The prisoners Vaughan and Mr. Moodey were fetched 
out of prison to plead their cases at the court. Messrs. Cutt, Daniel, 
John Partridge and myself and Mr. Moodey were sued, and all 
cast, but the last, who had something particularly to say, and so 
he cast Mr. Mason, though we thought we all said enough to cast 
him, — viz. that he had an execution for the land sued for, and 
when he levied his execution might have taken the land also, 
with many other things, (enough of, we thought,) to have turned 
the case against him, before any indifferent judges and jurors, but 
thus we are treated. 

But above all, our minister lies in prison, and a famine of the 
word of God coming upon us. No public worship, no preaching 
of the word, what ignorance profanes, and misery must needs en- 
sue ! By the premises, you see wliat need there is you should be 
vigorous and speedy as you may, about your business, to do what 
may be to the preventing of utter ruin. 

My imprisonment is a present stop to the getting what evidences 



478 APPE.NDIX. 

is needful, and it is like we shall not make any further attempt 
here, but v\ iih wljal couveuieiit expedition, \vili be done what is 
needful and necessary. iMr. Martin was sued at the court in two 
actions, one by Mr. Mason, lor lines and forfeitures, collected and 
received by him as treasurer, from seventy-nine to eighty-two, 
and another action, by the governor, for fines, ice, from April, 
eighty-two. He is cast in both actions, to the value of about 
seventy pounds, although he pleaded, that what he received was 
disposed by order of the authority which made him treasurer, and 
had as good commission from his majesty, as that was in being ; 
neither did it legally appear, that either Mr. Mason or the govern- 
or have any right to lines and forfeilures, the king aj)pointing all 
public money to be disposed or improved for the support of the 
government : however it is but ask and have ; their demands in 
any case have the force of an execution. 

10th. The sabbath is come, but no preaching at the Bank, nor 
any allowed to come to us, we had none but the family with us, 
the poor people wanting for lack of bread. Motions have been made, 
that Mr. Moodey may go up and preach on the Lord's day, though he 
come down to prison at night, or that neighbor ministers might be 
permitted to come and preach, or that the people might come down to 
ihe prison and hear, as many as could, but nothing will do; an unpar- 
alleled examj)le auiongst christians to have a minister put out and no 
other \\ ay found to supply his place by one means or other. Mr. Fry- 
er was severely threatened for refusing to subscribe Mr. Moodey's 
commitment, but hath obtained fairly a dismission from all public 
offices. Justice Edgerly also cashiered, and bound over to the 
Quarter Sessions.* It is said that Justice Green is much afflicted 
for what he has done, but Roby not. Peter Coffin can scarce 
show his head in any company. | 

I4th. News came from the iort at Casco, that there was great 
danger of the Indians rising, which hath occasioned a meeting of 
the council and some discourse, but hear no more since, and hope 
it may vanish. 

15th. Good Mrs. Martin was buried, being not able to live 
above one sabbath after the shutting up the doors of the sanctua- 
ry. Somebody has said that the imprisoning of the minister is 
none of his work, he did but constitute the court, they did it them- 
selves, though also hath said he would have done it himself if 
they had not. 

* [Tho. Edgerly was, by the governor's order of the sessions, discharged 
from being justlct! of the peace, and of being in any other public employment. 
Records of Court ofQ. S.] 

t Mr. Moodey, in the church records, remarks thus on his judges. * Not 
long after, Green repented, and made his acknowledgment to the pastor, who 
irankly forgave him. Robie was excomnmnicated out of Hampton ciiurch, 
for a comnK)n drunkard, and died excommunicate, and was by his friends 
thrown into a hole near his house for fear of an arrest of his carcase. Bare- 
foote fell into a languishinuf distemper, whereof he died. Coliin was taken 
by the Indians, (at Cochecho, l(i8i>) his house and mill burnt, himself not be- 
in? slain but dismissed; the Lord give him repentence, though nouigni* of it 
have yet appeared.' 



APPENDIX. 479 

17th. Another sad Sabbath. 

18th. Came JNIefisis. Mason, Barefoot and secretary, with Thur- 
ton who swore against me a false oath, of which I have enclosed 
a copy. Thurton ssid he was sent for on purpose to give in his 
testimony against me ; — they went away, and soon after came the 
encbsen mittimus directed to Mr. Raines, who is sheritV and mar- 
shal ii\ Mr. Sherlock's room, that have been out of favor of late, 
though now it is said in favor, but not in place again. Mr. Est- 
wicke is also put out of all office. Note, that when I went to 
him for taking oaths, he said all oaths should be taken before the 
governor and council, hut now could send to justices to do it. We 
had for some nights our key taken away from the chamber door 
about 8 or 9 at night, but have since left ofi^ that trade. Sewall of 
Exeter is dead.* Several overtures were made this week to John 
Partridge and William Gotten by Raines to come out of prison he 
giving them 3 months time to provide money or any other current 
pay, though they tendered fish, plank, &c. before they were put 
in, they refused to accept. 

24th. This sabbath our wives, children and servants came 
down and spent the day with us in our chamber, and we yet hear 
nothing said against it. 

25th. The marshal goes and levies upon John the Grcek'sf sheep 
and cattle for the execution, for which he had lain about three 
weeks in prison, and then came and ordered him to go about his 
business, 15 sheep, sundry lambs, and two heifers seized for six 
pounds odd money. This day also Mr. Jaffery having had sundry 
warnings the week before to clear liis house because Mr. Mason 
would come and take possession of it, went nevertheless to the 
Bank upon business ; meanwhile came Mr. Mason with the mar- 
shal and turned all his servants out of doors, set another lock on 
the door, and at night when his servants came home wet ; they 
would not suffer them to come in, but there lodged Mathews and 
Thurton all night. Mr. Mason said, while about this work, that he 
was sorry VVeare had no more of this news to carry home with him. 

The governor having sent to Mr. Cotton,;|; that when he had 

Erepared his soul, he would come and demand the sacrament of 
ira, as he had done at Portsmouth, already. Mr. Cotton, the 
latter end of the week before last, went to Boston, and has been 
out two Lord's days, already ; all is well with yours there, so far 
as I can learn, I cannot go to see, else, might have given them a 
visit. 

One word more about my business. I am under imprisonment, 
about Thiirton's business, being seized by the marshal, and com- 
mitted, when in prison before, for not giving bond for the good 
behaviour, thous,h nothing charged upon me, any more than before, 
which you well know. I know nothing, but tliey intend to keep 
me here endlessly. It is said, I must pay one hundred pounds, for 

* [Probably Edward Sewall, who died in 1G84.] 

t [Tbia person is called in the Records of the Court of Quarter Sessions, 
John Greek, alias Amazeen.] 

t [Rev. Seaborn Cotton, of Hampton.] 



480 APPENDIX. 

striking one of the king's officers, and must have ray name re- 
turned into the exchequer, and must lie in prison, till the money 
be paid, and I am discharged from the exchequer. The design 
you may easily see, is to niin me, and how vain my pleas will be, 
you may easily guess. Though I have many things to say, viz. 
that Thurton was either no officer, or at least, not known to be so, 
however not sworn, nor did I strike him in the high-way, as he 
swears, nor is tliere any proof, but his own single testimony, which 
how far it avails in such a case, would be considered ; it is also 
worthy of inquiry, whether ever that law was intended for us, 
here being no customs to be gathered, no exchequer to be applied 
to, and therefore, how these methods can be observed, is not in- 
telligible. You may easily imagine how things will be if I am 
forced to comply with their humors. Pray consult, consider, and 
see if something may not be done to put a stop to such arbitrary 
proceedings, a trial on the place, by indifferent, unconcerned 
judges and jurors, if, at least, there can any such be found, who 
will not be forced into what some will have done, but I shall not 
need to instruct you. There you have better, counsel, then 1 can 
give you, and of your fidelity to inquire and remit by the first, 
what is needful on this account I doubt not. 

I have given you but a taste, we that see it, know more than 
can possibly be understood by those, that only hear, in a word 
such is the height of their heat and rage, that there is no living for us 
long in this condition. But we hope God will be seen in the 
Mount. 

I should have inserted what fell out after the dissolving of the 
rebelious assembly, there was discourse of constables, and instead 
of the freemen choosing as formerly, they took a short and cheaper 
course, and at the Quarter Sessiou, constables where chosen, and 
to begin with Mr. Speaker,* he has the Honor to be constable for 
Portsmouth, Capt. Gerrish, Lt. Anthony Nutter and John Wood- 
man, for Dover, John Smitht the cooper, for Hampton, John Foul- 
som, at Exeter. Whether Mr. Speaker shall sew or fine, is not 
yet determined. And now I am speaking of the General Assem- 
bly, must hint what w^as formerly forgotten, viz. that they con- 
vened on the Monday, and the choice of the speaker (their old 
one) in words highly approved, and he complimented alamode. 
Then a bill was sent them down, (of which if I can get it, being 
now in prison, shall inclose a copy) which they talked a little of, 
and then brake up for the night and went up to the Bank to lodge, 
(the tide serving very well to go and come) the report of which 
highly disgusted, and the next morning the answer to the bill ve- 
hemently urged, which was in fine a negative. Hereupon, in a 
great rage, telling them they had been up to consult with Moodey, 
an utter enemy to chiirch and common wealth, with much of like 
nature, he dissolved them, which was done on the Tuesday, after 

* [Richard Waldron, who, it appears from the Records of the Court of 
Quarter Sessions, was appointed constable for Portsmouth, 5 February, 1683 
-4, but refused to serve.] 

t [John Smith, of Hampton. Records of C. Q. Sessions.] 



APPENDIX. 481 

which hft came up to the Bank and gave order for a satramont on 
the next Lord's day, as you have heard, and since the assembly 
men pricked for constables. 

By the premises, you will see how (he governor is making good 
his word. He came for moneys and money he will get^ and if he 
get it, you know who must lose it, and how miserable must our 
condition quickly be, if there be no remedy quickly provided. 
He contrives and cuts out work, and fiudsevil instruments to make 
it up, and these some among ourselves. Thus we are cloven by 
our own limbs. 

28th. Since Mr. Jaffrey was dispossessed, Raines offered him 
for five shillings per annum quit-rent to Mr. Mason, he should 
have his house again, provided he would own him proprietor, but 
he refusing, it is said he shall never have it again. The talk 
is, that his house must be court-house and prison both, and standing 
so near the governor, it is judged suitable for both those ends, 
that he may have the shorter journey to court, and the prisoners 
may be always under his eye. 

29th. John the Greek haxang lain some weeks in prison upon 
execution, his goods having been levied upon, (as above) was by 
Raines locked out of the prison, and bidden to be gone, but he 
would not, keeps his quarters still with the other two. This day 
his goods were sold by the marshal, and bought by Thurton. 

Mr. Cotton* is come home from Boston. Great offence taken 
here at a sermon he preached in Boston, on Acts xii. v. though 
pleasing to the hearers. 

March 2d. This day Mr. Jaffrey's goods n-ere all turned out 
of doors by the sheriff, &c. his man received and disposed of them. 
Against Jaffrey there are two oaths taken, single oaths, but being 
for the king, will pass, and orders are given for warrants to ap- 
prehend him, he appears not. 

March 5. It is said that they are going this day to Major Wal- 
dron's, to serve him as they have done Mr. Jaffrey, and it is given 
out that the rest will be treated in like manner ; the court was ad- 
journed yesterday to the next month, probably that they might 
levy the executions that are in bank before they cut out any more 
work. Justice Green seems something troubled for sending the 
minister to prison, and saith he will never do such a thing again, 
but Peter Coffin saith it is a nine days' wonder, and will soon be 
forgotten, but others think otherwise. If they go on thus, we 
are utterly ruined, must go away or starve, if at least we be not so 
confined that we cannot go away neither. I question Vi^hether 
any age can parallel such actions. 

In my last I sent you a letter to Sir Josiuh Child, my master, of 
which also you have another copy herewith. My design is, that 
you carry the letter yourself, wait on him while he reads it, and if 
he will please to hear you, (as I hope he may) that you amplify 
matters, inform him what further intelligence you have, and attend 
Lis direction, if God move his heart to do ought for us. This day, 

* [Rev. Seaborn Cotton, of Hampton. See page 107 .J 

63 



482 APPENDIX. 

the governor sent us word by the marshal that we must remove to 
Mr. Jaffrey's house to-morrow, which house is made the prison. — 
We hope the news of the rising of the Indians will fall to nothing. 

Ditto 5th. Thus far was sent you by way of Barbadoes. 
It follows. The governor did say to a Salem man, that Moodey 
might go out of the prison, if he would go out of the province, but 
we hear no more since. 

Jamps Robinson under great wrath and in much danger only for 
speaking something to Thurton (of his being a pitiful fellow, &c.) 
while said Thurton was active in turning out Mr. Jaffrey's goods. 

6th. Matthews and Thurton hunted for Mr, Jaff^rey, searched 
in Mrs. Cult's house, Avent into every room above and below stairs, 
searched under her bed where she lay sick in it, but found him 
not. They carried it very rudely and basely in their work. Mat- 
thews said he would catch him, or have his heart's blood, but he 
was not there. Mr. Jaftrey's goods were carried to the other side 
by night. 

It is said that our imprisonment has much [alarmed] the whole 
country, and made them more fond of their liberties. This night, 
Matthews was beaten at Mercer's,* (some fuddling about it, it is 
like) but it is made a mighty thing on, said to be a deep plot, 
deeper than Gove's, managed by strong heads, and abundance of 
that nature, and because the persons concerned were under the 
influence of Vaughan and Moodey, they should suffer for it, for 
not teaching them better. Though we know no more of it than 
you, nor is there ought in it worth notice, but thus we are treat- 
ed. The governor went up to the Bank and made great inquiries 
about it. Capt, Pickering and others that were in the fray, are 
bound over, 

Tth. They had six pounds, five shillings, of Obadiah Morse, by 
way of execution. Raines was discarded, being put out of being 
sheriff, &c. though he had his commission under the seal but the 
other day. Matthews is made provost marshal (at least) in his 
room, and Thurton, marshal's deputy. Good birds for such offi- 
ces. Lord have mercy upon us. They had also eighteen shill- 
ings from Samuel Case,| the rest is deferred, and he has put away 
his goods and intends to remove or go to prison, and so we must 
all. 

11th. The Indian news occasioned an order to the trustees to 
get ammunition, they came down and pleaded their time was up ; 
it was said, you shall keep in during my pleasure. They said they 
had no money of the towns in their hands, nor could any be rais- 
ed without a general assembly. Then lay out your o;vn money, 
or else wo to you ; and this they are fain to comply with. 

He said and swore that if Mason would not acknowledge a 
judgment next court, of six hundred pounds, he would take all his 
business from him, and sue in his own name. He swore he would 
turn out that rogue Ellet, who is as bad as any other. 

Mr. Waldron being sent for by warrant to come before the jus- 

* [Francis Mercer, who was an alehouse keeper.] 
t [Probably Cass.] 



APPENDIX. 483 

tlces to take the constable's oath, appeared before Mr. Mason and 
Capt. Bareloote, but excusing it, and giving good reason, was dis- 
missed upon paying live pounds ; but poor Capt. Barefoote was 
most fearfully rated at for his labor, many oaths sworn that Wal- 
dron should either take the oath or either take up with a goal. — 
The next day, (though the justices, whose business it is, had fair- 
ly dismissed him) he was convented again, the oath tendered, he 
threatened with a prison immediately, but told them he knew the 
law better than so, then they took his own bond to answer it at 
quarter sessions, and so far of that matter as yet. Another consta- 
ble is ch6sen, viz. Capt. Pickering, though he has as yet waived 
the oath, having lately served in tliat place, and pleading his be- 
ing boond to good behaviour for that last fray. He talks much of 
frigates to scare the poor people. 

14th. Council sat, and could not agree about raising money, 
which highly provoked somebody. They said the general as- 
sembly only could raise money. 

The governor told Mr. Jaflrey's negro he might go from his 
master ; he would clear him under hand and seal ; so the fellow 
no more attends his master's concerns. 

15th. This day the secretary was in a great rage turned out of 
all his offices, except secretary to the council, (an empty name, 
little profit) and the books sent for out of his hands. He is much 
concerned and dejected. 

I am credibly informed, and you may believe it, that the gov- 
ernor did in the open council yesterday, say and swear dreadfully, 
that he would put the province into the greatest confusion and 
distraction he could possibly, and then go away and leave them so, 
and then the devil take them all. He also then said, that Mr. Qla- 
son said he would drive them into a second rebellion, but himself 
would do it before; and I wonder he has not; such actings are 
the ready way, but God hath kept us hitherto, and I hope he 
will do so still. He also said and swore that any person that 
should have any manner of converse with us, or any of our mind, 
he would count them his utter enemies and carry toward them as 
such. 

17th. The governor having formerly prohibited the prisoners 
from making shingles, went himself this day to the prison, and 
prohibited John Partridge from making shoes ; bade the marshal 
throw them into the sea. 

This day Raines being not willing to give up a warrant that he 
had executed, during the short time of being sheriff, was sent for 
by the governor, and not appearing, the governor came to his 
chamber, and did beat him dreadfully, and bade the marshal carry 
the rogue to jail. He remains out of favor still. The governor 
also went over to Capt. Hooke's, and got him to give warrants to 
the constables on the other side, to search all houses for Mr. Jaf- 
frey, and bring him over, but they found him not, nor is he yet 
found, though proclamation was made at Wells court, for his sei- 
zure, though not yet done. 

March 18. This morning came Matthews to our chamber, and 



484 APPENDIX. 

said the governor sent him to carry me to the prison, where I am, 
where I still lit- ; buing put in only for Thiirlon's action, and kept 
in, though I oilered securny to respond it. I think they have let 
fall the other about the good behaviour, seeing they can make 
ualhiug of it, and before my coming in, John the Greek's bed, &c. 
was turned out of prison, and he forced away, who would not de- 
pa it before. 

21st. Mr. Martyn came to discourse about the money he was 
cast for, which they have not yet levied upon him, but intend to 
lay it upon all tlie old council equally, that each may bear bia 
share. At same time, the governor told Mr. Martyn that he would 
send his execution. Said Mr. Martyn, you know it is not my due 
to pay the money. No matter, (said he) / want monej^ and will 
have it. But / have none^ said he ; then [ will take your house. — 
He added also, to Mr. Martyn, that he was a church member, and 
he would v.atch him and all such, and be sure to pay them off if 
he could catch them. 

22d. The sorest storm and the.highest tide that ever was known. 
Many thousands of pounds damage in Boston, and much here. — 
The bridge to the Great Island broken olf in the middle, to the 
great joy of many. 

24th. The governor went to Boston in Fox's sloop, intending 
thence to New- York, pretending to discourse Colonel Dungan, and 
bring down two hundred Mohawks to kill the eastward Indians. 
What is at the bottom, or will be the issue, God knows. He had 
a cold treat at Boston, staid not a night in town. Since his go- 
ing, we have had little news worthy of your notice, but all things 
have been very quiet hitherto. 

I have not enlarged upon these particulars to my master Child, 
but if he will take any notice of the thing and be concerned about 
it, he will then give you opportunity of discoursing him, and you 
may inform v»'hat is further needful. 

31st. This month passed out and the other came in, without 
any noise, unless the great joy that was at the Bauk, by Mr. Moo- 
dey's going up thither, and my going once or twice after, with 
our keepers, by Mr. Mason's permission, who presides in the gov- 
ernor's absence , but we soon returned to the place from whence 
we came. 

April 8. Nathaniel Fox, who married Mrs. Stileman's daugh- 
ter, sent Matthews to arrest Capt. Stileman for his wife's portion, 
(though it w.'i. often tendered feim in such pay as the court order- 
ed it, but he would have it in money.) Capt. Stileman gave his 
own house and all that was in it, for security to answer the action, 
but Matthews bringing Thurton with him at his instigation, who 
was terribly insolent, they arrtsted the womaUy Mrs. IStileman, and 
carried her to prison loith much violence and coarse usage^ though her 
husband had give.i security. She was carried in the evening. Capt. 
Stileman wrote to Mr. Mason ; he protested against it, and wrote 
to the marshal, it would not do. He went again, and Mr. Masou 
wrote again, but to no purpose ; they kept her there till the next 
morning ; a thing not to be paralleled in the English oatiua ! — 



APPENDIX. 485 

Complaint hath been made, but no remedy. Abbot being up at 
the Bank witU me, Thurtou took the key of the prison, and when 
Abbot came, would not permit him to go in, but turned him away. 
Brave doings ! No tongue can tell the horrible impcriousness 
and domineering carriage of that wretch. The next morning, 
Mr. Mason (much ado) got Mrs. Stilemau out, and the jailor into 
his place again. 

Mr. Mason gave leave for any minister to come and preach at 
the Bank, so that we got Mr. Phillips* for two Lord's days, viz. 
13 and 20th, having been nine Lord's days without a sermon. 

April 14th. Came H. Greene to Mr. Moodey's chamber, and 
made a confession of his fault, and begged his pardon for putting 
him in prison, and said he would get him out quarter sessions, &c. 

Good words, but . Capt. Barefoote went to the prison, and 

told John Partridge that if he would give an order to allow so 
much as his charges came to, out of what the provinces owed him 
about Gove, for the soldiers, &c. he should come out of prison, 
and they would pay him the remainder, the whole being about 
thirty pounds, but he was not forward lest he should in so doing 
quit them of false imprisoning him ; but if they would do it them- 
selves, stop so they might. Nothing is done in it. 

15th. Matthews and Thurton were sent to Hampton to levy 
executions and serve attachments, and warn jurymen for the court 
in jMay. 

They arrested seven, among which Captain Sherburne one, 
warned the old jurymen, executed upon William Sanborn, took 
four oxen which were redeemed by money, drove away seven 
cows from Nathaniel Bachiler, went to your house, met your son 
Peter going with his four oxen into the woods, commanded hira 
to turn the oxen home, he would not ; they cursed, swore, drew 
upon him, threatened to run him through, beat him, but he did 
not strike again. They carae to your house, were shut out, your 
wife fearfully scared for fear of her son who was out with them. 
At length she let them in, laid three pounds on the table, which 
they took, and then levied on several young c>ittle, but released 
and left them. Your son came hither to advise, but complaining 
is bootless, such a dismal case are we in. They took away two 
beds from old Perkins, but his son ofi'ered his person, and they 
took it, and quitted the other ; what more they did there we as 
yet hear not. 

Capt. Gerrish, John Woodman, Lieut. Nutter and Nathaniel 
Bachiler are sworn constables. 

17th. I went to Mr. Mason at Capt. Barefoote's house and had 
several witnesses with me, and desired hira to take depositions 
that I might send them home, about my case and the rest of the 
cases, but he refused. The governor had put me in prison when I 
asked him, and now in his absence, the deputy governor denies to 
grant them. I hope this will be matter of just complaint, that we 
should be hindered from applying to his majesty for relief under 

* [Rev. Samuel PJiillipfl, of iiowley.j 



486 APPENDIX. 

our oppressions. You will have evidence of his denial sent home, 
sworn before some of the Bay magistrates. We can do no more 
unless the Bay should assist us, which they are loath to do, and 
we are loiith to put them upon, as matters are circumstanced with 
Ihem ; but we think it should be taken very heuiously by all that 
love justice and willing to administer it, that his majesty's subjects 
should be thus treated. Surely they are afraid or ashamed of their 
actions, (and they may be both) else they would not be so shy of 
having them known. 

This is what oifers here ; what more needful, cousin Waldron 
will advise from Boston. 

With due respects remain. 

Your assured friend and servant. 

For Mr. Nathaniel Weare, in London. 

A discourse with the governor about mij imprisonment j May, 1684. 

[Subjoined to the foregoinir letter.] 

At a sessions held the 6th May, 1684, I was denied counsel, 
and to have witnesses sworn. Mr. Waldron, Captain Stileman 
and Captain Frost were presented. 

10th. The governor was with me in prison. Mr. Chamberlain, 
Mr. Hinkes and Mr. Sherlock with him. 

The governor proffered me, (that whereas, 1 was fined by the 
justices in Thurtou's case, that I might think they had not done 
me right,) that if I would prosecute it (giving security so to do,) in 
the king's bench, at Westminster, the exchequer, or before king 
and council, I should ; though by his commission he could not do 
it. My answer was, unless I could have security given me, that in 
case I should recover, I might have my charge and damage made 
me good ; it would be of no benefit to me. He said there was 
no reason for that, because it was for the king ; though it was his, 
because Mr. Mason had resigned up to the king all fines and for- 
feitures, and the king had given it to him. But he said, if I would 
deposit a valuable sum he would do the like, and would give bond, 
and have it tried as abovesaid. My answer was, I thought the 
forty pounds was enough, and that I expected execution would 
come out at the time, and should endeavor by the time, to provide 
enough for it, but withal, told the governor it Avas at his liberty to 
jemit it, if he pleased, by virtue of his commission. 

Also, for my being in prison for not giving bond for my good be- 
liaviour, when the sessions came I was not brought to my trial for 
that, but remanded to prison again. 

At ditto, time the governor told me he had put me in prison on 
that account, and he would abide by it, till I would give two hun- 
dred pounds bo))d. My answer was, I had rather lay in prison, 
than give bond to tempt such a fellow as Thurton, (or such others) 
that had sworn against me already, and falsely, and judged it might 
be no scruple to him to do the like again. And withal, told him, 
that if his honor pleased to let me out of prison, I would engage 
myself, by bond, to live out of the province, though that would be 
very detrimental to ray concerns, and by that, I hoped he would 



APPENDIX. 487 

have no thoughts of ray misbehaving myself, that would be detri- 
mental to the king's government here, or himself. Not that I 
scrupled giving bond for my good behaviour, though not accused 
for any thing, but for laying a temptation to some base minded 
person or persons to forswear themselves, as one had done before, 
in another case relating to me. 

May 12. Was informed, that whereas, Thurton had a commis- 
sion to be prison keeper, (and withal, had vapored, and said the 
prison was too good for Vaughan, and the room that he had fitted 
up, did intend to keep it himself, and that Vaughan should take 
his quarters v/here he would assign it, and that the prisoners should 
not be waited on as Abbot had done, for he would keep them 
locked up, only come morning and evening,) lost his pocket book, 
wherein was his commission and sundry papers of concernment. 

(The original of this letter and journal is in the hands of the Honorable 
President Weaie.) 



No. 45. Copy of a letter from the governor and council to the lords 

of trade. 
Province of New-Hampshire, May 23, 1684. 
May it please your lordships, — 

Since Robert Wadleigh is returned from England, having lately 
had an appeal dismissed by the council-board, by taking advantage 
of Mr. Randolph's absence, who was attorney for the parties, he 
hath put the people of this province into such a ferment and disor- 
der, that it is not possible to put his mfijesty's commands in execu- 
tion, or any ways govern them. And, though notwithstanding, in 
obedience to your lordships' commands, we liave called an assem- 
bly, (a copy of the proclamation for that purpose being herein in- 
closed,) we cannot think it prudent or safe to let them sit ; they 
being of the same ill humor, or worse, as when Gove went into 
arms, his design being hatched at the time the assembly sat. And 
it looks more like a design, they having those four constables into 
the assembly, that the king's peace may not be preserved, (the 
whole number of the assembly being eleven :) This Wadleigh 
being formerly an assembly man, and hath three sons condemned 
in Gove's rebellion, (and himself now chosen again ;) the oldest 
of them I have pardoned, one of them is dead, and the other I 
keep in prison till I receive your lordships' further order. All the 
other ofi'enders being pardoned. Major Waldron'sson is constant- 
ly of the assembly and speaker, (this being the third that hath 
been called.) I wish his majesty's clemency do not cause some 
great mischief to be done here. They have never given two 
PENCE* to the support of the government, and that very rate that 
was made in the time of presidents Cutt and Waldron, we have 
according to his majesty's royal commission continued ; but do not 
think it safe to publish it, unless we had strength to countenance 

*The first assembly voted two hundred pounds to tlie governor, but it isi 
not certain that he accepted it though he consented to the act. 



488 APPENDIX. 

our proceedings. This we conceived it our duty to inform your 
lordships, and are, 

May it please your lordships, 

Your most humble and most ohedient servants, 



The appellants claim by grant from ' 
Mr. Mason ; and as for Wadleigh, 
he hath been these sixteen days 
in the country, and though I have 
heard much of him, I have not 
yet seen him. 



EDVV. CRANFIELD, 
KOBT. MASON, 
WALT. BAREFOOT, 
R. CHAMBERLAIN, 
JOHN HINKS, 
JAMES SHERLOCK. 



To the right honorable, the lords of the committee > 
of trade and plantation, at Whitehall, 5 

(From tlie Council Uecords.) 



No. 46. Copy of a letter from Cranfield to Sir Leoline Jenkms, 
of the same date. 
May it please your honor, — 

We humbly beg, after your honor hath perused this letter to the 
lords of the council, you would be pleased to lay it before their 
lordships, and desire their lordships to come to some speedy reso- 
lution ; for it is no longer in my power to promote the honor and 
interest of his majesty here, without a small frigate to second his 
majesty's broad seal and other his royal commands. As to the pi- 
rates, your honor may be assured, that myself and the council will 
punish them according to their demerits, if they shall at any time 
happen to come within this jurisdiction ; and carefully obey all 
other commands which shall be sent unto, 
May it please your honor, 

Your honor's most humble and most obedient servant, 

EDW. CRANFIELD. 
I most humbly beseech your honor by the first opportunity, to 
send the king's letter to give me liberty to go ofl' to Jamaica or 
Barbadoes for my health ; finding so great a weakness in my legs, 
which indisposition hath been contracted by the severity of the 
cold. 

To the Right Honorable Sir Leoline Jenkins, one of his 
majesty's principal secretaries of state at Whitehall. 
(Tlie two preceding papers are in tlie council minutes, second book.) 



No. 47. Copy of NathH Wearers first complaint against Cranfield. 
To the king's most excellent majesty, and the lords of his mosthon- 

orable privy council, — 

The humble representation of Nathaniel Weare, inhabitant and 
planter in your majesty's province of New-Hampshire, in New- 
England, in America, on behalf of himself and other your majes- 
ty's loyal subjects, inhabitants and planters there, whose names 
are subscribed to the four annexed petitions, as follows : — 



APPENDIX. 489 

1. That the honorable Edward Cianfield, Esq., your n;ajesty's 
governor of the said province, upon his lirst entraiice on that gov- 
ernment, in order to the enlargement of his power as governor 
there, beyond the just bounds and limits your majesty v/as by 
your royal commission pleased to set him, and to engross the whole 
pow er of erecting courts, with all necessary fees, powers and au- 
thorities thereto, into his own hands, exclusive of the general as- 
sembly there. The said Mr. Cranfield, at the first general as- 
sembly there, when the words of his commission ran, 'And we 
' do hereby give and grant unto you full power and authority to 
' erect, or constitute and establish, such and so many couits oi ju- 
' dicaluie and public justice within the said province and planta- 
' tion, within your government, as you and they s^hnW think fit and 
' necessary for the hearing and determining of all causes, as well 
' criminal as civil, according to law and equity, and for awarding 
' execution thereupon, with all reasonable and necessary powers, 
' authorities, fees and privileges belonging unto them,' caused his 
commission to be entered in the council books there, and deliver- 
ed a copy thereof to the general assen\biy w ithout the words [and 
they,] athrming those words to have been put in by mistake of 
the clerk, in engrossing the commission ; whereby the said Mr. 
Cranfield has enhanced the fees upon trials there, to his own ad- 
vantage, as Avill appear in one of the articles following. 

2. Although your majesty has been graciously pleased by your 
said commission to interpose betw een the inhabitants of the said 
colony and Mr. Robert Mason, ;3/e<c/((^crf proprietor thereof, and to 
direct — 

' That on non-agreement between those inhabitants and Mr. 
Mason, the said Mr. Cranfield should interpose, w ho if he could 
not end the dilferences between, was by the said commission di- 
rected to transmit to England such cases impartially stated, with 
his opinion and reasons on the same, that your majesty with advice 
of your privy council, might hear and determine the same.' That 
nevertheless, the said Mr. Cranfield, instead of keeping liimself 
indifterent between the contending parties, Mr. Mason and the 
said inhabitants, hath by purchase or mortgage from Mr. Mason, 
made himself owner of the province : And the better to come by 
what he hath so purchased, he hath under color of the authority of 
your majesty's commission, made courts, whereof both judges and 
jurors have agreed \vith JNIason for their own lands, and some of 
them have taken grants from I\Iason of other men's lands. That 
nevertheless tliis jury is continued from mouth to month, and kept 
for this service. 

That Mr. JNIason has cast forty persons on suit by that jury, the 
court rejecting all pleas, and though the verdict be given for Mr. 
Mason according to your majesty's royal commission, (which di- 
rects as before) and the judgment entered accordingly, yet, upon 
the execution the inhabitants are turned out of their lands and 
houses, as it hath fared with Wm. Vaughan and others, and de- 
prived of all subsistance. 

3. That the charge of every action is raised from 20s. to 6/., 

64 



490 APPENDIX. 

which is exacted in money, and though goods tendered, (as usual) 
the persons are imprisoned lor want ot money in kind, and Mr. 
Cranlield himself, takes of the 6/. 

4. Tiuit the said Mr. Cranlield, under color of trying actions, 
has, by setting the fees so extraordinary, forced several to quit 
their claims, for want of money to carry on the suit. 

5. That the said governor taking upon himself the power of 
priceing money not entrusted with him by his commission, hath, 
against the agreement of the general assembly, by advice of his 
council, ordered pieces of eight, however wanting in their weight, 
to pass for 6 shillings. 

6. That the said governor, without good and lawful cause, hath 
taken upon him to commit several men to prison, particularly \Vm. 
Vaughan, until bonds given for their appearances and good beha- 
viour, when nothing further objected to them. 

7. That the sold governor and his council, took upon them to 
make laws and put them in execution, without the general 
assembly. 

8. That to prove the articles above, against Mr. Cranlield, the 
complainants have successlessly endeavored to procure warrants 
or summons from the secretary, to summon their witnesses to be 
sworn, (which cannot otherwise be so) the seeking of such sum- 
mons has occasioned being bound to the good behaviour, so as 
the complaining of a wrong done one, does, under Mr. Crantield's 
management, but draw a new punishment on the afflicted, but no 
manner of redress. 

Ail which, the said Nalh. Weare, humbly lays at your majesty's 
feet, imploring your majesty's present hearing what your petitioner 
is able to make out of the premises, and ordering some commis- 
sion to examine the truth of the residue of the said allegations 
(since your majesty's governor on the place will not admit of such 
evidence.) That on the return thereof, your majesty's subjects in 
that province, may find such relief as to your princely wisdom 
shall seem meet. 

And that, in the mean time, Mr. Cranlield, be admonished not 
to exceed the bounds of his commission. 

And your petitioner shall ever pray, Sac, 



No. 48. Reference of the same, to the Lords of Trade. 
At the court at Hampton court, this 11th day of July, 1684. 
By the king's most excellent majesty, and the lords of his majes- 
ty's most honorable privy council. 
Upon reading this day at the board, the petition and complaint 
of Nathanial Weare, inhabitant and planter in his majesty's prov- 
ince of New-Hampshire, in New-England, in America, in behalf 
of himself and others, his majesty's loyal subjects and inhabitants 
and planters there, whose names are subscribed to the four peti- 
tions thereto annexed against Edward Cranlield, Esq., his majesty's 
governor thereof ; 

His majesty was pleased to order, that the said petition and 



APPENDIX. 491 

complaint be, and they are hereby referred to the ri^ht honorable, 
the lords committees of this board for trade and foreis^n planta- 
tions, who are to consider thereof, and to report to his majesty at 
this board their opinion thereupon, and then his majesty will de- 
clare his further pleasure. 

PHILIP LLOYD. 
A true copy. 
(The two preceding papers, are in hands of the Hon. President Weare.) 



No. 49. Letter from the Lords of trade to Edward Cranfield 

After our hearty commendations to you. His majesty having 
received the petitions and cflnr,plaints of divers of his subjects, 
inhabitants and planters of New-Hamp;;hire, against you for cer- 
tain irregular proceedings alleged by them to be had by yoii, in 
the execution of your commission and administration of justice ; 
and it being ordered in council, that the said petitions and com- 
plaints be examined and considered by us, that we may report to 
his majesty our opinions, to the end his majesty's further pleasure, 
may be signified thereupon. We have, therefore, herewith sent 
tinto you copies of the said petitions and representations, that y^ou 
may return your particular answer thereunto with all speed, and 
that we may the better distinguish the truth of v/hat is alleged or 
complained of, and of such defence as you shall be able to make. 
We do think tit, that all persons whatsoever, have free liberty to 
depose upon oath what they know, and to take copies of all re- 
cords, in these or any other cases relating to yourself, or the said 
province, and that the said depositions be taken in writing by any 
member of the council or justice of the peace in that colony, 
whom you are duly to authorize thereunto, and as we cannot be- 
lieve that you will put any restriction or discouragement whatsoev- 
er, upon the taking and transmitting of all necessary proofs and 
records, attested by the proper officers, for the clearing of truth in 
the matters complained of, so we think it requisite, that copies of 
all affidavits be interchangeably delivered, to each party concerned 
as soon as they shall be taken, and so not doubting of your com- 
pliance herein, we bid you heartily farewell. 
From the council chamber in Whitehall, this 23d day of July, 1684. 

Your very loving friends, 

Radnor. Guilford, C S. Halifax, C. P. S. 

Craven. Rochester. Ernie. Godolphin. 

L. Jenkins. 
To our very loving friend, Edward Cranfield, Esq., Lieutenant 
Governor and commander in chief of his majesty's province of 
New-Hampshire, in New-England. 
A true copv, 

WILLIAM BLATHWAYT. 

(This paper is in the council minutes 2d book.) 



493 APPENDIX. 

No. 50. A Briejj conlainivg the substance of the affidavits, objec- 
tions and replies at the hearing before the Lords Committee of the 
Council for Trade and Plantations, lOth of March, 1684-5. 

[Not inserted in the former editions.] 

To the first article of the complaint, Anthony Nutter and John 
Woodiuiin, depose — 

That Mv. Cranfield declared in the assembly, that the words 
[and they] were inserted in his commission by mistake, and 
dd. a copy without those words. That Mr. Cranfield accord- 
ingly made Capt. Barefoote a judge of the pleas and chief justice 
of the province, without the council's advice, and appointed a 
court once in every month. That the fees for trying all actions 
were first set at 2()s. A former bill of costs in the like case but 
£>\ Is. Another but £l 10s. But now there is added to that 
20s. by the said judge, £5 Is. 2d. in Mr. Mason's case. 

Note. The costs are signed by the judge and not by the gov- 
ernor. 

Note. The witnesses in Mason's cases were always some of 
tilt; jury. 

1st Objection. That the assembly were of opinion, that the gov- 
ernor alone had the power of erecting courts of judicature. 

Answer. That in November, 1682, the assembly then dispu- 
ted this matter, and the orner produced has no date. Besides, 
Tipping signs the assembly's acts, and this is only signed by 
Chamberlain. 

2d Objection. Mason swears that the governor gave copies of 
his commission, with the words [and they] inserted. Mr. Elliot 
swears the same. And that the council set the fees, which the 
governor afterw ard allowed. 

Answer. The couucil were at the governor's pleasure. 

3d Objection. Walter Barefoote, the judge, swears that the 
late president and council took 20s. for every action, before it 
should be called, and there is now no more taken. And the 
plaintiffs or defendant's costs or charge, were, as now, taxed by 
the court, and are very reasonable. That Waldron, when judge, 
made Randolph pay £8 2s. 6d. costs, in a trial for the king, be- 
sides damages. 

Answer. 1. That the feet is otherwise, as will appear, costs 
being now altered, £3 to Mr. Mason, in every action, and 12 of 
them in a day tried. 2. That Randolph's costs were for a special 
court for that one trial. 

To the second. 

Note. That at first, Mr. Cranfield gave public notice that all 
persons might come in, and agree with Mr. Mason. But, John 
Winget, Thomas Rogers, and Elias Stileman, deponents, came 
in, and the governor would not intermeddle. 

Reuben Hull, deposes,— That Mr. Cranfield owned he had 
bought the province of Mason. 

William Vaughan and Richard Waldron,— That he shewed hi.s 
deeds from Mason, of purchase of that province, to the deponents. 



APPENDIX. 493 

Nathaniel Foulsham proves possession given Mason of Capt. 
Gilman's lio\ise and hinds. 

Benjamin Moullon and William Fifield — The like of San- 
burn's house and lands, and the imprisoning of Sanburn. 

No more turned out of possession, but executions granted 
against several. 

To the third. 

The raising of the costs from 20s. to £6, is proved in the Qrst. 

Nathaniel Weare. — To prove that costs were, before, always 
taken in goods, and not in ready money, and that where goods to 
be had, the persons never taken. 

John Pickering and William Cotton. — That for Cotton's costs 
to Mason, plank or other goods would not be taken, but for want 
of money Cotton was imprisoned. 

Christopher Noble. — The same fully. 

H. Axwell, .John Partridge, William Cotton and Richard Nich- 
olas. — That Partridge's costs, goods tendered as before, but re- 
fused, and Partridge imprisoned ; that he was forbid to work in 
prison, and forced to live upon his friends' charity. 

John Geare and Walter Windsor. — The same to Thomas Pick- 
ering. 

John Smith. — The same to Christopher Hussey. 

IVTr. Weare knows him to be 86 years old. 

To the fourth. 

Jacob Perkins and Timothy Hilliard. — That seeing how others 
■were dealt with, by Mr. Mason, by imprisonment for want of mon- 
ey to pay court charges, they were forced to yield to Mr. Mason's 
demands. 

To the fifth. 

14 Nov. 1682. The general assembly ordered pieces of 8, 
rials and dollars, to pass at 6s. 8d. per ounce, troy weight. 

4 Oct. 1683. Mr. Cranfield and his council reciting an act of 
January then last, but must intend that above, of November, order 
those pieces should go at 6s. apiece, without respect to the weight, 
so that some dollars not worth 3s. by weight, pass at 6s. 

William Saubnrn, swears, he lost 16s. in receiving £5, Spanish 
money, by reason of the order above. 

Jacob Browne. — That he lost a 6th part of £5, Spanish money, 
by reason as before. 

Objection. Mason swears, that he first proposed to the govern- 
or and council, putting a value on Spanish money, as it is, at Lon- 
don his majesty's mint. That the council agreed thereto, and the 
governor approved it. 

Walter Barefoote and Robert Elliot swear the same. 

Answer. 1. It is pretty bold swearing he first proposed it.— 
2. His'proposing it, does not make it lawful for the governor and 
council to do it without the assembly. 

To the sixth. 

The mittimus for sending Mr. Vaughan to prison, until £500 
bail to the peace. Oct. 22, 1683. No crime alleged, nor partic- 
ular breach of the peace. 



494 APPENDIX. 

Upon this cnmmitniPTit, the jailor took Mr. Elliot and Mr. Dan- 
iel's bond for his appearance. 

The same day Mr. Vaughan was discharged from being of the 
council. 

The next day, the governor, by a new warrant, taking notice of 
the bond taken by the jailor, and that the taking such was an es- 
cape in the jailor, orders his commitment anew, until he give 
£500 security for the peace and good behaviour. 

25 Oct. 1683. Mr. Vaughan and Mr. Daniel gave the govern- 
or a recognizance of ii 500, conditioned for Vaughan's being of 
good behaviour and keeping the peace, and should appear at the 
next quarter sessions, to anstver what should be objected against 
him. 

6 Nov. 16S3. At the next quarter sessions, jMr. Vaughan ap- 
peared, but there being no prosecution he and his bail were dis- 
charged. 

Objection. 24 Oct. 16S4. Thurton swears, that in Septem- 
ber, 1683, he desired Mr. Cranfield to bind Mr. Vaughan to his 
good behaviour, for beating him, so as he durst not execute his 
office. 

Answer. That this was not thought of at the time of his com- 
mitment, for if it had, Mr. Cranfield must have bound him to good 
behaviour expressly to said Thurton, which he did not. 

February, 1683. One Joseph Dow, and other jurymen, pass- 
ing by the governor's house, were invited in, and friendly receiv- 
ed. But on asking the question, whether they might not, when 
they were sworn (as before they had done) hold up their hands, 
instead of kissing the book, the governor fell into a rage, and ask- 
ed them how they came there. To whom Dow replied, " at 
your honor's invitation." That Mr. Cranfield complaining of this 
matter to the next court, as a riot, Dow was forced to give £ 100 
bond, for his appearance next sessions. When Dow appeared, 
nothing being alleged against him, he was discharged and his arms 
restored. But at a another session after, Dow was called again, 
on the same bond, and the penalty was estreated against him, and 
he forced to fly out of the province, with his wife and nine chil- 
dren, leaving his house and grounds, with the corn in the ground, 
to the governor. This, Mr. Vaughan and Mr. Weare can also 
prove. 

February 6, 1683-4. The governor again committed Mr. 
Vaughan, for want of security for his good behaviour. Upon 
which Mr. Vaughan lay in prison nine months. 

Peter Coffin swears, Februarj', 1683, That Vaughan demeaned 
himself civilly to the governor, and oflfered to give security to the 
peace, if the governor could give one instance wherein he had 
broken the law. But the governor, in great heat, charged him 
with having gone to Boston, with a mutinous petition to his maj- 
esty, and said he would make a good haul of it, and get £ 100 of 
every man that had signed that petition, and then ordered his com- 
mitment, as above. 

August 6, 1684. Mr. Vaughan petitioned the president Bare- 



APPENDIX. 495 

foote, and the rest of the justices, at the then quarter sessions, that 
he might be brought, by habeas corpus, to answer to what ihouid be 
objected, and so be either acquitted or condemned. 

August 5, 1684. Mr. Cranfield writes to that court, and in- 
stances many ciimes, in general, against Mr. Vaughan, as promot- 
ing tumultuous petitions, &;c., and then requires their binding 
him over to the next sessions ; and then concludes, not doubting 
of their care, that he \vholly left the determination of it to them, 
urging, that, if he denied the matter, he had evidence to prove it. 
The same day, the court continued him in custody accordingly. 

September 16, 1684. Mr. Barefoote and the other justices, w'hen 
the governor was present, committed Vaughan to Hampton prison, 
until he gave good security for his good behaviour, and for his ap- 
pearance next sessions, to answer misdemeanors to be objected 
agaiijsthim, on his majesty's behalf. 

October 18, 16S4. After two quarter sessions past, and noth- 
ing objected against Mr. Vaughan, when his majesty's letter came 
over on Mr. Weare's complaint, Mr. Vaughan was released by the 
governor's warrant, but to return to prison in two mouths. 

September 12. 35 Car. 2. Mr. Joshua Moodey being to take a 
journey out of the province, was forced to give a recognizance of 
JS200 to return in three weeks, if alive and well. 
To the seventh. 

December 22, 1683. The governor and council order sale of 
goods, taken on execution, to be sold by outcry, in 14 days. 

That they impose taxes on the inhabitants, to £500, without the 
general assembly. 

That the justices empowered the marshals, by warrant, to levy 
the same, on the constables' refusing. 

That the justices fined the constables for not collecting the rates 
— and that the marshals levied these taxes. 

October 22, 1683. The governor and comp. order, no vessels 
or sloops should come from any other colonies, unless licensed by 
him, which is, in effect, setting up a license office, whereby the 
governor got as follows — 

7 November, 1684. Daniel Gent, master of a sloop of Boston, 
swears, that he paid 2d per M., for 100,000 feet boards, landed at 
Broad Island, in governor Craufield's time, and never any thing 
before. 

8 November, 16S4. John Usher proves the same, paid for the 
like, though Mr. Cranfield had, by letter, promised ihey should go 
free. 

6 November, 1684. William Ardel proves the same, for the 
like. 

To the eighth. 

William Vaughan and John Pickering. — Prove that, in Februa-< 
ry, 1683, the secretary denied to swear their witnesses, or to at- 
tend the governor therein, or grant any summons for witnesses, 
to prove that the governor's secretary would not grant summons, 
to bring in witnesses, to be sworn, to make out Mr. Weare's com- 
plaint, nor swear any that came in without summons, unless hi^ 



496 APPENDIX. 

secretary might have the modelling of their evidence as he pleas- 
ed ; though his majesty had commanded aliidavits should be taken 
iudiftereutly. 

6 November, 1684. Tiionias Wiggin and Thomas GraflTort. — 
Prove the denial of swearing twenty-eight persons, in the matters 
in question. 

And Mr. Vaughan was committed the same day, as appears by 
commitment before, for desiring the same. 

11 December, 1684. John Foulsham and Nathaniel Bachiler. — 
Swear that, in July last, the governor said he would line all the 
petitioners £> 100 each, and that it should be the best toll that ever 
came to his mill. 

1 1 December, 1684. John Partridge and Nehemiah Partridge. — 
Swear that the secretary denied them copies of several records, 
the governor, in March, 1682-3, having ordered the contrary. 

Objection. James Sherlock, swears that, the 16th October, 
1684, Mr. Crantiold oftered Major Waldron to call a council and 
swear his evidences, before Weare went to England. 

Walter Barefoote, the same, and that the governor offered him 
what copies of records he desired. 

Answer. This is true, in fact, the offer was made, but when 
it was desired, Vaughan was committed. 

(Found among Weare's MSS.) 



JJ^o. 61. A brief of CranfieWs commission, and of the evidence^ in 
support of the complaint, and against it. 
[Not inserted in the former editions ] 
New-Hampshiie, in New-England. 

1. IX no. Maii, XXXIIIIto. Car. 2di. The king by letters 
patent, under the great seal of England, constitutes Edward Crau- 
field. Esquire, lieutenant-governor and commander in chief of all 
that part of New-Hampshire province, in New-Englaud, extend- 
ing from three miles norihwaid of all or any part of Merrimack 
river, unto the province of Maine. 

To execute all things belonging to his commission, as per in- 
structions therewith, or such further powers and instructions as, 
under his majesty's sign manual, shall be sent, and according to the 
reasonable laws in being there, and such other as shall be made 
and agreed on by him, with the advice and consent of the council 
&nd assembly there, as hereafter. 

2. Robert Mason, Richard Waldron, Thomas Daniel, William 
Vaughan, Richard Martyn, John Giliuan, Elias Stileman, Job 
Clements, Walter Barefoote, and Richard Chamberlain, Esquires, 
to be of his majesty's council there, and to assist in the govern- 
ment. 

Cranfield to take an oath for due execution of his office and 
trust, to be administered by any live of the said council ; and he 
to give the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and the test in the 
act for the prevention of dangers from popish recusants, and the 
oath for due execution of their places and trusts. 



APPENDIX. 497 

3. Power of suspending members in just cause, five to be a 
quorum. 

To certify vacancies by death, departure or suspension, that new 
may be appointed under his majesty's sign manual. 

Power to Cranfield, out of the principal free householders, to fill 
up the council, when less than seven on the place, and not more, 
till they confirmed, or others made under the sign manual. 

Suspended or displaced members, not to be of the general assemlly. 

4. Power to call assemblies of freeholders, with consent of the 
council, till further pleasure signified, which assemblies are to take 
the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, or be incapacitated. 

And the governor and assembly to make laws agreeable, as near 
as may be, to those of England, to be allowed or disallowed by 
liis majesty, under his sign manual. 

5. Governor to have a negative voice in mnking laws, with 
power to dissolve and prorogue general assemblies at pleasure — to 
use the public seal. 

Power to give the oath of allegiance by himself, or others, to 
whom he pleases. 

Power to himself to erect what courts he thinks necessary for 
law and equity in matters both civil and criminal. To make judg- 
es, justices of the peace, sherifls, and other necessary officers, and 
to administer necessary oaths to them. 

Power to pardon criminals, (except in treason and wilful mur- 
der,) and to reprieve therein also, until his majesty's pleasure be 
known ; and to remit fines, &c. 

6. Appeals to the king and his council, in all actions real and per- 
sonal, of above £50 value, and not under, the appellant giving good 
bail, to answer costs and charges, which shall be awarded by his 
majesty here, and execution not to be suspended by the appeal. 

In cases of life or limb (wilful murder excepted) the party con- 
vict to be either sent to England or his case ; and execution res- 
pited until orders therein returned by the king or his council. 

Power to levy men and transfer them from one plact to another 
in America. 

7. To execute the office of captain general, and martial law in 
time of war. The governor, with consent of the council, to erect 
forts, platforms, castles, cities, boroughs, towns, and fortifications, 
necessary, and the same to fortify or dismantle. Invasion to be 
repelled by force of arms. 

To discourage vice and encourage virtue. 

Liberty of conscience to all protestants, and those of the church 
of England to be principally encouraged. 

8. The present taxes to be continued until the general assembly 
fix others. Public money to be issued by the governor's warrant, 
with consent of the council, and to be used for support of the gov- 
ernment, and not otherwise. 

The governor to be vice-admiral of all the seas and coasts be- 
longing to his government, and to receive instructions therein from 
the D. of Y. lord high admiral there. 

G,5 



498 APPENDIX. 

Power to appoint fairs, marts, and markets, with advice of the 
council. 

The like for ports, harbors, havens, &c. for shipping, &c. and 
custom houses and officers for the same, and those to alter and 
diplace, following the rules of the acts of trade and navigation. 

9. All officers and inhabitants to be aiding to the governor in 
execution of the said powers. 

Power to appoint and displace a deputy governor ; who is to be 
of the council. 

The council to govern on the death of the governor, and in his 
absence when no deputy appointed. 

10. Recites that tlie land in New-Hampshire wns held and im- 
proved by several, under title from the Massachusetts, since 
evicted. 

And Mr. Robert Mason's claim thereto ; for prevention of whose 
being unreasonable in his demands, his majesty had obliged him 
under hand and seal, to demand nothing for the time past, until 
the 24th June, 1679, nor molest any for the time to come, but 
make them titles forever, paying 6d. per £ . for the true yearly 
value of all houses built, and of all lands, whether gardens, orch- 
ards, herbal or pasture, improved by them, which shall be bound- 
ed to them, provided Mason have the residue to make the best of, 

11. On non-agreement between the inhabitants and Mason, the 
governor to interpose, who, if he cannot end the differences be- 
tween them, is to transmit to England such cases, impartially sta- 
ted, vv'ilh his opinion and reasons on the same, that his majesty, 
his heirs and successors, with advice of the privy council, may 
hear and determine the same. 

The governor to hold his office and said powers, during his 
majesty's pleasure. The commission of 18 September, 1679, to 
be void, 

William Vaughan will depose, that at a court on Great-Island, 
6 Nov. 1683, Walter Barefoote, deputy-governor, Nathaniel Fry- 
er and H. Greene, judges, Robert Mason, plaintiff, W. Vaughan, 
R. Waidron, N. VVeare, and Eleanor Cutt, widow, defendants, 
concerning title of lands, judgment was given for the plaintiff, 
from which defendants appealed, and their appeals were admitted. 
And the 16lh following, Mr. Mason promised to attend at Mr. 
Vauohan's house, to take the security, where the appellants and 
security attended, but no Mr. Mason nor secretary. But appel- 
lants and security went and found out the secretary, to whom they 
tendered security, who said he had no orders t(> take it, and re- 
fused taking it, whereby the seizin and appeal lost. 

That in order for the trials for Mr. Mason's land ; 1. There is 
a standing jury kept from month to month. 2. That by report, 
those jurymen have agreed with JMason for their lands. 3. That 
several pleas have been refused, and the defendants told p. 
judges, they would not make record for them by entering their 
pleas. 4. That the courts refused reading the stat. 27 Eliz. c. 6, 
«ect. 2. Coke's Inst. lib. 2, cap. 12, p. 1.56, and other statutes. 



APPENDIX. 493 

17th Feb. 1682. The governor, Mr. Cranfield, by note affixt 
on the church doors, gave notice, that if the inhabitants of that 
province came not in within a month, to take leases from Mr. 
Mason, pursuant to his majesty's commission, he would certify 
the refusal to his majesty, that Mr. Mason might be discharged 
from his obligation to grant such. 

Signed, ED. CRANFIELD. 

4th Jan. 1683. Joshua Moodey will depose, that Gov. Cran- 
field, about December, 1682, shewed the deponent writings, under 
the hand and seal of Robert Mason, conveying his right to New- 
Hampshire Province to Mr. Cranfield. 

4th Jan. 1683. William Vaughan and Richard Waldron, jr. 
will depose the same. 

4th Jan. 1683. Reuben Hull will depose, that in December 
last, Mr. Cranfield said Mason had given him deeds for his prov- 
ince, which he had shewn to Mr. Vaughan and Mr. Waldron, and 
intended suing Mason at the next court for the same. 

William Fifield, jr., Richard Sanbourn, and Nathaniel San- 
bourn, will depose, that in October, 1683, being at J. Sanbourn, 
senior's, house, when Robert Mason, Sherlock, the marshal, and 
James Leach, came to give Mason possession : when Sanbourn 
not opening the door. Leach, per marshal's order, broke it open 
and gave Mason possession, and Sherlock took Sanbourn prisoner. 
When Mason openly told the people, " this is what you shall all 
come to." 

Thomas Wiggin swears, 13 April, 1683, that in iMarch last, he 
and Robert Mason and Robert Hall, being at Deputy-Governor 
Barefoote's house. Mason said he would seize Major Wahlron's, 
Joshua Moodey's, John Partridge's and Capt. Tippeu's lands, who 
should not have one foot iu the province, and that he wonld live 
in Andrew Wiggin's farm, being a good one. That the people 
had been in one rebellion, and he would force them into a second, 
and then hang them. That shortly there would be a frigate there 
with soldiers, whom he would quarter in the province, at the peo- 
ple's cost, and that then they v/ould rebel. That let Wadleigh go 
for England if he would, New-England had now no friend in the 
council or committee, but formerly they had the lord privy seal. 
That he and his two sons would fight any six there, for the prov- 
ince, at sharps. Sworn before 

WM. VAUGHAN, Just. Peace. 

IS April, 1683. Lieut. Robert Hall, justice of peace there, 
swears the same, before Justice Vaughan. 

14 April, 1683. Shadrach Walton swears, that about three 
weeks before, he heard Mason say, that he looked for a frigate 
■with soldiers, and would quarter ten at each liouse, till they eat 
up all the people's cattle and sheep, and beggar them, and that 
then he should see what they would do ; and upon inquiry of the 
reason why, said it was because they would not comply with him 
according to his majesty's order. Said he would speedily seize 
Major Waldron's, IVIr. Moodey's and J. Partridge's estates, and 
bade deponent tell Lieut. Nutter his estate was going after the 
rest Sworn before W. VAUGHAN. 



500 API^ENDIX. 

Agaiust U8. 

27 Sept. 1683. R. Mason, R. Chamberlain, and Joseph Rayne 
swear, that 25 Sept. 1683, in a trial between Mason and R. Wal- 
dron, the defendant excepted agaiust the whole jury, and openly 
told the people they were all concerned, that his would be a lead- 
ing case, and that they must all be Mason's tenants, and that they 
being all parties, could not be of the jury. That Barefoote being 
the judge there, would have committed him tor the words as mu- 
tinous. That the said Waldrou, in March, 1680, said they were 
not the more bound to believe the king's letter, because the king 
had writ it. 

Thomas Phiibrick speaks of some discourse between him and 
Henry Greene, Esq. about Henry Roby and Nathaniel Boulter, 
two standing jurymen's having had land from Mason, which was 
worth £, 100, above the 2d. per acre to be paid. Note. — H. 
Greene is one of the judges. 

Henry Dow can testify, that the 11th October, 1683, Henry 
Roby had land measured out to him of 100 acres upland and 
marsh, appointed him by Mason. And Nathaniel Boulter, senior, 
and his sons, had 20 acres, which he said was too little, in that 
Mason had promised him 30. And Robert Smith had a piece of 
marsh land, he claiming the same from Mason. That these 
grounds were part of the unfenced pasture, where the milch cows 
of Hampton inhabitants used to feed, the loss whereof is of great 
prejudice to the town. 

Ephraim Marston says the same. 

17 July, 1683. R. \Valdron, John Windiat and Thomas Rob- 
erts, certify, that upon the governor's summons of the 17th Feb. 
1682, above, within the time set, attended the governor, to know 
his pleasure therein, who bade them agree with Mason ; on dis- 
course with whom, in another room, the governor overhearing, 
came in, and told Col. Waldron that they should not hector so in 
his house, and bade them begone, that they propounded to Mason 
to refer the matter to the governor, or otherwise, that the govern- 
or should state the case to his majesty, according to the commis- 
sion ; which Mason refused, saying that unless they owned his ti- 
tle, he would have nothing to do with them. 

Richard Waldron, senior, fined £5, for mutinous words spoke 
at a trial, between him and Mason. And fined £10, for words 
spoken to the dishonor and contempt of his majesty, from which 
sentences he desired leave to appeal. 

Cert. p. RICH'D CHAMBERLAIN, Prothon. 

11 Sept. 1683. Warrant to James Sherlock, marshal, or depu- 
ty, to attach the goods, or for want thereof, the body of R. Wal- 
dron, and take bond, with sureties of £4000, for his appearance, 
in trespass for lands held and woods felled to £4000 value ad. s. 
R. Mason. Sept. 19, 1683. The warrant served on part of the 
defendant's goods, in the name of the whole. 6th Nov. 1683. — 
Judgment for the plaintiil", 10s. damages, and £5 8s. costs. The 
defendant appeals, which allowed, on £200 security before the 
16th, to pay the cost of the appeal, awd to prosecute it in six 
monthg. 23 Nov. 1683. Warrant for costs. 



APPENDIX. 501 

10 Dec. 1683. The governor and council commanded the min- 
isters there, to admit all persons, not scandalous, to the sacrament, 
and their children to baptism. That if any desire the sacramaut 
or bi^ptisra, according to the liturgy of England,- that it be done, 
pursuant to the laws of England and his majesty's command to the 
Massachusetts. Ministers refusing, being duly required, to incur 
the penalty of the state, and the inhabitants freed from paying 
tithes or other duties to such minister. And the governor ordered 
Joshua Moodey, minister of Portsmouth, personally to read that 
order at his meeting-house, the next Lord's day. 

4 Dec. 1683. The governor and council ordered all the minis- 
ters in New-Hampshire, to attend the Monday following, to give 
their reasons why they did not administer the sacraments accord- 
ing to his majesty's letters sent the Massachusetts, and the statute 
in that case. 

15 Jan. 1683-4. James Sherlock gives Moodey notice, in wri- 
ting, that Cranfield, Barefoote, Chamberlain and Hincks, would 
receive the sacrament, according to the liturgy of the church of 
England, the next Sunday. 

April, 33tio. car. 2di. 1681. By indenture between Robert Mason 
and Richard Rich, Mason, in consideration of 20s. bargains, sells, 
enfeoffs, &c. to Rich and his heirs, an house and orchard at Do- 
ver, a field of 8 acres, 2 acres on the common, another field of 3 
acres and a half, and 6 acres. Land at Hilton's point of 20 acres, 
3 acres marsh land, 10 acres upland, leaving high\vays, with lib- 
erty of feeding cattle and cutting necessary woods, excepting mines 
and minerals, and pine trees of 24 inches and more diameter. — 
Habend. to Rich and his heirs as parcel of Dover manor, reddend 
25s. per annum, with a clause of distress. C(»venant for the gran- 
tees building two houses, in two years, at Hilton's point and to 
pa)'' 2s. per annum rent, for each, to Mason and his heirs. Cove- 
nant for quiet enjoyment under the said rents, and against incum- 
brances. Covenant for the grantees payment of said rents, and 
preservation of the boundaries. The grantee, &c. at every ten 
years to deliver engrost terrars of the premises. 

ROB'T MASON. 

24 May, 1681. Robert Mason, by writing, made Nicholas 
Shapleigh his attorney, with power to make deeds to the inhabit- 
ants for the lands they now possess, and what other they had oc- 
casion for, which he obliged himself and heirs to ratify. Gave 
notice he would return from England the next spring, and by his 
majesty's grace ease them of the beavv taxes then imposed. 

ROB'T MASON. 
7 Jan. 1683-4. Richard Waldron, William Furber, senior,- 
and Henry Langstaif,* offer to depose, that the 20 acres on Hil-- 

* [In Rev. Mr. Pike's MS. Journal, I find the following note on this per- 
son, who was at Pascataqua as early as 1631. " July 18, 1705. Mr. Henry 
Lan^star, of Blood3'-point, deceased, after ten days sickness, occasioned by a 
fall into his Leanto, four stairs hijrh, whereby bein-j greviously bruised, it 
brought an inflammation upon him. He was above 100 years old, hale, 
strong, hearty man, and might have lived many years longer, if, »i.c."J 



502 APPENDIX. 

ton's point, granted by deed above, of the 29 April, 1681, with 
some other lands therein, were feneed in for pasture 50 years ago, 
aud so held by the people of Dover ever since. 

(Found among VVeare's MSS.) 



No. 52. Report of the Lords of Trade against Craiifield, and the 
Kingh order. 

At the court at Whitehall, the 8th of April, 1C85, 
By the king's most excellent majesty, and the lords of his majes- 
ty's most honorable privy council. 

Upon reading a report from the right honorable the lords of the 
committee of trade and plantations, iu the words following : 
May it please your majesty, — 

Having received an order in council, dated the 11th day of July 
last, upon the petition and complaint of Nathaniel Weare, inhabitant 
of your majesty's province of New-Hampshire, in New-England, in 
the behalf of himself and others, your majesty's subjects and plan- 
ters there, against Edward Cranfield, ICstj., your majesty's govern- 
or of that province, whereby we were directed to report our opin- 
ions upon the said complaint. We did accordingly transmit a 
copy thereof to the said Edward Cranfield, aud upon receiving his 
answer, and hearing what the complainants could allege and 
make out against him, — We find that the said Edward Cranfield 
has not pursued his instructions, in reference to the propriety of 
soil which Robert Mason, Esq., claims in that province, inasmuch 
as the said Edward Cranfield, by his instructions, is directed, that 
in case the inhabitants of New-Hampshire should refuse to agree 
with the said Mason, he should interpose aud endeavor to recon- 
cile all difl'erences, which, if he could not bring to effect, he was 
then to send into England such cases, fairly and impartially stated, 
together with his opinion, for your majesty's determination ; 
whereas, instead thereof, he has caused courts to be held in New- 
Hampshire, and permitted titles of land to be decided there, and 
unreasonable costs to be allowed, without first representing the 
particular cases to your majesty. As to the complaint of his hav- 
ing raised the value of coins, against the laws of the assembly 
there, we are most humbly of opinion, that although it be your 
majesty's undoubted prerogative to set and determine the price 
and value of coins, within your dominions, yet your majesty's gov- 
ernor ought not to have made any alterations therein, without 
having received your majesty's special directions ; all which we 
humbly propose may be signified to him, by your majesty's order, 
and that the differences depending between the said Robert Mason 
and planters, in that part of New-Hampshire, may be at length de- 
cided. We further offer, that William Vaughan, one of the com- 
plainants attending this board, may have opportunity allowed him 
of appealing to your majesty, within a fortnight, from all verdicts 
and judgments given in New-Hampshire, in his private case, upon 



APPENDIX. 503 

hearing whereof, and by the relation it has with others, your maj- 
esty will be best able to judge of the right and title of the said 
Robert Mason, to that part of the province of New-Hampshire 
aforesaid, and npon bringing the said appeal, that alt proceedings 
at law, relating to the said title, may forthwith cease, until your 
majesty's further pleasure be known. 

All which is nevertheless most humbly submitted. 

Kochester, Arlington, 

Halifax, P. Oxford, 

Clarendon, C. P. S. Chesterfield. 

Beaufort, 
Council chamber, 27 March, 1685. 

His majesty in council was graciously pleased to approve of the 
said report, and to order that his majesty's pleasure therein be sig- 
nified to Mr. Cranfield accordingly. It was also ordered, that Mr. 
William Vaughan be allowed to appeal to his majesty, within a 
fortnight, from all verdicts and judgments given in his private 
case, in New-Hampshire, according to the said report. 

A true copy, Wm. Bridgeman. 



No. 53. The King^s Order for hearing Vanghan's Appeal. 

[Not inserted in the former editions.] 

At the court at Whitehall, the 29th of April, 1685. Present — the 
king's most excellent majesty in council. 
Upon the petition of William Vaughan and Nathaniel Weare, 
of New-Hampshire, in New-England, setting forth among other 
things, that in obedience to a late order of council, the petitioner, 
William Vaughan, hath appealed against several verdicts and 
judgments, one fine and one decree, given, entered up, imposed 
and ordered against him, in New-Hampshire, as in the petition is 
at large set forth, it is this day ordered, that copies of the said pe- 
tition and appeal be sent to the right honorable the lords of the 
committee for trade and plantations, who are to examine the alle- 
gations thereof, and to report to this board how they find the same, 
together with their lordship's opinion thereupon. 

PHIL. MUSGRAVE. 

(The two preceding papers, are in the hands of the Hon. President Weare.) 



No. 54. Letter from the Lords of Trade to Cranfield. 
After our hearty commendations unto you, we have, in obedience 
to his majesty's commands, received and examined your answer to 
the complaint of Nathaniel Weare, inhabitant of his said province 
of New-Hampshire, in behalf of himself, and others of his majes- 
ty's subjects and planters there, and having likewise heard what 
the said Weare could bring in evidence of the said complaints, 
and thereupon reported our opinions to his majesty, we are com- 
manded hereby to signify unto you, that you have not pursued your 



504 APPENDIX. 

instructions in reference to the propriety of the soil which Robert 
Mason, Esquire, claims in the province of New-Harapshire, inas- 
much as you were directed, that, in case the inhabitants of New- 
Hampshire should refuse to agree with the said Mason, you should 
interpose, and endeavor to reconcile all differences, which, if you 
could not bring to effect, you were then to send to his majesty such 
cases, fairly and impartially stated, together with your opinion for 
his majesty's determination ; instead whereof, you have caused 
courts to be held in New-Hampshire, and permitted titles of land 
to be decided there, and unreasonable costs to be allowed, without 
first representing the particular cases to his majesty. And yet, 
although it be his majesty's undoubted prerogative, to set and de- 
termine the price and value of coin, within his majesty's dominions, 
you have not done well in directing any alterations therein, without 
his majesty's special order. In both which, you have been want- 
ing in your duty to his majesty. But, that the chief occasion of 
dispute in that province may be removed, we are farther directed 
to acquaint you, that, as to the differences depending between the 
said Robert Mason and the planters, his majesty hath been 
graciously pleased, by his order in council, dated the 8th of this 
instant, April, to permit William Vaughan, one of the complain- 
ants, attending this board, to appeal to his majesty within a fort- 
night from the date of the said order, from all the verdicts and 
judgments given in New-Hampshire, in his private case, upon 
hearing whereof, and by the relation it has with others, his maj- 
esty will be best able to judge of the right and title of the said 
Robert Mason, to that part of the province of New-Hampshire. 
And his majesty doth likewise think fit, that, upon bringing the 
said appeal, by the said William Vaughan, all proceedings at law, 
relating to the said title, do forthwith cease, until his majesty's 
pleasure be known. Whereof you are to take notice, and to govern 
yourself accordingly. And so we bid you very heartily farewell. 
J'rom the council chamber, at Whitehall, the 29th day of Apiil, 1685. 
Your loving friends, 
(Signed) W. Cant. Bridgwater, 

Guilford, C. S. Chesterfield, 

Rochester, Sunderland, 

Halifax, P. Craven, 

Clarendon, C P. S. Alesbury, 
Beaufort, Middleton, 

Lindshy, Godolphin, 

Arlington, J. Ernie, 

Hunington, Geo. Jaffrey. 

:Directed to our loving friend, Edw. Cranfield, Esq., 
lieutenant-governor and commander in chief of 
bis majesty's province of New-Hampshire, in 
New-England. 



APPENDIX. ' 506 

No. 55. Letter fiom the same to the same, respecting Vaughan^a 

Appeal. 
After our hearty commendation : His majesty hath received 
the petition and appeal of William Vaughau, inhabitant of New- 
Hampshire, from several verdicts and judgments given against him 
in that province, which being referred to us by his majesty's order 
in council of the 29lh of April last, that we should examine the 
allegations thereof, and make report of the same, with our opinion 
thereupon, we have accordingly appointed to hear all parties con- 
cerned in the several cases therein contained, on the first Tuesday, 
after midsummer day, which shall be in the year 1686. To which 
end, we herewith send you a copy of the said petition and appeal, 
which you are to communicate unto Robert Mason, Esq., and to 
all others whom it may concern, who are to take notice thereof, 
and to give their attendance at that time either by themselves or 
by their agents sufliciently empowered by them, to answer the 
said appeal, and to submit to such judgment hereupon as bis maj- 
esty in council shall be thought fit. And you are likewise to perr 
mit all persons to have free access to, and take copies of all re- 
cords within that province relating to the matters in dispute, and 
to depose upon oath what they know concerning the same, which 
depositions are to be taken in writing by any of the members of 
the council or justices of the peace in that province, without any 
hindrance or discouragement whatsoever, in order to be transmit- 
ted unto us, for the clearing of truth in that appeal. And so we 
bid you heartily farewell. From the council chamber in Whiter 
hall, the 22d day of May 1685. Your loving friends, 

Guilford, C. S. Rochester, 

Halifax, Pr. Clarendon, C. P. S. 

Ormoud, Sunderland. 

Lieut. Governor of New-Hampshire, or 
Commander in Chief for the time being. 
(The two preceding papers are in the possession of John Penhallow, Esq.) 



No. 56. Copy oj the Petition of the Inhabitants against Masot. 

To the king's most excellent majesty. 

The humble petition and address of your majesty's dutiful and 

loyal subjects, inhabiting in the province of New-Hampshire, 

in New-England. [1685.] 
Most humbly sheweth, — 

That your majesty's loyal subjects of this province, had for more 
than fifty years been peaceably possessed of the lands lately chal- 
lenged by Mr. Mason, and having found the same an utter desert 
and forest land, with excessive cost and hard labor, reduced the 
same to a tolerable support of ourselves and families, and lately 
maintained the same, with a vast expense of our estates and lives, 
against the incursions of a barbarous enemy, who had otherwise 
reduced the same to utter confusion, 
66 



50G APPEiNDIX. 

That upon his late majesty's declaration and order for the set- 
tlement and government of this province, we accounted ourselves 
happy for that therein we were by his said majesty's princely 
grace and favor, saved from the unreasonable demands which Mr. 
Mason might have made upon us, by the limitations in the 
commission for government, wherein it was provided that the said 
president or governor, for the time being, should use all methods 
by his good advice, to settle and quiet the people, in the matter of 
Mr. Mason's title, or otherwise impartially to state the case, and 
report tlie same to his majesty, that a final determination might 
thereupon have been made, by his majesty in council, which if it 
had been duly attended, had, we doubt not, long since, by your 
majesty's justice and favor, put us into a happy estate of quiet and 
repose. 

That, notwithstanding his said majesty's command and limita- 
tion, the said Mr. Mason hath been allowed to pursue many of 
the inhabitants, in several suits and actions, wherein the govern- 
ment have taken to themselves power of an absolute judgment, 
without any regard had to the said commands and limitations, and 
with that excess and rigor as to assign the said Mr. jMason some- 
times ten pounds, other times twenty pounds costs, when damages 
have been sometimes not above two .shillings, veiy seldom ten, 
according to the orders and limitations abovesaid. 

That the said Mr. Mason, beyond and beside the said quit rents, 
and directly against his majesty's order in the said commission, 
wherein the tenure of improved lands isassured to the ter-tenanls, 
upon payment of the said quit rent, or otherwise, as his majesty 
in council should determine, hath disposed or given away the fee, 
to several persons, of several lands, which were, long before his 
challenge, fenced and improved by others, to the great damage and 
injury of his majesty's good subjects, beside many other irregular- 
ities in the management of the government, to the great oppression 
and destruction of trade within your majesty's province, and the 
utter impoverishing thereof. 

That for the last two years and up»vard, during the whole man- 
agement of Mr. Mason's suits at law, against your majesty's sub- 
jects, there hath been generally one jury returned to serve all the 
said issues, with little alterations, and almost constantly one fore- 
man, (who for that end we are apt to fear) was early complied 
with by Mr. Mason for all the lands in his own possession former- 
ly, with addition of several other lands to his own profit. 

That notwithstanding your majesty's late gracious order, and in- 
hibiting of any further procedure in the case of Mr. Mason's title, 
until the cause were brought before your majesty in council, Mr. 
Walter Barefoote, who was left deputy governor, hath since the 
arrival of your majesty's commands, permitted executions to be 
extended, and persons thereupon imprisoned, in causes concern- 
ing the said Mason's title, with excessive and unreasonable costs 
and damages. 

And lastly, whereas your majesty hath, upon complaint made 
against the irregular proceedings done and suffered, been gracious- 



APPENDIX. 507 

ly pleased to permit Mr. William Vaughan, one of the principal 
inhabitants and merchants in this province, to take his appeal to 
your majesty in council for relief, against several oppressive judg- 
ments, one whereof refers to the title of his lands within this 
province, holdeu in the same form with the rest of his majesty's 
good subjects here, we do, with all humble gratitude, acknowl- 
edge your majesty's justice and favor herein, and for that the pur- 
suance and issue of the said appeal, will therefore necessarily af- 
fect the whole province and be introductory to the determination 
of all Mr. Mason's challenge, we have judged it our duty in most 
humble manner, to prostrate ourselves at your majesty's feet, and 
have therefore betrusted and fully inipowered Mr. Nathaniel Weare, 
one of the inhabitants of this your majesty's province, our agent, 
to lay before your majesty and most honorable privy council, the 
common case and condition of your majesty's poor and distressed 
subjects in this province, who is fully instructed humbly to repre- 
sent the same, and the arbitrary and severe oppressions we have 
labored under, from which we are w-el! assured of relief by your 
majesty's most just and gracious determination, and to make an 
humble and entire submission of ourselves, unto your majesty's 
pleasure, most humbly beseeching, that we may henceforward 
have our perfect and immediate dependence upon your majesty and 
the crown of England, as w^ell in the tenure of our lands as in the 
affairs of government, which gracious influence of your majesty is 
only able to revive and restore this province to its former flourish- 
ing estate and growth, whereby we may at length be made service- 
able to your most sacred majesty and the crown, which we are 
devoted to serve, resolving therein to be exemplary to all other 
your majesty's subjects in the territory of New-England, and for 
■which we shall every pray, &c. 

(This paper is in the hands of tlie Hon. President Weare.) 



No. 57. Copij of the Decision of King James II. against William 

Vaughan. 
At the court at Whitehall, the 19th of November, 1686. 

(L. S.) Present — The king's most excellent majesty. 
Lord Chancellor, Earl of Plymouth, 

Lord Treasurer, Earl of Morray, 

Lord President, Earl of Middleton, 

Duke of Ormond, Earl of Melford, 

Duke of Albemarle, Earl of Tyrconnel, 

Duke of Beaufort, Viscount Stauronberg, 

Lord Chamberlain, Viscount Preston, 

Earl of Oxford, Lord Bishop of Durham, 

Earl of Huntington, Lord Arundel of Wardour, 

Earl of Peterborough, Lord Dartmouth, 

Earl of Craven, Lord Dover, 

Earl of Powis, Mr.Chancellorofthc excheq'r, 

Earl of Nottingham, Mr. Chancellor of the Dutchy. 



508 APPENDIX. 

Upon reading this day at the board, a report from the honorable 
the lords of the committee of conncil for trade and foreign planta- 
tions, bearing date the 6th day of November instant, setting forth, 
that in obedience tn his majesty's orders in council, of the 25th of 
April, 16S5, and the 3d of July last, they have examined the ap- 
peal of William Vaughan, from a verdict and judgment given 
against him, on the 6th day of November, 1683, in his majesty's 
courts in New-Hampshire, in New-England, at the suit of Robert 
Mason, Esq., as proprietor of that province, for certain lands and 
tenements in Portsmouth, in the said province, and that they hav- 
ing heard the said Robert Mason, and Nathaniel Weare, attorney 
for the appellant, and liis counsel learned in the law, are humbly 
of opinion tliat his majesty be pleased to ratify and affirm the ver- 
dict and judgment aforesaid. 

His majesty in council was pleased to approve of their lorships' 
said opinion and report, and to order the said verdict and judgment 
given against the said William Vaughan, on the sixth day of Nov- 
ember, 1683, in his majesty's courts in New-Hampshire, in New- 
England, at the suit of Robert Mason, Esq. as proprietor of that 
province, for certain lands and tenements, in Portsmouth, in said 
province, be ratified and affirmed, and thav are hereby ratified and 
affirmed accordingly. WM. BRIDGEMAN. 

Vera copia, per RICHARD PARTRIDGE, Clerk. 
Copy as on file in the case, Allen vs. Waldron, 

Exam, per GEO. JAFFREY, CI. 



No. 58. Four letters or petitiovs from John Hogkins, commonly 
called HawkinSj one of the sachems oj the Penaccok Indians. 

May 15th, 1685. 
Honor governor my friend, — You my friend I desire your wor- 
ship and your power, because I hope you can do som great mat- 
ters this one. I am poor and naked and I have no men at my 
place because I afraid allwayes Mohogs he will kill me every day 
and night. If your worship when please pray help me you no let 
Mohogs kill me at my place at Malamake river called Panukkog 
and Nattukkog, I will submit your worship and your power. — 
And now I want pouder and such alminishon, shaft and guns, be- 
cause I have forth at my horn and I plant theare. 

This all Indian hand, but pray you do consider your 

humble servant, JOHN HOGKLNS. 

Simon Detogkom, Peter 3 Robin, 

Joseph X Traske, Mr. Jorge xRodunnonukgus, 

King j; Hary, Mr. Hope h Floth, 

Sam ]; Linis, John x Toneh, 

Wapeguanatj^Saguachuwashat, John a Cauowa, 
Old Robin ];, John x Owamosimmin, 

•Mamanosgues g Andra, Natonill t Indian. 



APl'ENDlJt. 509 

Another from the same* 

May 15, 16S5. 
Honor Mr. Governor, — Now tliis day I com your house, I 
want se you, and I bring ray hand at before yovi I want sljake 
hand to you if your worship when please then you receive my 
hand then shal^e your hand and my hand. You my friend be- 
cause I remember at old time when live my grant father and grant 
mother then Englishmen com this country, then my grant father 
and Englishmen they make a good govenant, they friend allvvayes, 
my grant father leving at place called Malamake rever, other name 
chef Natukkog and Panukkog, that one rcver great many names, 
and I bring yon this few skins at this first time I will give you my 
friend. This all Indian hand. 

[The rest as before.] JOHN x: HAWKINS, Sagamor. 

Another from the same. 
Please your worship, — I will intreat you matther you my friend, 
now this if my Indian he do you long jiray you no put your law 

because som my Indians fooll, som men much love drunk then 
he no know what he do, may be he do mischlf when he drunk if 
so pray you must let me know what he done because I will ponis 
him what he have done, you, you my friend if you desire my 
business, then sent me I will help you if I can. 

Mr. JOHN HOGKINS. 
Another from the same. 
Mr. Mason, — Pray I want speake you a few words if your wor- 
ship when please, because I com parfas [on purpose] I will speake 
this governor b\it he go av.ay so he say at last night, and so far I 
understand this governor his power that your power now, so he 
speake his own mouth. Pray if you take what I want pray com 
to me because I want go horn at this day. 

Your humble servant. 
May 16, 1685. JOHN HOGKINS, Indian sogmou. 

(From the originals ia the Recorder's office.) 



No. 59. Letter frovi Capt. Francis Hooke, advising of danger from 

the Indians. 
Capt. Barefoot, Sir, 

This is to informe you that just now there cam to me a post, 
wherein I am fully informed that there is just ground to feare that 
the heathen have a souden desyne against us ; they havinge lately 
about Sacoe afTronted our English inhabitants thereby threatening 
of them, as alsoe by killinge theyre doggs ; but more pertickular- 
ly in that on Friday, Saturday, and Lord's day last they have 
gathered all theyre corne, and are removed both pack and pack- 
idge. A vvord to the wise is enough. The old proverb is, fore- 
warned, forearmed. Myself and rest in commission with us are 
fourthwith settinge ourselves in a posture, and tomorrow our 
counsell meet for to consider vhat is needful to be done. Not 
els, beinge in groat hast, butt remayn. Sir, your obliged servant, 

Kittery, 13 Aug. 1686. FRANCIS HOOKE. 



510 APPENDIX. 

No. GO. Rej)0)i of persons sent to inquire into the above matter. 

[No date or signature.] 

To the Honoriible Walter Barefoote, Esq. and the couucil of 

Great-Island. 

Gentlemen, — According to your command and order to me, 
hearing date the ??d instant, I have to the utmost of my power ob- 
served every particular. Upon our arrival there, on Friday night, 
they were all very courteous to us, and in the morning my orders 
were read, which was very kindly received by them, and the 
reasons why they deserted the places Avhere they usually abode 
among the English was ; — 

1. That four Indians came from fort Albany to the fort at Pen- 
acook, and informed them that all the Mohawks did declare they 
would kill all Indians from Uncas at mount Hope to the eastward 
as far as Pegypscot. 

2. The reason of Natombamat, sagamore of Saco, departed his 
place was, because the same news was brought there, as himself 
declared, upoi; reading my orders at Penacook. 

3. Natombamat, sagamore of Saco, is gone to carry the Indians 
down to the same place, where they were before departed from 
us, on Sunday morning, and desired Capt. Hooke to meet him at 
Saco five days after. 

4. Both sagamores of Penacook, viz. Wonalauset and Mesan- 
dowit, the latter of which is come down, did then declare they 
had no intention of war, neither indeed are they in any posture 
for w ar, being about 24 men, besides squaws and papooses. 

5. Asking the reason why they did not come among the En- 
glish as formerly, they answered they thought if the Mohawks 
came and fought them, and they should fly for succor to the Eng- 
lish, that then the Mohawks would kill all the English for har- 
boring them. 



No. 61. Articles of Peace with the Indians inhabiting New-Hamp- 
shire and Maine. 

Articles of peace agreed upon the eighth day of September, in the 
year of our Lord, 1685, between the subjects of his majesty, 
king James the second, inhabiting the provinces of New-Hamp- 
shire and Maine, and the Indians inhabiting the said provinces. 
It is agreed there shall be for the future, a lasting peace, friend- 
ship and kindness, between the English and the Indians, and that 
no injury shall be oftered by the one to the other. 

That if any Englishman doth any injury to an Indian, upon 
complaint made to any justice of peace, the Englishman shall 
be punished, and the Indian shall have present satisfaction made 
him. And if any Indian doth an injury to the English, or threat- 
en to do any injury, the sagamore to whom that Indian doth be- 
long, shall punish him in presence of one of the king's justices of 
the peace. 

That if any other Indian shall design any mischief or harm to 



APPENDIX. 511 

the English, the Indians inhahitin<i; the aforesaid provinces shall 
give present notice thereof to the English, and shall assist the 

English. 

That so long as the aforesaid Indians shall continue in friend- 
ship with the English, they shall be protected against the Mo- 
hawks, or any others, and may freely and peaceably set down by 
the English near any their plantations. 

Robert Mason, Walter Barefoote, 

Robert Elliot, Henry Green, 

John Davis, Francis Hooke. 

The mark of f Mesandowit. 
The mai'k k of Wahowah, alias Hopehood. 
The mark td of Tecamorisick, alias Josias. 
The mark co of John Nomony, alias Upsawah. 
The mark VV of Umbesnowah, alias Robin. 
We whose names are hereunto w-ritten, do freely consent and 
engage to comply and perform tlie within written articles, as our 
neighbors have done, and do further engage as followeth : 

Lastly, That the Indians shall not at any time hereafter remove 
from any of the English plantations, with their wives and chil- 
dren, before they have given fair and timely notice thereof, unto 
the English, from whence they do so remove ; and in case the 
said Indians shall remove with their wives and children, vfithout 
such fair and timely notice given to the English, that then it shall 
be taken pro confesso that the Indians do intend and design war 
with the English, and do thereby declare that the peace is broken ; 
and it shall and may be lawful to and for the English, or any on 
their behalfs, to apprehend the said Indians, with their wives and 
children, and to use acts of hostility against them, until the saga- 
mores shall make full satisfaction for all charge and damage that 
may arise thereby. John Davis, 

Francis Hooke. 
The mark of Netambomet, sagam. of Saco. 
The mark x of Wahowah, alias Hopehood. 
The mark ) of Ned Higgon. 
The mark Q of Newcome. 
Kancamagus, alias John Hawkins, sagamore, signed this 

instrument, 19 7ber, 1685, his G mark. 
Bagesson, alias Joseph Traske, his mark. 
And agreed to all within written. 

Testis, JOSEPH RAYN. 

No. 62. Petition of William Houchins for aid to obtain a cure of the 

Kingh Evil. 
Portsmouth, the 7th of Sept. 1687. 
To the much houred cort now sitting in said Portsmouth, for the 

prouince of Newhampshir, 
The humbel petishon of William Houchins, on of his magesty 
subgicts belonging to said prouinc, humbly seweth for aduie, 
ade and releff in his deplorabell estat and condition. 
That whereas it has plesed God to lay his hand uppon him, and 



51:2 APPENDIX. 

that liee is in snch a coiulition not being abell to help him Belli', as 
to the geting a lining or proquering help or remedy lor my distem- 
per, being low in the world, and hauing useed all the mones and 
aduic posabell for neie line years past ; hauing bin iulormed by 
som that it is a distemper caled the Idng''s eucll,* so can not be 
qurced but by his magesty. Hauing littell or nothing in this 
world, if my lift'should go for it am not abell to trancsport my seliF 
for England to his magesty for releff; tharefi'or humbly and hartly 
beg the help, ade and asistanc of this honred cort, that thay would 
so far commiserat my deploraboU condition as order som way eth- 
er by breff or any other way that youer honors shall think most 
meet to moue the harts of all cristen people with compation tobe- 
sto somthing uppon mee, to trancsport mee for England, whar, 
God willing, I intend forth with to goo iff posabell, but M'ithout 
help not posabell. This humbly leuing my sellf in the sad condi- 
tion I am in, trusting in God and youer honors for help and aduice, 
subscrib youer por deplorabell saruant, 

WILLEAM IIOUCHINS. 



No. 63. A letter from Secretary Addington to Major Waldronj ap- 
jirizlng him of his danger from the Indians. 

Boston, 27 June, 1689. 
Honorable Sir, — The governor and council having this day re- 
ceived a letter from Major Hinchman, of Chelmsford, that some 
Indians are come into them, who report that there is a gathering 
of some Indians in or about Penacook, with design of mischief to 
the English. Among the said Indians, one Hawkins rs said to be 
a piincipal designer, and that they have a particular design against 
yourself and Mr. Peter Coflin, which the council thought it neces- 
sary presently to despatch advice thereof to give you notice, that 
you take care of your own safeguard, they intending to endeavor 
to betray you on a pretension of trade. 

Please forthwith to signify the import hereof to INIr. Coffin and 
others, as you shall think necessary, and advise of what informa- 
tions you may at any time receive of the Indians' motions. 

By order in council, ISA. ADDINGTON, Seo'y 

For Major Richard Waldrcn and Mr. Peter Coffin, or either of 
them, at Cocheco; these with all possible speed. 

* This petition is inserted merely as a curiosity. It was a received opin- 
ion in that day that the distemper called the king's evil could be cured only 
by tlie royal toucli. The following advertisement taken from an old London 
Gazette, is of the same nature. 

" These are to give notice, that the weather growing warme, his majesty 
will not touch anj' more for the evil till towards Michaelmass. And his 
majesty's chirurgeons desire, to prevent liis majesty being defrauded, that 
greater care be talten for tlie future in registring certificates given to si^ch as 
pome to be touched." London Gazette, Alay 2!), IGS'2. 



END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. 



V;'^ 



